Fifth Session, 42nd Parliament (2024)

OFFICIAL REPORT
OF DEBATES

(HANSARD)

Monday, May 13, 2024

Afternoon Sitting

Issue No. 436

ISSN 1499-2175

The HTML transcript is provided for informational purposes only.
The PDF transcript remains the official digital version.


CONTENTS

Routine Business

Introductions by Members

Personal Statements

S. Robinson

Introductions by Members

Statements

Hon. D. Eby

Introductions by Members

Introduction and First Reading of Bills

K. Chen

Hon. R. Kahlon

Hon. A. Dix

L. Doerkson

T. Stone

A. Olsen

Statements (Standing Order 25B)

B. D’Eith

M. Morris

K. Paddon

J. Tegart

D. Routley

T. Stone

Oral Questions

K. Falcon

Hon. D. Eby

Hon. A. Dix

M. de Jong

Hon. N. Sharma

S. Furstenau

Hon. G. Heyman

J. Rustad

Hon. D. Eby

M. Bernier

C. Oakes

Hon. A. Mercier

P. Milobar

Petitions

Hon. K. Conroy

Orders of the Day

Committee of the Whole House

M. de Jong

Hon. N. Sharma

S. Furstenau

P. Milobar

Proceedings in the Douglas Fir Room

Committee of the Whole House

M. Lee

Hon. M. Rankin

Proceedings in the Birch Room

Committee of Supply

E. Sturko

Hon. M. Farnworth

M. Morris

T. Halford

A. Walker


MONDAY, MAY 13, 2024

The House met at 1:33 p.m.

[The Speaker in the chair.]

Routine Business

Introductions by Members

Hon. H. Bains: I notice up in the gallery one very old-time friend, who has been a community activist, Mr. Harkirat Singh. He does a lot of government interpretation.

Please join with me and give him a warm welcome.

Hon. P. Alexis: This afternoon my son and his girlfriend, Alexi and Victoria, have arrived. Not to be undone by his older sister, he decided to come too, because she came last week.

I just want to say how much I appreciate my kids and, in particular, my son, who waits every Thursday night for me to arrive, just around ten o’clock, back home. He brings my luggage and my briefcase in and makes sure everything is settled before he goes to bed and gets up for work early in the morning.

I want to say I’m very grateful for all of that support. It is, indeed, the little things that matter in life.

L. Doerkson: It’s indeed a pleasure to introduce the Vigh family here this afternoon, who you’ve just had the pleasure of meeting, Mr. Speaker. James, Amber, Cadence and Daxton are visiting the precinct today. They are visiting from 100 Mile House.

This family has done incredible work in honour of their son, raising tens of thousands of dollars in the good name of air quality. Tomorrow they will be introducing those air quality monitors, with the help of the B.C. Lung Foundation, in 100 Mile House.

Would the House please welcome the four of these incredible people here today.

[1:35 p.m.]

R. Merrifield: I actually have two different introductions today, so I’ll try and be as brief as possible.

Joining us in the gallery is our candidate for Kelowna–​Lake Country–Coldstream, Pavneet Singh and his family.

Pavneet came to Canada in 2003, but he immediately started to achieve the Canadian dream through hard work and tenacity. He worked as a dishwasher and a pizza delivery driver to start, but now owns 17 franchises. Whether during pandemics or fires, the community of Kelowna has definitely come to learn that we can count on Pav and all of his generosity.

He is joined today by his dad and mom, Pritpal Bhatia and Harshan Bhatia; his amazing wife, Guneet Bhatia; and his kids — his daughter, Sejal Bhatia, and his son, Ashbir Bhatia.

Would the House please join me in welcoming them today.

It is also my honour to introduce two of the most remarkable individuals who play a crucial role in serving the community of Kelowna: my constituency assistants Jody Cleland and Sonia Sandhu, who are here today visiting from Kelowna.

Jody brings a wealth of experience and dedication to our team, with a strong background in community outreach and public service. Her commitment to assisting our constituents and addressing their concerns is truly commendable, in addition to managing our office with excellence. Her ability to connect with people and her unwavering support for our community make her an invaluable asset to our office.

Sonia has also shown exceptional organizational skills and a growing understanding of the legislative process. Sonia has taken on our events coordination and community impact, in addition to helping Jody with all of the casework. Her enthusiasm and passion for making a positive impact in our community are nothing less than inspiring.

Together Jody and Sonia are the dream team of Kelowna-Mission.

Please join me in welcoming and acknowledging Jody Cleland and Sonia Sandhu in the House today.

I. Paton: Today I have the honour of welcoming a very well-known Tsawwassen resident, a Rotarian named Murray Pratt. He’s here with his friend Jennifer Zakaib. They are here today on their e-bikes.

Murray actually owns his own bicycle shop in Tsaw­wassen. He rents and sells e-bikes. They caught the eight o’clock ferry this morning from Tsawwassen and rode their e-bikes all the way here, which is a little bit cheating when you just have to hit that button and away you go.

Welcome two Tsawwassen residents today.

T. Wat: In the gallery today, I’m pleased to introduce a passionate young man, Rich Gao. He is a professional educator, provides support for K-to-12 children and also families with disabilities.

Would the House please join me in welcoming Rich Gao.

Personal Statements

MESSAGE OF APPRECIATION

S. Robinson: On Thursday, I made my farewell speech here in the chamber. Of course, when you list out the names of people, it’s inevitable that you forget one, and I forgot a critic. Probably I forgot about it because when this person was my critic, it felt like we were having a conversation with a good friend.

I do want to extend my gratitude to the member for Penticton, who was a critic, but in our conversations, it always felt, when he was challenging me on what government was doing, whether it was estimates or in question period, like a conversation with a good friend.

Please join me in thanking the member for Penticton for all the work that he has done.

Introductions by Members

S. Chandra Herbert: I want to join with the member for Delta South in welcoming his constituents who rode here on their e-bikes. I don’t know if they passed me or if I passed them, but I also like to ride my e-bike back and forth from the West End. If he thinks it’s cheating, I’d like to challenge him to get on that e-bike and give it a try himself. It’s actually a lot of fun, and you don’t have to reserve to get on the ferry.

Take note, Members, you too can get back and forth from the Lower Mainland on an e-bike and B.C. Ferries.

Hon. M. Rankin: Today I have the pleasure of welcoming Peter Lantin to the gallery. Peter formerly served as the president of the Council of the Haida Nation from 2011 to 2018, and he currently serves on the board of directors of the Prince Rupert Port Authority.

[1:40 p.m.]

He’s here to attend the clause-by-clause debate on the Haida Nation Recognition Amendment Act. I look forward to chatting with him later today.

I’d ask all members to please make him welcome.

Hon. N. Cullen: I have the great pleasure of introducing someone well known to this place — admired, respected and revered, I hear, as well. The former member for Stikine, the former Minister of Forests, Doug Donaldson, is joining us here today. Long did his voice echo in these chambers and set out some incredible policy, and, I’d say, on a personal note, incredible representation of the northwest in relationships that matter deeply to this day and for years to come.

Would the House please join me in making our colleague feel welcome.

G. Kyllo: I’m a very proud pops. I’ve got 12 grandkids, and I’m proud of each and every one of them.

One of my granddaughters, Siddhalee Kyllo Martselos, competed in Kelowna at a gymnastics competition at the KF Aerospace flight centre, attended by gymnastics teams from all across the province. I’m so incredibly proud of little 9-year-old Siddhalee, who had a first in vault, a first on beam. She had a second-place finish on floor and a third on uneven bars and came in first overall of all the competitors there.

She competes out of Momentum Gymnastics club out of Salmon Arm. It’s amazing for a small community, with the dedication of three different coaches — Elise Seaman, Ludmilla McClellan and Shawnee Venables.

Other teammates had a very strong showing as well. Siddhalee was joined by Alyssa Huckle, Evelyn Opland, Nora Phillips, Carrington Kosh and Vienna Vines. They came in second overall, so very proud of Momentum Gymnastics, a small team from a small community, placing second overall of all teams across the province that participated. A very proud day for me.

Most importantly, these little kids are training 12 hours a week, and I think that’s the important piece. These kids are dedicated, and it doesn’t matter what they’re going to pursue in their lives. I know they’ll be incredibly successful.

Hon. D. Eby: Two items of business in today’s introductions.

We were joined this morning by the governor of Gyeonggi province, Governor Kim from Korea, a very good friend of British Columbia. He first visited British Columbia 34 years ago. He said he did a tour around the outside of the building. He was excited to get inside the building today.

Two things about Gyeonggi. One is they just opened a Tim Hortons there, and he was very excited to have a Timbit and a double-double and to share that with us. The second is political insider information. His party was very successful in provincial elections. He’s getting a lot of pressure to run to be the president of Korea in the next federal elections. Didn’t tip his hand, but we wish him the best of luck with his political career.

We are very glad to have a friend like Governor Kim working in Korea, and close partnerships with major corporations interested in British Columbia like POS­CO, like Samsung, like KOGAS, and very grateful for that partnership.

Will the House please join me in expressing our appreciation to him.

Statements

MESSAGE OF APPRECIATION

Hon. D. Eby: The second item of business.

It’s an unusual thing to introduce a colleague in the House, but as we wind our way down towards the end of the session, many members will not be returning, and today is a special day for the member for Burnaby-Lougheed. She is a relentless advocate for child care.

You’ll remember, hon. Speaker, that she was the first parliamentary secretary working on this now ministerial role in our cabinet, establishing that social program. She’s going to introduce a private member’s bill today to cement that reputation and reflect on her work.

I want to thank her for her advocacy. I want to thank her for her partnership on the podcast The Dash insider B.C. poli hit. I use the term “hit” advisedly, but I thank her for her partnership on that and all the work she’s done in the House over the years.

Will the House please join me in expressing our appreciation to the member for Burnaby-Lougheed.

Introductions by Members

A. Olsen: We call them the A-team. That’s the team that works in the constituency office in Saanich North and the Islands, in a beautiful little town just north of here called Sidney. I encourage everybody, this summer, to spend as much time in Sidney….

[1:45 p.m.]

But they’re here today, so let’s say hi to the A-team.

We’ve got Patricia Pearson, Jerram Gawley, Laura Parker and Deb Bowman, who are here with us from our office in Sidney. So if you’re trying to get to the constituency office in Sidney, we’re sorry, but the team is down here. We had lunch today at the Commons.

I also want to raise my hands to all the members of the A-team previously, and we’ve had a few members that have come through the office, starting with Aldous Sperl and Ryan Clayton.

JoJo Beattie, who now works downstairs in our communications office.

Devin DeLarge, Kate O’Connor, Jake Rees and William Kelly, who some of you will know from, as many of them have been part of, the internship program.

I want to raise my hands in gratitude for all the important work that my constituency team does, all of our constituency teams do on behalf of our communities.

HÍSW̱ḴE SIÁM.

Introduction and
First Reading of Bills

BILL M222 — EARLY LEARNING AND
CHILD CARE AMENDMENT ACT, 2024

K. Chen presented a bill intituled Early Learning and Child Care Amendment Act, 2024.

K. Chen: Today I move a bill intituled Early Learning and Child Care Amendment Act, 2024, of which notice has been given in my name on the order paper, to introduce and read the first time now.

Access to child care and early learning is a right and a necessity for building a more equitable community, just like public education. When I recently heard that a mom could finally have the means to leave a difficult relationship for the best interests of her and her child because of $10-a-day child care, it emphasized the need for us to keep building a system that can transform our community and people’s lives.

The bill I’m introducing today highlights much of the work our government has done and will do for child care. I’m honoured to have worked with many MLA colleagues, including the Premier, Minister of State for Child Care, former Premier Horgan, former Finance Minister Carol James, and many advocates, early childhood education professionals and families in our shared vision for child care. Together, we pioneered the first $10-a-day initiatives in Canada, delivering much-deserved relief for families today with significant socioeconomic returns for generations to come.

Every dollar we invest in child care has at least a $2 to $3 return. This bill will enshrine many of the public commitments we’ve made to date, including but not limited to $10-a-day access for all; a wage grid, pension and benefits for early childhood educator professionals; access to school-age care for all; continuous space creation for under five; Indigenous-led, distinction-based and culturally safe child care; needs-based services for children with diverse abilities and socioeconomic backgrounds where they belong; public reporting; and enhanced role of the Provincial Child Care Council to ensure accountability of government to continue this work.

I strongly believe our government will continue to build an early care and learning system that will support families today and make our community more equitable for future generations.

I also want to thank everyone, including public service professionals who have worked on the ChildCareBC plan since 2017 and the legislative counsels who have helped me with the drafting of this bill.

The bill has been transmitted electronically to the Office of the Clerk.

The Speaker: Members, the question is first reading of the bill.

Motion approved.

K. Chen: I move that the bill be placed on the orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

Bill M222, Early Learning and Child Care Amendment Act, 2024, introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

BILL 27 — MUNICIPALITIES ENABLING
AND VALIDATING (No. 5)
AMENDMENT ACT, 2024

Hon. R. Kahlon presented a message from Her Honour the Lieutenant-Governor: a bill intituled Municipalities Enabling and Validating (No. 5) Amendment Act, 2024.

Hon. R. Kahlon: I move that the bill be introduced and read a first time now.

I’m pleased to introduce the amendment to the Municipalities Enabling and Validating Act that delivers on our government’s commitment to support the health and safety of low-income residents living in single-room-occupancy buildings in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside.

We know that too many people in the Downtown Eastside are struggling to find and keep affordable places to live. The city of Vancouver and advocates in the Downtown Eastside are telling us that some of our most vulnerable citizens are being exploited by some bad actors. Those landlords are using pressure tactics to force tenants to leave their SROs by offering them more money to leave, by intimidating them or by illegally evicting them.

Today’s amendments are introduced to the Municipalities Enabling and Validating Act. The city of Vancouver has asked us to make these changes to the act that will validate the city of Vancouver’s vacancy control bylaws. If these amendments are passed, rent increases will be limited at the Vancouver’s SROs as set out in the city’s bylaws for select buildings on the Downtown Eastside.

[1:50 p.m.]

The province remains committed to phasing out SROs and replacing them with dignified housing. While we work on this long term, we cannot risk losing this affordable housing stock.

The Speaker: The question is first reading of the bill.

Motion approved.

Hon. R. Kahlon: I move that this bill be placed on the orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

Bill 27, Municipalities Enabling and Validating (No. 5) Amendment Act, 2024, introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

BILL 26 — NAME
AMENDMENT ACT (No. 2), 2024

Hon. A. Dix presented a message from Her Honour the Lieutenant-Governor: a bill intituled Name Amendment Act (No. 2), 2024.

Hon. A. Dix: I move that the Name Amendment Act (No. 2), 2024 be introduced and read a first time.

This bill will prevent convicted criminals and individuals who have committed offences causing serious harm to others from evading accountability and avoiding the negative consequences of their actions by legally changing their names. This will be achieved through amendments to the Name Act, which establishes procedures and eligibility requirements for legal name changes. Legal name changes are made through a process administered by the Vital Statistics Agency, which is part of the Ministry of Health.

Currently anyone can seek to have their name legally changed under the Name Act, including people who have committed offences that cause serious harm to others. Allowing these individuals to hide their identity through a name change is extremely troubling to victims and their families and can result in safety concerns for members of the public.

The bill will amend the Name Act so that a person who has been convicted of a prescribed offence, declared to be a dangerous or long-term offender, or found not criminally responsible for a prescribed offence due to a mental disorder will be prohibited from making a legal name change.

For the purpose of this name change prohibition, the offences will be identified by regulation. They will include Criminal Code of Canada offences that are dangerous and cause significant harm to others and offences that target children.

The name change prohibition will apply to adult offenders, those 18 and older, as well as to young offenders who have not reached the age of 18 but are convicted of prescribed offences and sentenced as adults.

To support the new prohibition on legal name changes for offenders, this bill will amend the Name Act so that the Vital Statistics Agency is able to request, receive and review the results of criminal record checks for applicants who seek to change their names.

I ask all members of the House to support this legislation and move first reading.

The Speaker: Members, you’ve heard the question. It’s the first reading of the bill.

Motion approved.

Hon. A. Dix: I move that Bill 26 be placed on the orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

Bill 26, Name Amendment Act (No. 2), 2024, introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

BILL M223 — WILDFIRE (CARTER’S LAW)
AMENDMENT ACT, 2024

L. Doerkson presented a bill intituled Bill M223, Wildfire (Carter’s Law) Amendment Act, 2024.

L. Doerkson: I move that a bill intituled the Wildfire (Carter’s Law) Amendment Act, 2024, of which notice has been given in my name on the order paper, be introduced and read a first time now.

The air we breathe should not be a silent killer. This bill is inspired by a heart-wrenching story from my community, a vivid reminder of the vulnerability of our loved ones to environmental hazards. Nine-year-old Carter Vigh, a bright and energetic child from 100 Mile tragically lost his life to an asthma attack exacerbated by the thick wildfire smoke blanketing our community.

As a province, we must contemplate the health effects of wildfire smoke on vulnerable populations and actively take into consideration the impacts of smoke while we’re fighting wildfires.

Carter’s Law will encourage a new approach to managing the risks associated with wildfire smoke, particularly focusing on those with respiratory issues and our senior citizens. It mandates the province to develop a more robust protocol for smoke management and response strategies during wildfire season to mitigate the health risks associated with poor air quality. By instituting these measures, we can prevent future tragedies like Carter’s.

This bill represents proactive steps towards safeguarding the health of our province’s residents by ensuring that the decision to allow wildfires to burn takes into account the profound impact on air and quality and public health.

[1:55 p.m.]

This is a necessary stride toward a future where no family has to endure the loss of a loved one like young Carter. As I already mentioned, Carter’s family is present today in the chamber. Their strength and advocacy have been instrumental in bringing this forward.

It’s our duty to ensure that their loss is a catalyst for change that will protect the lives of countless others.

The Speaker: Members, the question is first reading of the bill.

Motion approved.

L. Doerkson: I move that the bill be placed on the orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

Bill M223, Wildfire (Carter’s Law) Amendment Act, 2024, introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

BILL M224 — EMERGENCY AND DISASTER
MANAGEMENT AMENDMENT ACT, 2024

T. Stone presented a bill intituled Emergency and Disaster Management Amendment Act, 2024.

T. Stone: I move that a bill intituled the Emergency and Disaster Management Amendment Act, 2024, be introduced and read a first time now.

I wish to clarify that notice of the bill was given in my name on the order paper for a bill intituled emergency program amendment act, 2024. However, since the Emergency Program Act was replaced with the Emergency and Disaster Management Act, the title of this bill today has been updated to reflect the correct name of the statute in force.

As we enter another wildfire season, following last summer’s deadliest in our province’s history, we must acknowledge the reality that these occurrences are becoming more frequent and increasingly devastating. This increase of extreme climate events is leading to increased costs for disaster victims and the inability to access insurance in high-risk areas.

The disaster financial assistance, DFA, program was designed to assist those who find themselves unable to secure insurance coverage. However, despite the escalating need driven by climate change, the program’s structure has not been updated in over five decades, rendering it insufficient for today’s challenges. We face an urgent need to modernize the DFA program to anticipate and mitigate these evolving challenges, bridging existing deficiencies and ensuring the program doesn’t contribute to the vicious cycle of rising insurance costs and diminishing availability.

This bill calls on government to take measures that will address emerging issues and better protect homeowners and business people, including streamlining and simplifying the DFA claim process; setting and defining an affordability metric for the DFA’s reasonably and readily available insurance criteria; expanding the scope of DFA to address issues pertaining to micro-pockets of the province where no insurance coverage is available for a given disaster event; extending the application deadline, which is now set at 90 days from the date DFA was authorized; extending the appeal process to address applications rejected due to missing information; and developing a government grant program for homeowners in high-risk areas to help offset the high cost of insurance and incentivize individuals to purchase it.

As I reintroduce this bill, I urge the government to reevaluate the regulations and close existing gaps in DFA eligibility in high-risk areas. With thousands of British Columbians on edge this past weekend in the northeast of our province, unfortunately another wildfire season is already upon us.

The need for immediate action is critical.

The Speaker: Members, the question is first reading of the bill.

Motion approved.

T. Stone: I move that the bill be placed on the orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

Bill M224, Emergency and Disaster Management Amendment Act, 2024, introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

BILL M225 — FREEDOM OF INFORMATION
AND PROTECTION OF PRIVACY
AMENDMENT ACT, 2024

A. Olsen presented a bill intituled Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Amendment Act, 2024

A. Olsen: I move that a bill intituled Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Amendment Act, of which notice has been given in my name on the order paper, be introduced and read a first time now.

In 2021, the government amended the act to allow public bodies to charge an application fee for making a freedom-of-information request. I was a member of the Special Committee to Review the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, and I heard from many organizations and individuals who opposed the introduction of an application fee.

The special committee recognized that the access to information is vital for promoting trust in public bodies. The committee heard that secrecy of information can undermine democracy, lead to extremism and that conspiracy theories and extremist ideologies can arise when citizens do not have access to information held by government.

Freedom of information is critical to a healthy democracy, which is why I am reintroducing this bill for a second time. The act before us today aims to improve access to information. It would remove the application fee for freedom-of-information requests. Experts, including our former Information and Privacy Commissioner, have been clear that charging for access to information of government to the public’s information is not in the public interest and that journalists, researchers and community groups are most strongly affected.

[2:00 p.m.]

Right now there is a waning public confidence in democracy, and in a time of growing fear and misinformation, a time when people are more likely to believe in conspiracy theories and less likely to trust their government, this assembly needs to be held to a higher standard.

The truth needs to be readily accessible and available.

The Speaker: Members, the question is first reading of the bill.

Motion approved.

A. Olsen: I move that the bill be placed on the orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

Bill M225, Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Amendment Act, 2024, introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

Statements
(Standing Order 25B)

MUSEUMS WEEK
AND CULTURAL SPACES AND SITES

B. D’Eith: I rise in the House today in recognition of B.C. Museums Week being proclaimed May 13 to 19, 2024.

Did you know that there are more than 450 museums, heritage and cultural centres around British Columbia? In fact, you can find a museum in every single community and municipality in our province.

Big or small, B.C. museums are powered by incredible people who are champions of B.C.’s heritage and legacy. They’re doing an incredible job showcasing British Columbia’s stories, as well as preserving and protecting B.C.’s artifacts, artwork, historical sites, cultural centres and other treasured pieces of our history.

In B.C., we are so fortunate to have top-notch cultural attractions, including Craigdarroch Castle in Victoria, Britannia Mine Museum in Squamish and Barkerville Historic Town and Park in the Cariboo region. The B.C. Museums Association is a strong advocate in promoting these organizations and so many others throughout the province, helping to drive local tourism and increase public awareness of the province’s diverse cultural history.

We know these places are important contributors to the cultural, economic and social prosperity of B.C. It’s why the province has supported the creation of cultural spaces, including the Chinese Canadian Museum and the Jewish Community Centre of Greater Vancouver. Additionally, we’ve begun public consultations to understand people’s vision for Canadians of South Asian Heritages museum and a provincial Filipino cultural centre.

As well and very importantly, this government is committed to true and lasting reconciliation and has provided further funding for various Indigenous cultural centres so that Indigenous peoples can preserve and share their languages, art and culture. This is indeed something to celebrate.

In honour of B.C. Museums Week, I encourage all members and the public to spend some time visiting local museums, galleries, heritage sites and other cultural destinations.

Let’s all recognize B.C. Museums Week.

NATIONAL POLICE WEEK AND
CONTRIBUTIONS OF OFFICERS

M. Morris: This week is National Police Week, recognizing the dedicated and professional work of all police agencies across B.C. and Canada, recognizing that regardless of which police agency officers are a part of, the laws of Canada and our provinces are professionally enforced, and recognizing that all police agencies are united in their approach to fairness in applying our laws, guided by the Constitution of Canada.

British Columbia is well served by nearly 10,000 police officers: 2,500 are officers of 11 independent municipal police departments such as Vancouver and Victoria; 4,000 are RCMP officers working in municipal detachments like Burnaby, Richmond and Surrey; 1,800 RCMP officers are working in provincial specialized units like major crimes and the combined special enforcement units addressing gang violence; 1,000 RCMP officers are working in federal criminal law and protective policing; and 770 provincial RCMP officers work in our smaller, rural communities.

All police agencies in B.C. share information, including the use of a single police records information management platform. All officers enforce the same laws, follow the same investigative processes and receive similar ongoing training and development.

Our police enforce the laws that we in this House legislate and that our Members of Parliament have legislated and bylaws brought about by our local governments. Our police enforce laws that are constantly refined and interpreted by the provincial courts, supreme courts, federal courts and, ultimately, the Supreme Court of Canada.

Our police adjust investigative techniques, update standard operating procedures and stay current with science and technology in serving all citizens. Our police receive feedback and recommendations from administrative tribunals, coroner’s inquests and inquiries, and they receive feedback and recommendations from academia and international law enforcement agencies. Our police services across our province put their lives on the line every day to keep our community safe. They have the support of this Legislature. They have the support of our communities.

[2:05 p.m.]

Thank you to the 10,000 dedicated officers and the thousands of professionals who provide the everyday technical and logistics support for B.C. police.

SUPPORT FOR
VICTIMS AND SURVIVORS OF CRIME

K. Paddon: This week marks Victims and Survivors of Crime Week.

The goal of this week is to raise awareness about the issues facing victims of crime, and the services, assistance and laws in place to help victims and their families. The theme is the power of collaboration — an important one, because we know it takes all of us to be dedicated to prevention and to support the victims and survivors of crime.

In December, we announced Safe and Supported: B.C.’s Gender-Based Violence Action Plan. This plan, and its actions, were informed through the power of collaboration, and I extend my continuing gratitude to the voices and stories that echo throughout the pages and the work.

This year British Columbia is dedicating over $50 million in programs and services for victims and survivors, with several important developments to expand supports and options, including new programs to support survivors of sexual assault with counselling and practical assistance now offered in 70 locations, five sexual assault centres to provide wraparound services to survivors, amendments to the Crime Victim Assistance Act to better support victims in their recovery from the impacts of violent crime.

In B.C., over 450 programs are funded to provide supports to victims and survivors, including a provincial information and support line, victim services, intimate partner violence units, outreach services to communities — including immigrants and newcomers — and counselling for people who experience violence. There are also programs working to break the cycles of violence by providing support to children and youth who witness violence in their families.

The impact of crime on a victim, a survivor, their family, their community are not always easily seen. It often takes extraordinary bravery for victims and survivors of crime, and their families, to come forward and talk about the trauma they’ve experienced, and we know that not everyone feels safe enough to do so.

This week we honour the strength and the resilience of survivors and sincerely thank the many dedicated service providers working to support victims, prevent crime and protect those who are most vulnerable in our communities.

LYTTON RESIDENTS AND
FIRE RECOVERY PROCESS

J. Tegart: Today I want to give this House an update on the village of Lytton. We are just shy of three years from the day a fire swept through the village and area, burning the community to the ground and killing two residents.

I have stood in this House many times to talk about the challenges, the lack of support, the continued uncertainty, but today I want to tell a different story. I want to talk about the people of Lytton. To say they were traumatized is an understatement.

We can’t possibly know how it feels to lose your home, your neighbourhood and your whole community, to be dispersed north, south, east, west, not knowing where your family members were. But they worked hard to stay in touch over the first few weeks, months and now years. They organized community gatherings, inviting residents and families to come home, to talk, to share, to think about the future.

Many in Lytton have lived there for generations. They love their community, and it shines through in all that they do. Anniversary gatherings were organized and open to all who wanted to come. Protests were held to tell government and the outside world that rebuilding was taking too long: “Please don’t forget us.” Still they waited and waited. Babies were born, elders passed, and still they waited — 1,048 days and counting.

I drove through Lytton yesterday, seeing the first new houses starting to be built. Despite government delays and bureaucratic nightmares, the people of Lytton shine through.

There are no victory laps to be taken in this room around the story of Lytton. Lytton rises because of its people.

[2:10 p.m.]

ROLE OF PARLIAMENT BUILDINGS
AND WORK OF STAFF

D. Routley: For my last two-minute statement in the House, I’d like to talk about this beautiful building. I love this beautiful building, and one of the favourite things about my job is touring students through it. Being only an hour and a half away, I get a lot of classroom visits. When I do, I’m able to talk to them about the value of democracy, what it means to all of us, and their role in it.

Then I tell them about the richest British Columbian, Jimmy Pattison, and all the companies he controls, all the things in their lives that are affected by him. I follow up by asking them a question: how many votes do you think he gets? Only a handful in 19 years have said one; usually it’s 5,000, 50,000.

I’m able to tell them at that moment that when a person in British Columbia expresses their vote, they have exactly the same power as Jimmy Pattison — their mom, their teachers, them when they grow up. I beg them not to ever fail to exercise their vote.

I look at the building, and I talk to them about how beautiful it is. I tell them it’s not to uplift the powerful people like the person I talked about. It’s to uplift them, their communities, their families, to uplift the public interest of our province, to put it in the highest place, that we all need to recognize that that’s who we serve.

I tell them how I believe it’s the people working here who make it that way, whether it’s the staff in the chamber here who fill our glasses and take care of us, the Sergeant-at-Arms staff, the staff in the dining room but particularly the custodial staff.

Being a former school custodian…. Look around at this beautiful place, how polished and lovely it is. You know that at home, you turn your back and your place is dusty. You know that as soon as a kid runs through it, it’s a mess. But somehow this place is always beautiful, and it’s because of those people. I want to thank them from the bottom of my heart.

One of them, in fact, when their jobs were made public again, had the Legislature tattooed onto his arm.

I know they care. I know they are here for the same reasons that all of you are, and that is to uplift the people of British Columbia and our public interest.

I thank them all for doing that.

M. Dykeman: I seek leave to make an introduction.

Leave granted.

The Speaker: Please proceed.

Introductions by Members

M. Dykeman: Joining us in the gallery right now are the first or maybe the second of three classes joining us from Langley Christian elementary school. Their teacher, Emily Wessner, is bringing them through today. They are, I believe, all grade 5 students who are going to be coming and touring the Legislature and stopping in on question period.

I was wondering if the House could join me in making them feel very welcome.

Statements
(Standing Order 25B)

PENELOPE CHANDLER

T. Stone: I rise to celebrate an exceptional individual who has graced the offices of the free enterprise coalitions here in British Columbia’s Legislature for many years, from Social Credit through B.C. Liberal to B.C. United today.

Her wisdom, care and compassion have become a fixture of this place. She is smart, generous, engaging, and she is going to be really annoyed with me. Of course, I’m talking about the one and the only Penelope Chandler, otherwise known as Pen or simply as Miss P.

Miss P. has touched the lives of many in this place, with her determined stride in these hallways, always with a warm smile and always looking to do some kind of act of kindness for anyone who she feels is in need.

I first worked with Penelope in this place in 1991, when I was a wide-eyed university student who had landed a caucus research job down in the basement of this building. That was 33 years ago. Who knew that 26 years later, the kid in the basement would one day become the Minister of Transportation, again working with Miss P.? Fast forward five more years. That would bring us to today that she would be here supporting me as the Opposition House Leader.

I really do love working with her. Most days, at some point, she looks at me in the eyes with her characteristic grin and says, with great fervor: “Deo volente; God willing.” She sends me in to do my work.

Her expertise in parliamentary procedure is un­matched, with her steady hand having supported successive House Leaders through many a legislative storm.

[2:15 p.m.]

Her journey from world-class ballerina to the hallowed halls of this Legislature is a testament to her remarkable spirit and her tenacity. From the United Kingdom to the Canary Islands to the Saanich Peninsula, Miss P. has left a trail of admiration in her wake, enchanting everyone that she’s crossed paths with.

But it’s not just her worldly adventures that make her so beloved. It’s her laugh, her charm and her irrepressible spirit, beloved by members of all political parties and all of the staff in this place. Her infectious charm and genuine kindness have won over hearts across the Legislature.

Miss P. sends inspirational comments or witty poems to our caucus every single day. With that in mind and with some great trepidation, I shall end with this:

In the halls of power, where chaos reigns supreme,
there’s a beacon of light, a delightful dream.
Penelope, our rock, our guiding star,
with wit so sharp, she certainly can spar.
In ballet shoes or parliamentary prose,
she dazzles us all wherever she goes.
So here’s to Miss P., our shining gem,
in the wild world of B.C. politics and, indeed, in life,
we’re lucky to call her our friend.

Thank you, Miss P. [Applause.]

The Speaker: And the Speaker loves her too.

Oral Questions

HEALTH WORKER VACCINATION POLICY
AND REHIRING OF STAFF

K. Falcon: Mr. Speaker, 18 months ago this Premier promised results that people can see, feel, touch and experience in their lives. Yet 18 months later, the crisis in B.C.’s health care system has never been worse.

One in five British Columbians without a family doctor, the worst cancer care wait times in the entire country and life-threatening delays from constant emergency room closures due to a staffing crisis.

Yet this ideologically driven NDP government stands alone in North America in enforcing a vaccine mandate that prevents thousands of terminated health care workers from returning to work, not only depriving health care professionals of their livelihoods but hurting patients due to the shortage of these critically important workers.

My question to the Premier: why does this Premier continue to enforce an ideologically driven policy, the only one in North America, that is hurting both health care professionals and harming patients?

Hon. D. Eby: This is indeed a moment, isn’t it? The Leader of the Opposition has a chance to stand with vulnerable patients in hospital, has a chance to stand up for their health and safety and, instead, is committed to following the leader of the Conservative Party down an increasingly out-of-touch rabbit hole.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Shhh.

Hon. D. Eby: Right now Quebec is still dealing with a measles outbreak. That is not resolved. Members of this House should know that measles kills children, especially vulnerable children. The Leader of the Opposition chooses this moment to stand in the House and say: “You know what? We should have people that are not vaccinated entering our hospitals, tending to people in long-term care homes, vulnerable seniors.”

To choose this moment…. Why this moment? It’s all about politics. It’s all about standing with the political advisers and the whoever. He’s not standing with the patients. He chose this moment to chase the Conservative Party instead of standing up for vulnerable British Columbians.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Shhh, Members. Members.

Hon. D. Eby: I say we will stand with patients.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Shhh, Members.

Hon. D. Eby: We will stand with sick children. We will make sure that people are safe in our hospitals from transmissible and preventable diseases.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Members.

Hon. D. Eby: We will stand with the science, and they can stand with the Conservatives.

[2:20 p.m.]

The Speaker: Official opposition, supplemental.

K. Falcon: I would sure love to see the science that’s backing up the decision of this government. Apparently, they are the only ones in North America that have this science.

Two years ago we called for an end to this vaccine mandate that was driven by this ideologically driven Premier and Health Minister. This government stubbornly refuses to listen, at a time when patients cannot get the care and attention they need right across this province because of the shortage of health care workers, thousands of whom are sidelined because of this Premier.

The fact of the matter is that the impact is dire. We’ve got skilled health care professionals being sidelined, and lives are literally being lost as a result of these hospital closures. Recent days have seen emergency room closures in Kitimat, Fort St. John, Chetwynd, Oliver and McBride, and Mackenzie is now on diversion even as we stand here today. Yet this Premier and this NDP government continue to sideline thousands of nurses and health care professionals, an approach that is not being taken anywhere else in North America.

If they have some evidence that we’re unaware of on this side of the House, what is that evidence, and when will the Premier bring forward that evidence and stop this ideological decision to continue to sideline those desperately needed health care workers that we need in our system today?

Hon. A. Dix: When the province of British Columbia instituted its vaccine requirement in health care settings, it was and is the result of a provincial health order that was put forward by our outstanding provincial health officer, Dr. Bonnie Henry. At that time, of course, a loud voice in support of it was the Leader of the Opposition.

He calls it ideological. Yes, hon. Speaker, it’s true. It’s true. We were one of the few jurisdictions around that implemented such a measure. It’s one of the reasons, one of the many reasons, why British Columbia led in every aspect of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Leader of the Opposition talks about ideological in this House. He hasn’t attacked Dr. Henry here. The only place I’ve seen him attack Dr. Henry was on Rebel media. He went on Rebel media to attack the professionalism of Dr. Bonnie Henry.

Well, British Columbians know that Dr. Bonnie Henry is an outstanding scientist and an outstanding health leader and certainly has a stronger knowledge of evidence than the Leader of the Opposition.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Shhh, Members.

COVID-19 PUBLIC HEALTH RESTRICTIONS
AND PROSECUTION OF RELIGIOUS GROUPS

M. de Jong: I’ll maybe leave it for others to try and reconcile that answer with the government’s decision to send patients to Washington state for cancer treatment, where an entirely different set of rules exist.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Members. Members.

Opposition member, he is your own member asking a question.

M. de Jong: Unfortunately, fired health care workers aren’t the only people feeling stigmatized by this government.

Three and a half years ago, I wrote to the then Attorney General, now Premier. I wrote to explain how I was being contacted by faith-based groups across British Columbia, who were confused and frustrated that at a time when public health orders were being changed to allow people to attend things like Pilates and yoga classes, absolutely no accommodation was being made for people who wanted to safely gather and exercise their constitutional right to worship.

[2:25 p.m.]

Last week I learned that far from working to put those difficult days behind us, the government is actually doubling down, doubling down on prosecuting churches that tried their best to find a balance between keeping people safe and meeting their spiritual needs.

My question to the Premier is this. How is it in the public interest to continue spending huge amounts of public money to prosecute, to persecute, churches and churchgoers whose only sin was to try and administer to the spiritual needs of their communities?

Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll take that question on notice. Of course, I can’t talk about things that are before the court right now.

The Speaker: Member, supplemental.

M. de Jong: Mindful of the fact it was about 30 years ago that I asked my first question in this chamber of then Premier Harcourt, I was hoping to entice this Premier into a final exchange with me in this forum.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Shhh.

M. de Jong: We use the word “reconciliation” a lot around this place, and for good reason. Isn’t it time that the government tried to reconcile with the law-abiding and, yes, by definition, God-fearing folks who drew on their faith during a very difficult time and couldn’t understand why they could go to a Pilates class but couldn’t go to church?

Those proceedings have now been going on for three years, over three years, and the government, I can assure you, Mr. Speaker, has spent a fortune on multiple applications, sometimes appearing in court with five lawyers.

Next month there will be a hearing to determine whether all of this constitutes an abuse of process by the government. These proceedings are costing the churches a small fortune, and it’s costing the government money and resources that should be focused on prolific offenders who are being arrested and then turned loose to reoffend.

My question, again to the Premier. How does he justify the huge expense involved in targeting these peaceful, law-abiding churches and churchgoers while dangerous, prolific offenders are released to repeatedly reoffend?

Hon. N. Sharma: That was the same question, in effect, as before, and I already took that question on notice.

FRACKING AND FOSSIL
FUEL INFRASTRUCTURE

S. Furstenau: Fracking, which is how methane gas used in LNG facilities is extracted in B.C., uses huge amounts of water, between five million and 100 million litres per frack. Fracking is linked to higher rates of cancer, asthma, low birth rates and other serious health concerns. It causes earthquakes. It leads to sour gas leaks and loss of agricultural land. It results in methane leaks flaring, venting. The list goes on.

Because of the risk fracking poses to human health, the environment and the climate, five Canadian provinces, five U.S. states and several countries have either banned or paused fracking. California is expected to ban fracking this year.

B.C. is one of the few jurisdictions that is hell-bent on expanding methane gas and growing the fossil fuel industry, while climate disasters wreak havoc on our communities and ecosystems.

My question is to the Premier. Will his government stop issuing permits for more fracking wells and develop plans to phase out methane gas extraction in B.C.?

Hon. G. Heyman: The member claims that we’re hell-bent on expanding methane emissions in British Columbia, yet we’re the only jurisdiction in Canada to announce in detail exactly what a cap on emissions from the oil and gas sector will look like. We have ambitious but achievable methane reduction targets, and we’re in fact ahead of the schedule for methane reduction that we set for ourselves a few years ago.

[2:30 p.m.]

We will continue to reduce methane emissions in the oil and gas sector by 75 percent by 2030.

We have a rich and vibrant system of both permitting and regulation of the oil and gas industry as well as of methane emissions and other emissions, and we’ll continue on that course.

The Speaker: Member, supplemental.

S. Furstenau: Under this government, we are the only jurisdiction in Canada that’s gone from zero to six climate bombs in the form of potential LNG facilities — from zero to six under this government. Methane gas.

Before being sworn in, the Premier stated: “We cannot continue to expand fossil fuel infrastructure and hit our climate goals.” On that, he wasn’t wrong. This government pretends that they are climate leaders, yet B.C. has missed every climate target it ever set for itself to date.

Building six LNG projects and increasing fracked gas production to supply these projects will make it impossible to meet our goals, and it will make us into global laggards when it comes to climate action. The only reason we have a fracked gas industry in B.C. is because this NDP government decided to give it a $5½ billion start-up gift in the form of subsidies and tax breaks. And now we’re extracting more and more methane gas, which is 80 times worse than CO2 for climate impacts.

My question is to the Premier. Will he stand up and stand by his comment that we cannot continue to expand fossil fuel infrastructure and promise to British Columbians that he will stop issuing more permits for fracking in this province?

Hon. G. Heyman: It saddens me that the member focuses on our climate efforts by talking about a single industry instead of recognizing the breadth of the program that we worked on together, the Green Party and the B.C. NDP, called CleanBC.

It’s in transportation. It’s in industrial emission reductions. It’s in home heating and cooling. And we are systematically putting in place the building blocks to meet our targets in 2030.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Shhh.

Hon. G. Heyman: We are leading in Canada. We are leading in North America. What we introduced, with respect to both clean energy and existing energy after the selection of the new Premier, was the new energy action framework, which has a clean energy and major projects office.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Members.

Hon. G. Heyman: We’re attracting significant investments in battery through E-One Moli. We are seeking to attract hydrogen proponents. We are building out our electricity infrastructure. We are implementing the first oil and gas emissions cap in Canada, and we are on track to meet our commitments.

CONDITIONS IN FOREST INDUSTRY
AND GOVERNMENT ACTION ON ISSUES

J. Rustad: Last week we heard devastating news from Canfor in terms of the decision to close yet more mills in British Columbia as well as to suspend the rebuild in Houston. It was only a few months ago that the Forests Minister was touting, in this chamber, about the investment in the Houston forest mill. Yet here we are — it’s being suspended.

Why is it being suspended? As Canfor said very clearly, it’s because of government policy. We have millions of cubic metres of wood that is not being made available that this government refuses to issue permits on. We’ve got wood that has been killed by wildfires that needs to be harvested, that needs to be processed, that needs to be rehabilitated that this government is refusing to issue permits on.

Why is it that this government has got such a vendetta against the forest industry? The forest industry supports jobs right across this province. It supports families. It supports people that are out volunteering for baseball teams and hockey teams. It supports people that are investing back in the communities. And it is being gutted, community after community.

Why is this government refusing to understand that its policies are driving a crisis in this forest industry, and when will it change course to support communities and jobs across this province?

Hon. D. Eby: I do sincerely thank the member for the question. This is an important issue. The decision by Canfor is devastating news for communities in our province.

[2:35 p.m.]

The forest industry is facing huge challenges right now. It’s not just in British Columbia, despite the member’s suggestion. The American Loggers Council recorded 10,000 job losses across almost 50 mills, by their tally, and a lot of this due to the low price of timber right across North America. It’s down more than 50 percent. Just in the last eight weeks, the price for southern yellow pine dropped 25 percent, impacting the U.S. operation and many B.C. forestry companies as well.

This is cold comfort, though, for the families in the Prince George region, for the families in the Houston region that were really counting on those investments. We worked closely with Canfor to make sure they had access to fibre for that new mill investment, and we’ll continue working with the forestry industry, but it is definitely in transition.

Between the beetle kill and the forest fires, it is a major time of change in the forest industry. We’ll support the workers. We’ve got a minister of state working exclusively on fibre supply, identifying those opportunities to get burned wood to market, to get marginal timber to pulp mills, scrap to pulp mills, and to support getting more jobs per tree than we do have in the province.

The Speaker: Leader of the Fourth Party, supplemental.

J. Rustad: Well, I’ve lost track. It’s 17 or 19 different processing facilities in this province that have closed under the NDP. But here’s an interesting fact. When the NDP came to power, lumber prices were $375 spot prices. Today they’re $485.

What’s changed? I can tell you what’s changed. The cost of doing business in this province has skyrocketed, and we are, by far, the highest cost jurisdiction in North America. We used to be competitive in this industry. We used to be proud of this industry. We used to be proud of the people that worked in this industry, instead of dismissing it and saying: “Oh, it was just a problem from somewhere else.”

The forest industry has been the backbone of this province for decades. The forest industry supports families. The forest industry supports surgeries and investments in health care and school. It supports communities right across this province, and it supports families across the province.

The industry came to government and asked for reductions in the cost structure so that they could be able to carry on operating. They knew this day was coming. What did government do? They added on costs. They added on bureaucracy.

The Premier just said that they’re doing everything they can to get permits out. Well, I can tell you, in my area, that six million cubic metres through B.C. Timber Sales hasn’t been hitting the market for the last three years.

In Merritt, it has been over two years, with only three permits being issued and wood that is now falling down and rotting and is not being processed. It is not being reprocessed.

The Speaker: Question, Member.

J. Rustad: When will this government understand that it is their measures, it is their uncertainty that is driving the problem in this forest industry, and when will they start taking steps to actually correct courts and make sure that we have a healthy forest industry in this province?

Hon. D. Eby: For the members’ reference, because he’s clearly not familiar, we’ve doubled funding to the Forest Enhancement Society to get fibre to mills. We’ve got 51 projects across the province supporting 2,500 jobs around adding value to B.C. wood. We’ve got fibre recovery zones right across the province, fibre that was previously burned when the member sat around the cabinet table.

I can’t let the member get away from his history. He sat around the cabinet table when tens of thousands of jobs were shed in the industry.

Interjection.

The Speaker: Member, shhh.

Hon. D. Eby: He joined up with a party, the B.C. Liberal Party, where 30,000 jobs were lost during their time at the helm, completely mismanaged the forest industry…

Interjections.

The Speaker: Members. Members, shhh.

Hon. D. Eby: …saved only by the clearcutting of the beetle kill wood for a few more years. Even the member for Prince George–Mackenzie stands up in this House just a few weeks ago and says that things have to change in the forest industry. Those days are gone, and they died under the B.C. Liberal government.

The forest industry has a strong future in our province. It has a strong future of value-added manufacturing.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Members, shhh.

Members.

Hon. D. Eby: I don’t take anything away from the huge challenges that are faced by the families that are impacted by the Canfor decisions, but we’ve been working since day one informing government to support forestry workers, to support the industry in these really challenging times, and we’re going to keep doing that.

M. Bernier: That answer is cold comfort to the hundreds of families and communities that are now devastated because of the broken forestry policies of this government, and they deserve better.

[2:40 p.m.]

When we look at what has happened here recently, it should be no surprise that the minister and the Premier need to look in the mirror. Canfor executives explicitly blamed this Premier and his failed policies for mill closures and for the actual harvest that has plummeted by 42 percent on that annual allowable cut.

The warning signals were there. The companies have met with this government. They’ve met with the ministers. They’ve told them that this was going to happen, and they ignored them. This government is completely responsible for what’s happening in the forestry sector — the decimation of these forestry-dependent communities. It’s massive uncertainty, endless regulatory delays, higher costs, all consequences of this NDP Premier and this government. This could have been avoided.

When will this Premier admit that his disastrous forestry policies are responsible, now, for these thousands of jobs that have been lost and our rural communities that are being impacted and devastated once again?

Hon. D. Eby: There is no question. The impact of forest policy and forest decisions made over a long period of time are impacting forest families and rural families in our province. We’ve got families being evacuated from the northeast as a result of historic-level, remarkable forest activity due to drought, and families in the Prince George area impacted by the decisions of Canfor.

The member, though…. A couple of important notes. In this time of evacuation, of forest industry reckoning, the first question from the BCUP is about allowing unvaccinated health workers into our hospitals. That’s their priority. Now, I don’t understand how that could be, given the news today, but that is the priority of this party. Members of his own party…

Interjections.

The Speaker: Shhh.

Hon. D. Eby: …recognize that this is a time of reckoning. He is actually a member from Prince George who stood in this place and said: “This is a time when we need to do forestry differently, because bad decisions have been made in the past.” He is absolutely right.

We’re continuing to do that work. We will support the families in Prince George that have been impacted by this incredibly difficult decision by Canfor. We’ve got a team of people working to ensure that we can do all we can to get the fibre supply that’s available to those companies that are providing jobs in our province to support families.

We absolutely have more to do. But I will not take critique from a party that watched 30,000 jobs walk out the door of this province.

C. Oakes: Let’s put the record straight. We spent this morning talking about the impacts on our forest communities. I think it’s important to set the record straight. We’ve been standing up for workers and families and rural communities that have been hollowed out by this government’s decision and lack of action.

Last year, communities were devastated by the wildfires. Look at how Alberta responded. Alberta was able to get permits out the door three weeks after those fires.

Now let’s look at what happened in my community. In my community, we were still waiting this spring for the same permits to access those wildfire stands. And guess what. Four hundred people in my community went with­out a paycheque.

To the Premier: when are you going to start standing up for workers and start making sure that our workers have access to bringing home good paycheques?

And you know what? Here’s something. The Premier could stand up today and adopt the B.C. United’s plan to make sure that we are enforcing strict timelines for public land decisions, securing a future for workers and families in rural B.C. Will the Premier do that today?

Hon. A. Mercier: It’s a bit rich to be lectured about standing up for workers from a party led by someone whose main commentary on supports for laid-off forestry workers when he was in government was “boo hoo.” The decisions that have happened this past week from Canfor….

[2:45 p.m.]

Interjections.

The Speaker: Shhh, Members.

Hon. A. Mercier: The problems and issues with access to fibre due to unprecedented wildfire conditions and, yes, difficult markets….

Interjections.

The Speaker: Members.

Hon. A. Mercier: We are next to the largest housing market on the planet. Interest rates go up. American housing stocks go down. Prices crash. It is difficult across the board.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Members, let’s hear the answer, please.

Hon. A. Mercier: Mr. Speaker, we are doing….

Interjections.

The Speaker: Just a second.

The minister will continue.

Hon. A. Mercier: We are doing the work. I was up in Quesnel recently, just like I was out in Adams Lake, touring active wildfire salvage to go into the Interfor sawmill in Adams Lake and looking at barriers and process issues in place. We’re set on resolving those, which is why we changed the Interior Appraisal Manual to incent and expedite wildfire salvage to help those operations continue. There are 30 B.C. Timber Sales licences being developed right now in response to the 2023 fires, and we are going to continue to do that work.

P. Milobar: Well, that right there explains exactly why this NDP government is completely out of touch with what’s going on in the forest industry right now.

In fact, on Friday, I was at a luncheon with the same member that was just up. He was speaking at the ILA. Didn’t even reference, didn’t talk about the closure going on up in Canfor. No, that wasn’t even referenced with the ILA.

In fact, what was referenced was a new $5 million fund so that people can go out and buy specialized equipment to take out saplings. Now, that’s an important part of fire control, absolutely. But that’s not what the loggers in the audience were looking for. They were looking for a government to actually recognize that they have created the highest-cost, most bureaucratic forestry jurisdiction in North America.

They heard nothing for relief and help coming their way. In fact, the only time that minister heard any applause on anything he said about forestry was just now, because there was no applause for his announcements in Kamloops.

When will this government recognize that under their watch, forestry has become the highest cost in North America? Canfor was very clear. The Premier could try to skate away from it. Canfor was very clear. This had nothing to do with fibre supply. It had nothing to do with cost. It had to do with the cost structure of operating, not what they can sell the product for. In fact, they said pulp is profitable right now, if they didn’t have this government in office.

When will this government recognize the burden they have placed, the gutting of the communities, the 400 people that the member just talked about, the 700 up in Prince George…? The list goes on and on and on. When will real action be taken by this government to free up and modernize our forestry industry so the mills stop closing under their watch?

Hon. A. Mercier: The decision by Canfor to curtail Polar, to curtail the line on Northwood, to suspend their investment in Houston is absolutely devastating for workers and for their families.

Had the member been around at the beginning of that meeting and been in the conversations that I was in, he would have been in a conversation with 40 loggers talking about the impacts of the Canfor decision and talking about those challenges.

We are focused right now on making sure that those workers have support and that we are getting fibre into operations. Just like in Kamloops, Kruger pulp, which is capable of taking 1.3 million cubic metres of wildfire salvage, something that other pulp facilities are struggling with and that they have pioneered the way on…. We are making sure that they have access to that wildfire salvage by expediting those permits so that workers and their families….

Interjection.

The Speaker: Shhh.

Hon. A. Mercier: So that workers and their families know they have the stability, that they can go to work every day and go home every night and that they have that family-supporting job.

[End of question period.]

Petitions

Hon. K. Conroy: I have a petition from 450 members of the community asking government to save Cai Creek, one of the last standing interior watersheds in the province.

Orders of the Day

Hon. R. Kahlon: In the chamber, I call Committee of the Whole for Bill 21, Legal Professions Act.

[2:50 p.m.]

In Douglas Fir Committee Room, I call Committee of the Whole for Bill 25, Haida Nation Recognition Amendment Act.

In Birch Committee Room, I call Committee Supply for the Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General.

Committee of the Whole House

BILL 21 — LEGAL PROFESSIONS ACT

(continued)

The House in Committee of the Whole (Section B) on Bill 21; J. Tegart in the chair.

The committee met at 2:53 p.m.

The Chair: We’ll call the committee to order. We’re dealing with Bill 21, Legal Professions Act.

On clause 1 (continued).

M. de Jong: The discussion has and will continue. I thought, as we move, maybe, with some greater particularity around some of the definitions contained in clause 1 of the bill, that a good way to characterize that or to preface that exchange would be…. I have heard the Attorney General’s response to a number of the questions about the approach that was taken, the process that was followed.

I think the Attorney will agree, though, that what is being proposed here is a significant realignment, and I use that as a neutral term, insofar as the regulation of legal professions is concerned. What is it particularly about the model that has been in existence…? By that I mean the Law Society, the benchers.

In the Attorney’s own words, what is it particularly about that model that the Attorney General and government feel is problematic and has prompted this significant, dare I say dramatic, shift?

[2:55 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: I’ve spoken at length about the process that led up to today. I’m going to narrow it down specifically, because I think the member was asking about the governance structure in particular. I can go through all the reasons that led up to the many changes that are in this bill, but in particular, I think, the CBA did a governance review in 2014, and then I mentioned the Cayton report that the Law Society issued in 2021.

In Cayton, the core recommendations included proposals for the reduction of elected benchers, an increase in proportion of publicly appointed benchers and reform of the electoral college model in a manner that would facilitate not only geographic diversity but also an optimal level of skill sets on the regulator’s board.

That was one of the things that pointed to changes in the board structure. I know that the CBABC submissions to our intentions paper mentioned that a small, more agile board composition was needed to be consistent with effective and modern regulatory operations and that it should comprise a mix of appointed and elected members.

That was in the CBABC submission, the one that I just quoted. In the Law Society’s submission, when it came to the intentions paper, it was the view of the Law Society there that the self-regulation of legal professions requires that a majority of the board that governs lawyers be themselves lawyers and that the majority of lawyer directors be elected.

There was a lot of input that we received, particularly on the governance model and, of course, the notaries and the paralegals. Once you move to a single-regulator model — it was generally accepted by all professions that we would move to a single-regulator model — then the governance had to reflect the composition of all the legal professionals that would be represented in that self-regulator.

M. de Jong: There’s lots in that answer. I’ll try to break it down a little bit.

The Attorney has referred to aspects of a report that spoke to the representative nature of the present regulatory body, the benchers — and, I think, was intending to convey that the present regulator is not as representative of either the profession or the society; I’m not certain which.

The question is…. I suppose one could imply from what we have before us that the government and the Attorney General accept that as fact, but I think that on a shift as significant as this, it is worthwhile to ask directly whether the Attorney General agrees with that.

Does the Attorney General and the government today believe that the existing regulator, the benchers, are not sufficiently representative of either the profession or the society?

[3:00 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: Of course, diversity and representation on the board are important, especially when moving to a single-regulator model. Now we need to make sure that legal professions that are under the single-regulator model are also represented in the new structure. That would be a shift from the current one.

I think that we have to acknowledge that the Law Society and the benchers have made strides in terms of representation. Certainly, when I look at the benchers today, it’s not the same group of benchers that I remember when I was a young lawyer and first starting out. I acknowledge those strides in terms of representation.

We think that the bill strikes a balance between maintaining diversity, giving new tools to ensure representation, and making sure we can continue to move forward on that.

[3:05 p.m.]

S. Furstenau: I’m glad to get up and have a moment to speak to the bill.

Noting the comments just now of the Attorney General about striking a balance, trying to create this diversity and representation…. I know the debate has been proceeding for a few days now. There have been a lot of concerns brought forward by the legal professions, by the judiciary, by people who are concerned about the pace at which this legislation is moving forward and the lack of engagement, at this point, and the lack of evidence that the engagement that has happened has been taken into account.

I just want to point to one particular aspect of this that members of the legal community have been considering at length and for a long time — the way in which we need to modernize our legal system, how we can get there, how to improve access to the legal system, particularly when it comes to people who currently can’t afford that access. I know this is part of what’s in this bill, but it’s unfortunate to see a lack of really concrete ways for improving the funding that would go to access to judicial services for people who can’t currently afford it.

In 2019, the Law Society commissioned the futures task force to consider these questions. For example, there is currently no consideration of how to prepare legal services and the legal profession to be resilient in the face of catastrophic events such as what we’re seeing in the northeast of this province right now or another pandemic or a natural disaster. This was one of the recommendations of the futures report. The futures task force was clear-eyed about the challenges facing the profession and that there be more done to ensure that all people have access to justice.

It’s disappointing that this government has moved forward with this legislation, which has raised a lot of red flags. It hasn’t created a sense that the engagement has been meaningful. There is a growing number of voices who are concerned about the implications of the changes proposed in this legislation. We get a bill, four weeks before the end of the final session of this electoral period, which isn’t particularly aligned with earlier indications of what the legislation would bring in and has raised these flags.

My question to the Attorney General. Why was this path, which was not aligned with the futures task force report, taken? How does the Attorney General propose to move forward with the goals set out in the futures task force report?

Hon. N. Sharma: I’m going to start in response to access to justice.

We’ve done a lot of work, as a ministry, using all the tools that we can to improve access to justice in the province, and that includes increased funding to legal aid. I’ve had a chance during this debate to speak pretty specifically about the government’s efforts on many fronts to increase access to justice.

[3:10 p.m.]

This bill gives the regulator the tools to expand legal professionals in this province so we can have registered paralegals and notaries providing legal services in scopes of practice across this province that will be less expensive than lawyers.

I want to say also — just to correct, I think — a little bit about who’s in favour and who’s not. I often hear that lawyers are against it. I have a long list of lawyers that are part of this and that are very supportive of the work that’s in this bill, including past presidents of the Law Society; including lawyers that are academics and are part of the faculty of law; lawyers like Jamie MacLaren, who is executive director of Access Pro Bono, which specifically provides low-cost legal services to people.

This is one of the tools that we have, as a government, to expand not only options but also access to justice in the province.

I want to say, also, that the futures report that the member mentions was taken into account, along with many others. In fact, in the CBA submission that they gave us on this, they noted that: “On the matter of regulation of lawyers, notaries and paralegals as an issue, this has been discussed at least over the past three decades.”

The submission goes on to list all of the reports that have talked about the future of legal services, how you can expand legal aid service delivery, submissions the Law Society provided, including the futures report, all the way back to 2012, when the then Attorney General wrote a letter to the Law Society and the notary society talking about an amalgamation under a single regulator. So this project has been decades in the making and has included many, many submissions and discussions, including from key components of the Law Society and the CBA, which talked about a new model of self-regulation.

We think we’ve landed on a way that takes into account everybody’s perspectives — the notaries, the B.C. para­legals, the Law Society’s submissions — and balances them in the public interest. My job as Attorney General is to represent and bring forward the public interest when making decisions, and we’ve balanced that in this bill.

S. Furstenau: I have one specific example around access to justice that I’d be interested in the Attorney General to contemplate. I’ve raised this before, I think with the previous Attorney General specifically. It’s an example of what I think is a pretty significant imbalance in terms of access to justice.

For families who are dealing with Ministry of Children and Families cases, often those families do not have the funds to pay for their own legal representation, so they use legal aid. Often the legal aid lawyers have many, many cases that they are managing, so they allot a very limited amount of time to each family. These are examples from families we have helped with in our constituency office.

On one side, you have a family — often Indigenous, often in poverty — trying to make the case that is probably the most distressing experience of their lives, the case to be able to keep their own children out of a system that is failing to protect children from the outcomes we see from MCFD. That’s one side. On the other side, we have government lawyers representing MCFD, who are on salary, who are earning significantly more than the lawyers who are representing the families.

So right in the structure of how these cases come before the courts, there is a deep imbalance in terms of the access to justice for the families who are trying desperately to be able to continue to keep their children in their homes.

[3:15 p.m.]

One proposal that our office brought forward and put up for discussion was to have government lawyers on both sides of this equation so that then there’s a balance, and the families get the same level of representation, the same funding going into representing them, as the MCFD staff get on their side.

There’s an access-to-justice imbalance that currently exists. The outcomes from this are deeply significant for the parents and families that are facing these conditions, that kind of ingrained imbalance that people face when they are facing off with government lawyers and forcing themselves to rely on legal aid in cases of MCFD files.

[3:20 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: I want to thank the member for the question. It’s something I think about a lot, in terms of access to justice and power imbalances in our system.

I have a few answers for her, but I’ll start with the tools of the bill. What we know is that if you can have different licensing regimes for different levels of legal professionals — if you expand that out — you can actually use resources differently.

What I mean by that is that if a paralegal is able to do some part of the work under some scope of practice, however that’s determined, that’s related to that scope of practice, then that’s a way for you to use your legal services or your budget in a more effective way. There’s an aspect of diversifying legal professionals as a province that does get at cost and access to justice for people. That’s one of the tools.

Another, I think, very interesting tool in this that the self-regulator will have to grapple with as this expands…. When you think about situating a regulator, which this bill does, with the independence of legal professionals, the public interest and access to justice, that’s something it’s measured by. It’s a tool in this bill to have the self-regulator measure itself against how it’s promoting access to justice with the tools that it has.

Part of that is a new tool, which is specialized licensing, or licensing that could be very specific to a certain thing. You could theoretically think of a specially licensed legal professional that is to do with MCFD cases or can play a role that’s specialized in certain cases. You could see that developing as an access-to-justice thing.

There are a few other ways that I think we’re tackling this issue. One is with Indigenous justice centres. That is a funded program where there are lawyers that are staffed there to focus directly on providing free legal services for people that are dealing with various issues, including MCFD and child protection issues. Those are Indigenous lawyers that are there to provide those services.

Another is the influx of $29 million that is going to the family law legal aid system that we announced recently through a settlement. That’s particularly for people that need family law legal aid. We estimate that 4,500 more people will get access to a lawyer through that.

M. de Jong: I want to come back to this matter that we were discussing a moment ago, before our colleague, the leader of the Green Party posed a few questions.

Before I do, though, I wonder if I could put this question to the Attorney General. Depending on the answer, I may be critical, but I am merely, at this stage, seeking information that might help to guide the conversation and discussion going forward.

We are on section one of a 300-section bill. The Attorney would say: “Well, you in the opposition decide what section we’re on.” I’ve watched the exchange. I think, to her credit, she has endeavoured to answer the questions honestly and fulsomely. It has been a good conversation.

That said, we are on section one of a 300-section bill. Today, a few moments ago, the government introduced two more bills that, it’s my understanding, the government is going to seek to have passed, which is going to necessitate breaking into this discussion and debating those bills in this chamber. There are 2½ days of session left.

Can the Attorney confirm at this stage, given what has just taken place: is it her and the government’s intention to have this bill voted upon through third reading in this session?

[3:25 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll just say that I’m frustrated by the pace at which this is going. I find myself repeating answers I’ve given. We have been at clause 1 for seven hours in the debate so far in the committee stage, and I am very eager to get to a clause-by-clause analysis of this bill, because a lot of my answers are better answered through looking at the different sections, as I think I mentioned last week when we were at this debate.

It’s my hope that we can get through everything in a way that we can explain to the public and to get the opposition to have a chance, to answer questions. I’m hopeful we’ll move on to section by section.

M. de Jong: Believe me, I am certain that there are times when the Attorney is frustrated, and she can be assured that there are times when members of the opposition are frustrated. We are at that stage, however, where…. There are always a finite number of hours in a legislative session, particularly when we have a calendar, as I think we still do.

Managing that time, which the opposition does have a role to play in, requires that we know with some certainty what the government’s and the Attorney’s intentions are. For better or for worse, we are on section 1 of a 300-page bill.

I asked the question politely a moment ago. I always try to be polite. I guess the more direct question is: notwithstanding where we are in this discussion, come Thursday, is it the government’s and the Attorney’s intention to impose closure on this debate?

Hon. N. Sharma: I’m hoping to make progress. I’m making myself available to do that, certainly past clause 1, in the hours that we’ve been debating. I’ll be speaking to the House Leader regularly about allocating time for that.

M. de Jong: I think the Attorney came perilously close to answering my question when, at the conclusion of her answer, she said she would be speaking to the House Leader about allocating time — her words. I hear “time allocation” when I hear the phrase “allocating time.”

Look, I hope the Attorney realizes that this is relevant for an opposition, any opposition, in determining how to conduct itself going forward. If there is to be time allocation, the sooner the opposition is informed of that, if there is to be the guillotine, if there is to be closure, the sooner the government informs the House and the committee of that, the better for everyone. I don’t think anything is achieved by the Attorney saying: “Well, we’ll see how it goes.”

Something as important as this, a rewrite of a regulatory scheme that has been in place for over a century and a half, I think — I hope we all agree — deserves scrutiny. If there’s a guillotine in the future in the next two days — a relevant question throughout, but made even more relevant by the government’s decision, in the last three days of the session, to introduce more legislation that it says it wants to pass — how the opposition allocates our time is influenced by that and by the knowledge of what the government’s intentions are with respect to this bill.

[3:30 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: I know that the member opposite was House Leader at that point and understands how these things work. It’s not up to me as minister. But I do have to say that I really hope that we can get through, certainly, more than clause 1 in seven hours of this bill. In order to assist in the debate, I know that my team has provided the opposition with a concordance summary.

[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]

That is a summary that outlines, exactly, specifically where the differences are between the current Legal Professions Act and the bill before us, so we could start to focus on the content and the sections and move through this in a way that helps to answer questions but also focuses in on the changes that are being made.

M. de Jong: Yes, need I be reminded of those 12 glorious years as a Government House Leader. It’s at times a thankless job, and I think the Attorney appreciates what I’m saying.

Look, I’m not trying to be troublesome or trick anyone here. Is the Attorney….? Again, triggered by the introduction of more legislation that we certainly weren’t anticipating, is she likely to be in a position today to advise the committee whether the government intends to invoke some form of time allocation or closure on the discussion around the provisions of Bill 21?

Hon. N. Sharma: My intention is to explain this bill and to answer the opposition’s questions to the sections of the bill. It’s why I’m here.

I’m sure that our House Leader will be communicating with the opposition’s House Leader, as I know they do regularly, on how things will be scheduled in this House. I’ll make myself available as many hours as I can.

M. de Jong: Well, I’ll put one more remark on the record. Appropriately, the Attorney General is the person who speaks for the government with respect to this bill. Whilst the Government House Leader has other responsibilities relating to the management of House business, the Government House Leader isn’t available to answer these questions in these proceedings. The Attorney is, and I thought the question was a fair one. I’ll ask it one more time.

Is the Attorney prepared today to consult with her House Leader and come back to the committee later today to explain and to state authoritatively whether or not the government intends to impose closure or time allocation on these proceedings? It will influence the nature of the proceedings. That’s why I asked the question.

Hon. N. Sharma: Again, I would like to focus on the sections of this bill and the discussion that we can have about the content of the bill before us. I will endeavour to make myself available for the time that it takes.

M. de Jong: Well, look, I’ll move on and ask a question. But I will make this observation, because the Attorney reminded me of the time I spent as House Leader, and I think the record will show that there were times when governments that I was a part of imposed closure. In every instance, it was made clear weeks in advance whether there was any prospect of a bill being subject to that procedural manoeuvre.

[3:35 p.m.]

The Attorney can avoid the question and say: “I don’t want to talk about it. It’s not relevant.” It’s such a crucial and important piece of legislation, dealing with the regulation of our legal professions, that I would have thought that she would be sensitive to any allegations of procedural shenanigans or manipulation. The refusal to answer a straight-up question about whether or not there’s going to be closure come Thursday strikes me as just that: an attempt to be secretive and manipulative. If that’s the approach, I guess that’s the approach.

Before our colleague from the Green Party asked some questions, the Attorney, in response to a question of mine, made this statement. I think it’s accurate. I won’t read it as a quote. When I asked her about the general notion of representation amongst the benchers and the Law Society, she said that she wanted to acknowledge that strides have been made by the Law Society to create a more representative body. So that’s helpful.

Where have they fallen short?

Hon. N. Sharma: Of course, I take the Chair’s guidance, but some of these answers that I’ve been answering over the last few days are better answered when we get to the clause, because the clauses that deal with governance will help me explain how it shows up in the bill.

I will say that the Law Society has acknowledged that there have been gains in recent years with respect to the number of Indigenous benchers and with respect to gender diversity. The Law Society has acknowledged the following groups as being underrepresented among elective directors: racialized lawyers, LGBTQ2+ lawyers, lawyers with disabilities and young lawyers and solicitors.

M. de Jong: I understand the Attorney has said there will be an opportunity for her to expand upon some of those particular issues. But let me ask now in a general way.

She has pointed to commentary by others, by the Law Society itself. What I hear from the Attorney is, in part: “These changes are being made to address shortcomings in representation on the Law Society, on the benchers, and this is our legislative attempt to address that. And I, as Attorney General and the government, accept entirely those arguments around the lack of appropriate represen­tation.”

Have I got that correct?

Hon. N. Sharma: Chair, I believe I’ve answered this, and if it could be tied to something specific in clause 1, that would be helpful for me in answering.

I will say that we’ve talked at length over the last, I think, maybe more than seven hours of debate on the purposes and the goals and the intent and what reports we relied on to make the changes.

The Chair: Thank you, Attorney.

Yes. We’ve covered some of this already, so certainly it is helpful if members can review what we’ve already covered so we’re not asking repetitive questions. The Chair would appreciate that.

[3:40 p.m.]

M. de Jong: In clause 1, there are two terms. One is “discipline committee,” and the second is “discipline hearing.” They appear one after the other. They are defined terms and, of course, they emerge and present later in the legislation.

Let me ask in a general way, as part of our conversation around clause 1: what, if any, concerns does the Attorney have with the existing disciplinary procedure within the Law Society of B.C.?

Hon. N. Sharma: The Law Society has set up a tribunal of more independence, just in practice. What this bill does is enshrine that more in legislation in terms of the operation of it. I’m happy to speak to it when we get to sections 89 and 90.

M. de Jong: From that answer, am I able to take that the Attorney has absolutely no concerns with respect to the existing disciplinary proceedings within the Law Society?

Hon. N. Sharma: The sections, once we get to 89 and 90, will really help me go through each of the ways that discipline and the discipline hearing and committee process will be undertaken in this act.

I didn’t hear any questions about the specific definitions that are listed here, but I will say that a lot of the changes that we will get to in sections 89 and 90 were taken from feedback at the Law Society about different tools they wanted or needed with respect to the discipline of lawyers and other legal professionals.

M. de Jong: Not to harp on this, but the Attorney’s reluctance to answer my procedural question means we are left uncertain as to whether we will ever get to section 90. That’s part of the problem, you see. I appreciate that the Attorney says, “Well, we’ll get to it,” but we don’t know that.

Having said that, my specific question was less about the change that is encompassed by this legislative package than it was about better understanding whether there are concerns, or any concerns, on the part of the Attorney about the present disciplinary process within the Law Society.

For example, were there aspects of that disciplinary process that the Attorney and the government were unhappy with that they’re looking to address with this legislation?

[3:45 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: You know what? I think that there’s always…. The point of introducing a bill and modernizing legal professionals is to work on the changes that will help make processes better, with feedback from our partners, and that’s certainly what we did in the discipline process.

I mentioned already that one of the key things was to enshrine work the Law Society was already doing on independence and an independent disciplinary tribunal, which puts it in there. There are better tools I hope we will get to when we get to the section. I’m happy to talk through, when it comes to those repeated disciplinary actions by the same individual lawyer and better tools for that, and just to make sure that that whole system operates with the independence and no conflict of interest necessary, which I can get through in a clause-by-clause when we get there.

M. de Jong: Thanks to the Attorney. Helpful.

For the purpose of the conversation around the definition and the need for change, though, what I’m seeking to better understand from the Attorney is to what extent, if at all, she and the government felt there was a systemic issue.

Maybe I can ask the question a bit differently. I was part of a government that eliminated self-regulation for teachers. And candidly, one of the reasons was a real concern around whether or not disciplinary procedures were either in place to the degree that they should have been or being followed to the degree that they should have been.

Have there been…? Are there concerns relating to the existing and present disciplinary process for legal professionals? I’m asking now about lawyers. A similar question is applicable for notaries.

Hon. N. Sharma: The member asked if there were serious concerns that I have, and my answer to that would be no. We maintain self-regulation in this matter. When we get to the sections on discipline, we can talk about how the structures that we put in place would ensure there was no conflict of interest and that there was an independence that was associated with the disciplinary process, along with tools to better ensure, especially with frequent repeated infractions — better tools for the new regulatory body.

M. de Jong: The Attorney and the government apparently have decided that that disciplinary process needs to be enshrined, to a greater extent, legislatively than has been the case in the past. Why is that?

The Chair: I believe that is clause 89 the member is referring to. We are on clause 1, but of course if the Attorney wants to address that…. I just believe that’s the way the bill rolls out.

Hon. N. Sharma: The sections that appear later in the bill talk about enshrining a tribunal, which is an independent disciplinary body. I’m happy to go through that once we get to that section, but really, like everything, it’s about looking at what exists and making it better, which is part of what’s in this bill.

[3:50 p.m.]

M. de Jong: So two terms.

I don’t actually have the existing…. I may have it, but I don’t have it open, so I’ll ask the question. Legal Professions Act — do those definitions appear in the same way in the existing Legal Profession Act?

Hon. N. Sharma: It’s just a matter of drafting difference. Those two terms — disciplinary committee, disciplinary hearing — are not defined in the current Legal Profession Act but are defined in this bill. So can’t compare.

M. de Jong: I understand what the Attorney is saying. But the question, of course, is: what has provoked the decision to include and enshrine the definitions statutorily? Presumably, the Attorney and the government were convinced or satisfied that that was necessary, that there was a problem that arose because of the absence of the statutory definition earlier. I’m just probing what that problem was or is.

Hon. N. Sharma: I’m told that the way…. Really, there’s no problem that’s trying to be solved by defining these two terms directly in terms of a definition. It’s really just that the current LPA is under modern drafting requirements or guidelines. Under those modern drafting guidelines, these are clarifying terms — discipline committee, discipline hearing — that help to clarify the use of them in the bill.

M. de Jong: This might be a theme that we come back to. I take it these were terms left to, in the case of lawyers, the Law Society to define in the Law Society rules. Is that correct?

Hon. N. Sharma: Just note that the two definitions that the member is talking about are pretty benign in their content. It just is a referential definition that defines, basically, what’s under section 8 or section 90. I’m told by the drafters that this is just modern drafting practice. Whereas these terms were used before, in the current Legal Profession Act, the modern drafting guidelines now would require that there just be a definition that’s referential and largely benign, but just for clarity.

M. de Jong: One of the points that the Attorney has made repeatedly during the course of the exchange over the last couple of days is the importance of protecting the public interest. I don’t think anyone in the committee has argued that objective and the importance of that objective.

[3:55 p.m.]

What I’m trying to do in focusing on the definitions included here is to ascertain whether or not, in a general way, the Attorney and the government believed that there were and are deficiencies in the existing disciplinary processes that require addressing in this legislation.

Hon. N. Sharma: Chair, I believe that was asked and answered — that specific question.

M. de Jong: Forgive me if…. I don’t question what the Attorney said. I must have missed the answer. Could she re-enlighten me?

Hon. N. Sharma: The member asked me pretty directly if I had any serious concerns about the process. I answered no, and then I went on to talk about what’s enshrined in section 89, which I hope to get to, about independence, better tools for repeat violations and things like that.

M. de Jong: A couple of more general questions. I can advise the Attorney and the committee that, just before four o’clock, my colleague from Kamloops will have some questions while I duck out, momentarily, for some other responsibilities and duties.

The Attorney had an exchange with the official opposition critic, from Vancouver-Langara, that touched on the role of the Attorney General within our existing legal professions regulatory structure and how, if at all, it will change under the regime proposed in Bill 21. Can I pursue that, for just a moment, by asking the Attorney to summarize in her own words what she sees as the role of the Attorney General, any Attorney General, vis-à-vis the public?

Hon. N. Sharma: Chair, I take your guidance on how this applies to any of the definitions in section 1. I have answered this question quite directly from a previous member about the role of the Attorney General and how I see this addressing the public interest.

The Chair: Yes. I think this question was asked by the member for Vancouver-Langara more than a few times in a couple of ways. But if we could draw it back to clause 1, I’d appreciate it.

M. de Jong: Can the Attorney differentiate for me how that responsibility vis-à-vis the public differs or is complementary to the responsibility/authority she has with respect to legal practitioners?

Hon. N. Sharma: Chair, I seek your guidance again. I don’t think the Attorney General Act is before the Legislature here for debate that sets out my roles.

[4:00 p.m.]

I talked about how I feel like this…. I’m certain that this bill is in the public interest and that we balanced the interests of legal professionals throughout the province.

The Chair: Of course, we would hope that all questions are relevant to Bill 21.

We are on clause 1, and so questions relevant to clause 1 and the bill are relevant, of course, ideally under the clauses that are appropriate. So we’re here on clause 1.

P. Milobar: I’ll just be following up from my colleague there for a little while.

I can understand government’s frustration, sometimes, on the questions from opposition. But I can assure the Chair and the minister that this comes after lots of discussion with people in the legal professions, in terms of their concerns around the bill; trying to guess what clause we may land on, or not, and end on; and trying to figure out…. At a minimum, some clarity around definitions is important.

Again, we heard the same frustration on Bill 25 at the end of last week, with the minister saying how many hours they’ve been on a bill. These are important pieces of legislation that are going to have impact for a long time. It’s important that not just the legal profession but the people that access legal professions understand what exactly is happening, in this case, in Bill 21.

Although it may be frustrating to a minister, last I checked we’re here till Thursday. If the government wants this bill passed, it will pass. If they want it to be with closure, it will be with closure. The minister and the Chairs may get frustrated, but this is actually the work that we’re here to do.

It’s the one time opposition can decide what they feel is of importance within a bill and just try to highlight it. It may not line up with the government’s view of what they feel is important within a bill, but it certainly shouldn’t be diminished, in my opinion, by the government, by any means, in terms of opposition trying to actually do their bill.

All that said, the minister will probably be thrilled to find out that what I’m about to say next is that I really don’t have questions until clause 3. We can move forward to clause 3, if the Chair is willing.

Clauses 1 and 2 approved.

On clause 3.

P. Milobar: As we rocket along to clause 317 or what­ever it is of this bill, clause 3 says: “The following professions are designated as legal professions for the purposes of this Act: (a) the profession of lawyer; (b) the profession of notary public; (c) the profession of regulated paralegal; (d) a profession designated by regulation.”

Would the minister outline for the House and, more importantly, for the broader public what other legal professions are being considered to be designated by regulation?

Hon. N. Sharma: I thank the member for the question on clause 3.

It’s one of the benefits that we see, strongly, of this bill, which is to give the government and the regulator new flexibility when it comes to conceiving of legal professions. I don’t have examples right now, except for one that I think may emerge in the future.

[4:05 p.m.]

That would be legal tech, there being this influence of technology on the legal profession, like many other professions, and an understanding of how you can conceive of, in the future, the need for a legal tech professional that has a scope of practice or a regulated role in legal professionals within the province.

What this does…. It doesn’t set it out, but it gives, under this section, the flexibility of that in the future without having to go through legislative changes or amendments to do that. It would be up to the regulator as it rolls out in a conversation with government about how that would be. It wouldn’t impact the board structure — that would require legislative change — but it would give the tools to provide that.

P. Milobar: Well, in fact, it doesn’t appear that it would give the regulator the authority to do that. It would give cabinet — the minister, by way of order-in-council — the ability to do that. Is that correct?

Hon. N. Sharma: It’s important to remember the starting point of this. Right now, if there’s a new legal profession that’s created in the province, it’s by legislation. You think about the Notaries Act. That’s how it was done before. That is actually, I would argue, a slower mechanism to be able to change and to expand or to include new legal professionals in the province. It’s taken a long time for any of those changes to be made.

Rather than requiring the legislators to come and draft a piece of legislation like the Notaries Act that says, “Here’s a new legal profession in the province, and here’s their scope of practice,” it’s done by regulation. It’s set out in the sections that we’re getting to where the government must consult with the regulator. How we see this showing up in practice is the regulator bringing a proposal or something through their work to government and working with government.

There’s a requirement to consult, have it be more integrated or, I guess, set out a collaborative process to have a regulation to add a legal professional.

P. Milobar: Thank you. That didn’t actually answer the question, though. The question was…. The minister says this gives the regulator more flexibility, but in actual fact, this gives cabinet, gives order-in-council, the executive branch of government, more flexibility in the ability to pick and choose when they want to add a legal profession by way of definition of what is a legal profession.

Is that not the case?

Hon. N. Sharma: Well, just to start with…. The regulator right now, or the self-regulator, in the province doesn’t have any role in setting out a new legal profession. Government could come and establish, like with the Notaries Act, through legislation a legal profession in the province.

What this does is actually create a role between the self-regulator under the Legal Professions Act and government to work together with government through making the regulation.

P. Milobar: Again, I get that it gives government the ability to talk to the regulator and work with the regulator. But they don’t have to. It strikes me that 3(d) is giving the executive branch of government the authority to designate a legal profession by regulation, which, in effect, is giving cabinet the ability to determine who can practice law, regardless of qualification, regardless of what the board determines is in the public interest.

Is that not correct, that cabinet has the ultimate say as it relates to 3(d)?

[4:10 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: Section 4 sets out the process that requires government to consult, which, again, is new from the current one, in which government could just create a piece of legislation with the scope of practice. It also gives a role of the regulator to add to the scope of practice that’s set up by the new legal profession through their rules, the new legal professional that may arise, and also through the self-regulator to set up the competency criteria for that new legal profession.

The Chair: On clause 3, Member.

P. Milobar: I’m trying to be on clause 3. The minister has pushed back and been frustrated about the length of time of trying to get through this bill. I’ve asked a very straightforward question on 3(d) three times now, 15 minutes, going on 20 minutes, and the minister refuses to answer it.

It’s simply: does 3(d) not give…? I get the regulator. We’ll get to that in 4. But 3(d) creates the structure that gives the power of the executive branch of government, the cabinet, the authority to designate a legal profession by regulation, which, in effect, gives cabinet the ability to determine who can practice law, regardless of qualification and regardless of what the board determines in the public interest.

I get that we’ll have questions in clause 4, but 3(d) is about a profession designated by regulation. Unless someone else can set a regulation for government other than cabinet that I’m not aware of…. The minister could shed light on that. But I don’t understand why the government just won’t give a straightforward answer that, indeed, a regulation can only be set by cabinet, as it’s worded in 3(d).

Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll answer in a smaller number of words, because I believe I have answered.

Yes, it gives the government the power through regulation, which now would be legislation. It switches that to regulation, which we think is more flexible.

P. Milobar: Regulation is definitely more flexible. Does regulation get the same public scrutiny before it becomes law and is enacted as an order-in-council, as a piece of legislative change, which would result in this type of back-and-forth and discussion in the broader community and a timeline and being able to actually consult with others before it gets enacted?

Hon. N. Sharma: Section 4 of the bill, which I think we’re going to come to next, sets out the constraints on the exercise of that ability to enact a regulation, and that sets out the process that the government needs to be guided by, including consultation with the self-regulator before making that regulation.

P. Milobar: I thank the Attorney for that again.

Again, I’m not in 4 though. We’ve been asked to try to stick to the clauses. That’s what I’m trying to stick to. The Attorney’s answer on 3(d) was that it gives more flexibility by allowing cabinet the ability to use regulation instead of legislation to designate who a new subclass would be as a designated legal profession.

[4:15 p.m.]

Right now it’s only lawyers and notaries public and the profession of a regulated paralegal. So 3(d) will give the government more flexibility and be easier to enact.

Does 3(d) not make it so that on a Friday afternoon, by order-in-council, regardless of what consultation has or hasn’t happened or what people may or may not want to see happen, if cabinet wants to see something happen, a new designated legal profession can be created with a signature on an OIC, versus the process we’re going under right now? That would be a legislative change to actually now insert something as significant as designating what would be considered as a new legal profession within British Columbia.

Hon. N. Sharma: I know the member is saying that I’m not, but I am actually trying to answer the question under 3. But I can’t do that without reference to section 4, because section 3 sets out what’s designated a legal profession, including, to what the member asked, a profession designated by regulation. Section 4 is tied to that section, which sets out the constraints that government has to exercise when enacting that regulation. They actually work together.

As I’m attempting to answer the member’s question, I need to refer to clause 4 to do that, because it sets out the requirement to consult and the steps that must be taken in the decision-making of that regulation. That’s transparent because it’s listed in the bill itself.

Clause 3 approved.

On clause 4.

P. Milobar: Well, I’ll ask again, 4(1): “For the purposes of section 3 (d), the Lieutenant Governor in Council may, on the recommendation of the Attorney General, make regulations designating a profession as a legal profession.”

Again, the minister said this gives more flexibility. I’m asking a basic procedural question, more so for the understanding of the public that are watching, on the difference between cabinet having the ability to sign an order-in-council and release it on a Friday afternoon, maybe even without a press release, that we now have a new designation of who qualifies as a legal profession in B.C….

I get it’s more flexible for the government, but I’m trying to understand the reasoning why that is more critical than having it go through a legislative change like we are doing right now.

Why did the government feel…? If it’s taken this long to change this act in the first place and it’s already been met with so much resistance and the minister can’t say what a new legal profession would even be, except for possibly maybe in the future a legal tech, why did the government feel it necessary to give themselves the ability to sign an order-in-council to insert something as significant as a new profession that would be designated as a legal profession, versus needing to go through a legislative change and provide that level of scrutiny and understanding as to the significance and need for that change to happen?

Hon. N. Sharma: I’m going to take a step back and explain how the government and regulatory bodies, including under the current LPA, work.

[4:20 p.m.]

Although government could pass legislation, in order to practise in that…. Setting out a scope of practice in order to practise, the self-regulator would need to set up scope-of-practice competencies for that to happen.

What you have is a situation where…. Under the single regulator, you have this process of a potential of new licensing and new categories of licensing and the government needing to work with the self-regulator in order to do that. Both have to work together. Not only could government, yes, by regulation, pass a regulation that sets out that scope of practice; the single regulator would have to set up the competencies and the skills in order for that profession to practise. Both have to work together.

I think what the issue has been in the past is this lack of flexibility in our ability to adapt as legal professions.

Now, I think and I hear from lawyers that there is a huge potential for changes in business models and practices in this province, if you can think of an ability — and it goes in the bill about different business models that are possible — for there to be an expansion of legal professions and the self-regulator and the government working together to do that.

Yes, a regulation is more flexible. It’s done in a different way, as the member pointed out, as legislation. Section 4 sets out what the Attorney General, whoever it is at the time, must do in order to enact that regulation. Then I mentioned that the self-regulator and the government have to work together anyway. That regulator will, then, be tasked to set out the competencies and the standards for that in order for that new legal professional to be able to practise.

P. Milobar: Well, 4(2) says:

“Before making a recommendation under subsection (1), the Attorney General must (a) consult the board, and (b) consider all of the following: (i) whether the designation is likely to facilitate access to legal services in British Columbia without posing a significant risk of harm to the public; (ii) whether the activities performed in the practice of the profession are similar to, or overlap with, those performed in the practice of law; (iii) whether failing to designate the profession would undermine the regulator’s ability to regulate the practice of law in British Columbia; (iv) whether the practice of the profession is regulated in other jurisdictions; (v) whether the designation would have an undue impact on the independence of licensees under this Act.”

Now, the minister is correct that, under this, the minister or the Attorney must consult. It doesn’t say the minister or the Attorney must enact based on what has been provided to them for information. In other words, if the government decides that a profession shall be designated as a legal profession…. There’s nothing in 4 that says, if the regulator or others consulted don’t agree with that, the government has to listen to that advice.

In other words, the government, the cabinet, would still have the ability, despite whatever advice or consultation was provided to them, to designate a new legal profession, a new profession as a legal profession, regardless of that. Is that not correct?

Hon. N. Sharma: Just to go back to what the member read out under section 2(b), from my perspective, whoever the Attorney General is considering that at the time….

These are excellent considerations for somebody that’s focused on access to justice interests of the public, which are laid out pretty clearly in terms of not only protection of the public but how it could be set up and, actually, the independence. That is something that’s very important, and it’s actually listed in there, the independence of licensees. These were very well-thought-out factors to be considered that will be important.

[4:25 p.m.]

In reality, the way self-regulation works…. The government needs to work with the regulator in order to set up the eligibility criteria for that scope of practice. As I mentioned when I answered the question before, that has to happen together. Government can set up a regulation that sets out a scope of practice for a new legal profession, and then the self-regulator will set out the eligibility requirements for that person in order to practise in the province.

Although it sets up a structure for more flexibility in practice…. It would be something that the parties would work together on. I think it’s actually a pretty exciting development.

I know the Law Society has done really interesting things through the innovation sandbox to understand what’s possible for the future of legal professionals and lawyers in the province. If we have that ability to be flexible and to add another legal professional and license them for a scope of practice, I think it’s only going to further the interests of all parties.

P. Milobar: I respect that the minister feels these would be great things and logical things to take under consideration for any Attorney General. But the question was…. There’s nothing there that actually binds the Attorney General or the cabinet to actually have to follow whatever the outcome is.

In other words, the Attorney of the day feels legal techs should be deemed to be a profession. They consult. They talk with…. They facilitate other discussions. They get advice saying whether failing to designate the profession would undermine the regulator’s ability to regulate the practice of law in British Columbia. All of the advice they get is contrary to the Attorney’s and the cabinet’s opinion that legal techs should be part of the profession.

Does cabinet not have the ability to override and, basically, ignore all of that advice and input and consultation and still forge ahead and make the designation?

Hon. N. Sharma: I would just say that what the member has articulated is a common practice with government. It’s a basic principle of democracy that you can’t bind future governments or democratic institutions in legislation.

Although consultation is required and we’ve set out the things they have to look at, there’s no ability to say “the minister” and bind them in a way that the member suggests, because that’s not how legislation or democracies work.

P. Milobar: Well, I’m not suggesting a cabinet should be bound. I was simply trying to get an affirmative answer. In fact, nothing in this prevents cabinet from regulatorily making the designation of who is a legal profession, regardless of what outside voices might be telling the government of the day and the Attorney General of the day.

This legislation is designed or intended to last a long time. I would assume the government is hoping. That means it will see many Attorney Generals have to shepherd it through. That means there will be many other professions likely knocking on the door of government and saying: “Well, it’s just a regulatory change. We want to be included as a legal profession.” When that standard of being included becomes much easier, the lobbying from other professions gets started.

It is important to ask these questions. Last I checked…. It’s not like this bill has been heralded unanimously out there by lawyers and the legal profession as something they wanted to see. Yet government is pressing ahead regardless. And that’s with legislation, not just regulation.

I get that you wouldn’t normally bind the hands of government. The way to not bind the hands of a future government is to make things by way of regulation as opposed to by way of legislation.

[4:30 p.m.]

Again, knowing that there was push-back from the legal community, knowing that there were concerns about this new structure, knowing on the heels of what we’ve seen under a few years now with the reshaping of how engineers are dealt with in B.C., Bill 36, with the health care professionals and the concerns there, why was the government so insistent in 3 and 4 to give cabinet the ability to, essentially, designate a legal profession of their choosing, instead of going through this process to update and amend a piece of legislation?

Heck, it could have been buried in a miscellaneous statutes housekeeping bill, as this government has done with other fairly significant pieces from time to time. And all governments tend to do that; I’m not trying to make that a partisan comment. That’s the way politics works, and it’s opposition that needs to read those misc stat bills and find out if there’s something of consequence in it or not. I get that.

[J. Tegart in the chair.]

There are lots of ways this could be amended, moving forward. Why did the government choose — on the backdrop of everything else that’s been going on with this bill, the concern about whether we’ll have enough time to even debate it or not, as an example, because of what we’re hearing outside of these walls — to give them the maximum flexibility and ability with the least amount of problems to create, essentially designate, new legal professions in B.C., instead of just sticking to the profession of lawyer, the profession of notary public and the profession of a regulated paralegal — given, especially, if the Attorney General can’t say that there’s a definitive list?

I could almost understand this if there was a definitive list of two or three other professions that were in active talks with government right now and they just weren’t ready to go by the time this legislation came forward. But that didn’t seem to be the case when I asked that question on the front end.

Why is the government insistent on giving themselves so much flexibility on this when you have 14,000 lawyers nervous about the implications of this and what it may or may not do to their practice?

Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll start by saying that the legal marketplace is changing. The legal profession is changing. I think it’s something that the Law Society, the CBA and many members of different jurisdictions around the world have been grappling with, what those changes mean. What clearly has come through is a need for a modern regulator that oversees legal professions.

I’ll note that right now, any version of a government would have the power to legislate and set up a separate regulatory body for that — let’s say if it was a legal tech professional; by legislation, it set up a legal tech professional self-regulator, as happened with the notaries. But that is cumbersome. It’s inflexible. It doesn’t respond to the changing marketplace.

What this does is, instead, give flexibility. It’s a tool for both the regulator and government. Because we anticipate that what will happen in the course of this is that the self-regulating body will identify the need according to the principles set out of how they’re meant to do their work in the public interest, access to justice, seeking underrepresented people, protecting the independence of professions. All the things that we set out in the bill. They will identify the potential for another legal professional and come to government for that.

This is a tool for both parties to be able to be flexible. We think it’s important in how fast things are changing in our society. And the need for access to justice for six out of ten British Columbians that don’t actually go to a lawyer. They look for legal services, and they’re in need of legal services, but don’t do that. So actually, these are things that we think are very important to modernize the legal professionals in the province.

P. Milobar: While the government was giving itself this power within this bill, between 3 and 4, to, just by way of regulation, deem who would be considered a legal profession, did they consider at all that by making this easier, it actually opens the door to more confusion by the public, ultimately, moving forward?

As you add a fourth or fifth designated legal profession…. I get that this Attorney’s intention would be to have great and wonderful, wide-open public consultation and everything else. Nothing says you have to….

[4:35 p.m.]

There’s no prescriptive way you have to consult. It just says: “Consult.” Governments do that differently all the time on that topic. I can think to the Land Act. The government consultation portal for the Land Act changes was buried in between “Click here to give your input on a reimagined Royal B.C. Museum,” and then there were the Land Act changes — “Click here to give us your comments and see what’s going on with the Land Act changes” — followed by public consultation on the B.C. Parks licence plate program.

So there are all sorts of ways governments consult. Some are a little more upfront and in people’s faces, and others a little bit more hidden and behind the scenes.

Some of the concerns we’ve been hearing, though, are that if there are more professions added — yes, I understand, to be clear to the Attorney, I’m not talking about the scope they may or may not have — the average person is going to hear: “Oh, there’s a new legal profession.”

Does the Attorney not see how that could create actually substandard access, in a way, if people think they’re accessing one form of legal services when in fact, by regulation, they’re going to be restricted on what that person can practise, but they think they’re actually getting the services of that full-package lawyer or even the services that a notary would normally provide?

Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll start by saying that we did public consultation on the bill that’s before the House right now, that we’re debating, and the what-we-heard report sets it out. By and large, the public was in favour of access to justice and different tools for us to do that. That’s why it’s guided by a big piece of this work.

The other thing that I would say is that the Law Society did an innovation sandbox, where they talked about the idea of limited licensing, the fact that you could license somebody for a limited area — the idea being, and I think this was in discussion, that that could, through that limited licensing by the self-regulator, lead to the development of a legal profession just through that trial of learning what’s working in that field or how the limited licensing is working. That would be the way that that could develop pretty naturally through self-regulation.

The other thing I would say is it’s up to the self-regulator to have set up practice standards. So if you are having regulated paralegals, for example, as is contemplated in this bill, you would have a practice standard — competencies that that regulated paralegal would have to do in order to be able to practise, like continual education, if that’s a part of it, and standards of ethics. Then there would be a disciplinary process that would be triggered if that person breached them, just like lawyers today.

P. Milobar: On 4, I don’t see anywhere where it’s required that cabinet consider whether designating a new profession would undermine the regulator’s ability to actually regulate the practice of law.

Failing to designate a profession is listed as a relevant consideration, but government seems to not see it as relevant as to whether designating a profession would affect the regulator’s duties and abilities. Why was that?

[4:40 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: That section that the member is talking about — part 2, clause 3 — is to prevent a specific thing happening that has happened in other jurisdictions.

You could imagine a situation where there were a group of, I guess, professionals that were basically practising law or practising it in a way that should be regulated under the legal professions but isn’t. Failing to designate that profession undermines the regulator’s ability to regulate the practice of law in British Columbia. Having this group operate and provide services that you would determine as legal services, without being regulated, is hampering the regulator’s ability to do their work.

Then you could imagine a situation where the self-regulator says to government: “Hey, there’s a whole group of people that are doing this type of work” — let’s say, paralegals that aren’t registered — “and they’re providing legal services. We have no way to set standards of practice, to do the work of making sure the public is protected.” Then you would say government should regulate a scope of practice so that the self-regulator can set out what the competencies and abilities of that person to operate in that space are.

M. de Jong: Well, I depart for a bit, and we’ve launched ahead to section 3, I think.

Interjection.

M. de Jong: Four — 3 and 4. Let me further explore the theme that the Attorney has been canvassing with my Kamloops–North Thompson colleague. I’ll ask the general question first.

It strikes me that if we look at the construct here and the themes of statutory construction at play, a lot of what was formerly in the existing Law Society rules — things like non-practising versus practising lawyers and the classes of licence, all these things that heretofore have been in the Law Society rules — are being embedded in legislation. Ironically, with respect to section 4, some of the largest questions are being dealt with by regulation — in this case, the designation of an actual legal profession, as in the case of sub 4(1).

Obviously, the Attorney is comfortable with it, or she wouldn’t have sponsored the legislation. But shouldn’t big questions about whether something should be considered or designated a legal profession, versus more administrative matters, be dealt with by legislation, or is the Attorney telling the committee that these things might change far more quickly than they have in the past?

I mean, it’s not as if there has been a proliferation of new legal professions. Wouldn’t that logically be something that the Legislature itself would want to consider?

[4:45 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: We had a chance to canvass this question with the previous member that was asking questions, and I’ll just repeat it. The legal marketplace is changing pretty rapidly, and the goal of having a single regulator is to have all legal professionals regulated under one body. With that comes the need to contemplate a new environment where you’re thinking about the future of what legal professionals could be and, potentially, another type of legal professional.

We had a chance to go through this in detail, before the member came back — with the Law Society’s innovation sandbox and the way they’re looking at limited licences and this potentially evolving into a new legal profession — about why we think that this interplay between the government and the regulator, as set out in 3 and 4, would have to set the competencies and the eligibility requirements for each new legal professional.

Working together, in the context of the new, changing legal marketplace, this model will provide for the flexibility that was needed in order to do that.

M. de Jong: I’m with the Attorney with respect to the advisability of the government, the regulator and the regulating body working together. What I didn’t really hear, though, was an explanation for why the legislative branch of government should be excluded, going forward, from that important consideration: the designation of a new legal profession. Surely there is still a role for the legislative branch of our government to play a role in determining whether that is advisable and appropriate.

Hon. N. Sharma: This was a decision that was led by the fact that it’s our view, and it’s been I think proven over the decade that even this project has been in the works…. The CBA and one of the reports mentioned it was three decades in the making, to think about a new model for legal professionals through legislation. Given that legislation can take that amount of time and given, like I mentioned, the legal marketplace and how it’s changing, we think this is an important tool in that development.

In practice, the way we expect it to show up is the self-regulator, through the course of their work and their principles that are adhered to in their work, has identified the need for setting standards for a new type of legal that’s practising or the potential of it and coming to government to figure out the regulation and scope of practice for that.

Of course, government is guided by the principles, set out in section 4, that lay out exactly, in a very transparent way, what will be considered before making a decision like that. It has those kinds of checks and balances built into it.

M. de Jong: Great, except the only check and balance missing is legislative oversight. If this legislation passes, all of those changes going forward happen, independently of any consideration by this body.

The Attorney can tell me if I’m going down the wrong path here. If the regulatory powers sought in this legislation and these provisions we’re dealing with now were existing today, much of what is in this bill wouldn’t have had to come before the House, unless I’m mistaken. The reconfiguration and the recognition of additional legal professions would happen separately and apart from any need to consult this assembly.

[4:50 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: To answer the member’s questions, there is so much more in this bill about the modernizing of legal professional regulation in this province that is much bigger than these two particular provisions. Because of that content, it would be, of course, before the Legislature, as we are today, in contemplating all those changes.

M. de Jong: Well, I respectfully disagree with the Attorney General. Surely the recognition of a legal profession and all that that implies is huge? Huge for all sorts of reasons: protection of the public, competencies.

The Attorney sort of minimizes the significance of these provisions. Surely the recognition of whether an activity constitutes, or should be recognized as, a legal profession goes to the heart of regulating the provision of legal services in this province.

Hon. N. Sharma: I’m not sure I caught the question, so the member will correct me if I missed the question. But as I mentioned before, we think the right checks and balances are in place to not only have a system that’s more flexible through regulation but sets out, to the public, what the minister will consider when making a decision with respect to a new legal profession in that scope of practice. I laid out before about the ways that the regulator will have to work with government.

I’ll say that right now I think it would illustrate the issue that is in need of having a new regulatory body. It’s my understanding that under limited licences, under the innovation sandbox, the Law Society was issuing a no-action letter to people to test out new ideas in terms of limited licensing. But the issue with that — and one of the reasons that it’s built in later on in the bill, and one of the many things that this bill will do — is that it didn’t give them the tools then to regulate or discipline or set standards for that limited licence or practice.

There are ways that this bill expands the regulator’s ability to hold legal professionals in this province accountable to standards, even through limited licences that don’t exist today. With the conversation that the self-regulator will have with government if, through that limited licensing, the information that they’ve achieved through that is that there’s a need for a separate licence category of legal professionals, then that also will give them the ability to be able to set standards and protect the public in the operation of that legal professional’s duties.

M. de Jong: I don’t think I’m explaining my concern very effectively. I apologize for that. Let me try to go about this a slightly different way.

In the legislation before us, the government and the Attorney saw merit in identifying legal professions involving lawyers, notaries, a practising regulated para­legal, and saw merit in having this Legislative Assembly, the third branch — or second branch, whatever number you want to use — of government to be directly involved in validating that, going forward under this regime, this body would have no role to play in determining whether or not a group of professionals should be recognized as a legal profession.

I’m suggesting to the Attorney General that that is problematic, that something as fundamental as that deserves to have legislative oversight. I take it she disagrees. What I haven’t heard is why she disagrees with that.

[4:55 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll endeavor to clarify.

Yes, we went with the regulation power and clause 3 or 4 in this bill for many reasons that I talked about, flexibility. In particular, I think, to the member’s point, the way we’ve ensured that the public has confidence in the decision-making that’s involved in this through regulation is through what the Attorney General must consider. This isn’t unlike many regulatory-making powers, where you set out what the Attorney General should consider so it’s in a transparent way, to the public, of what considerations have been made in deciding on that regulation.

We think that section (2)(b) covers very important aspects of the decision-making process. I expect that whoever’s making that decision, who is in my role in the future, will have had, and they must, consultation with the board, and this will be something that makes sense to British Columbians for access to public. But on top of that, it’ll be something that can change quicker than a legislative process. As we’ve seen over the last few decades, it took three decades to get to the single-regulator model.

Access to justice is a serious issue in the province. We think that having the flexibility with the transparency, and the clear factors that the minister must consider in making a decision, is striking that balance.

M. de Jong: I fear, to my mind at least, that the Attorney is conflating two issues. On the one hand, she points out or makes the argument that this bill is about far more than determining what constitutes designating a profession as a legal profession. On the other hand, she says, “Well, we need the flexibility to, by regulation, address that issue of what is a legal profession,” as if that has been the hangup over the last number of years.

I don’t think that’s the case. I think there has obviously been an issue that this Attorney and others before her have grappled with as it relates to the relationship between lawyers and notaries, scope of practice issues. The legislation, obviously, deals further in with the composition of the regulator in ways that have attracted a great deal of comment. But something as fundamental….

Well, let me ask the question this way. To be fair to the Attorney General, I did hear a part of this answer as I was re-entering the committee, so I do apologize for asking her to expand on this a little bit.

Let’s give the committee an example of how that rapidly changing landscape may give rise to the need for a recognition of an additional legal profession sooner rather than later.

[5:00 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: I think this is going to be illustrated clearly in this example.

With the innovation sandbox, the Law Society, it’s my understanding, was thinking of limited licences for a legal tech company that was providing services for making wills for people. Now, if you can imagine, in a limited scope…. The ability of a regulator to set standards and protect the public in an instance like that is limited. Are they a lawyer? Are they a paralegal? Are they a notary? What is the category of services they’re providing, and how do I set standards?

Where I see one of the biggest potentials, and the reason it needs to be rapidly changing, is because the nature of technology is changing so much. I can see the Law Society or the legal professions, the single regulator just thinking about it. If there is a proliferation of legal tech companies that are out there providing legal services to people in a way that is providing a problem in the sense of…. How is the public interest protected? How is there a standard of conduct being provided to assure the public that the right checks and balances are in place for that person providing that legal service? How do we do that?

Well, then, the answer may be that, through using these mechanisms, three and four, we need the government to work with us on a regulation that sets out a scope of practice for legal tech platforms or tech companies that says that if you’re providing this legal service, here’s your scope. It would be then up to the self-regulator to set out what the competencies are, how we protect the public. How we ensure that that service is up to a standard to protect the public interest is one example.

What we’re seeing in the legal marketplace is rapidly changing technology, the way people want to get legal services, where they might be getting legal information. So this regulator, under the single regulator, really needs to be able to adapt over time to protect the public, access to justice, all the things that we want them to protect.

M. de Jong: Thanks to the Attorney for the helpful example.

Let me just take a moment to explore that a little bit, because what the Attorney has, I think helpfully, described for the committee is how a service is provided through the use and advent of technology, how people are accessing that service. But, presumably, there is always somewhere a person or a person-populated organization behind that technology.

[5:05 p.m.]

To use the Attorney’s example, does she see the legislation being utilized to allow for the designation of a legal profession based not on what it is providing to a client in terms of legal information, not what the kind of advice is but how that advice is being dispensed?

I don’t quarrel with the example, but that strikes me as a pretty interesting distinction — that the regulator will have a different approach depending on how advice is being provided and how a legal service is being provided, rather than what that advice and what that service is.

Hon. N. Sharma: The answer to that is actually very complex. Probably when we get to other sections of the act which, I can suggest, would better explain the different tools that the self-regulator would have — to answer that question that the member asked.

I will say that in the changing use of technology, in the changing way people access technology, the idea that there would be, presumably, a lawyer that has a standard of practice, that licence could be removed from…. May be the case, may not be the case. There may be somebody providing legal services, or providing legal services without any kind of regulatory oversight, on an online space.

This will, and I hope to get into it as we go further down in the tools of the regulator, give the regulator the tools to be able to more easily adapt. If it came to the point of having to have a new legal profession under that…. If it was a legal tech platform or a legal tech category where there’s a person that you can actually regulate that’s providing legal services or setting a standard…. It gives the power that’s carried forth in the other one to regulate a law firm too. You could think of how you define a law firm and how you provide that accountability.

We can get into that as we move on, about the different tools that the regulator has once that profession is set out.

M. de Jong: Yeah, it’s interesting.

Am I wrong? I approach this…. I recognize I’m not on the leading edge of the deployment of technology. But isn’t there always…? Is it fair for me to assume that in the provision of legal services, there is always, ultimately, a person — the person could be corporate, but there is always a person — that is ultimately to be held responsible or regulated? When I say “person,” again, I mean person, an individual or a corporation.

Hon. N. Sharma: I can bring up ChatGPT, which is an example of an AI-generated platform.

[5:10 p.m.]

Actually the solution, we think, or one of the solutions to that is, under this, which I will get to later on in the clauses, the ability of the regulator to regulate law firms — actual enterprises, rather than individuals. So you could think of a way to do that if you can’t in the area of technology.

I’m happy to get into that when we get into that section.

M. de Jong: Just to make sure I understand this, though. When we are regulating law firms, we’re not talking about the creation of a new legal profession, are we? A new legal…. The term we’re referring to here. Yeah, legal profession. We’re not talking about a new legal profession in that sense?

Hon. N. Sharma: The member is right, in a way, but I think that it gets complicated once we get into the different tools that the regulator will have to hold people accountable or entities accountable in the breach of standards.

When we get into that section, I’m happy to go through that in detail.

M. de Jong: All right. Trying to stay focused, then, on the section before us. Legal professions that fall within the ambit of the proposed regulator — lawyers, notaries, regulated paralegals. The Attorney has mentioned the possibility, in the future, of a technology-related legal service that might require designating as a legal profession and has said…. I accept what she’s saying, that she will have more to say about that if and when we get to those provisions.

Is there another example of a separate legal profession that might need designating?

Hon. N. Sharma: I’m not going to speculate on that, because it really will be up to the working of…. What we expect is that the regulator will, through their limited licensing regime, start to see trends and identify things that may be happening in the legal professions, like a whole group of people operating in an unregulated way that we need to set standards on, and then come to government, and that will be a dialogue about that.

M. de Jong: I’m not asking for the Attorney to speculate wildly. I am, to be fair, testing the proposition that says that the reason we have to exclude the Legislative Assembly from the decision-making process around the approval of a new legal profession is because this can happen rapidly and with regularity.

I don’t think I agree with the proposition of excluding the Legislative Assembly, but it is the approach that the government and the Attorney want to take. If it is so, that this is anticipated to happen with regularity, I’m merely trying to explore how it might happen and in what areas.

Hon. N. Sharma: I mentioned the reason why we think regulation, working with the regulator is the better way to go in the changing marketplace. I won’t repeat myself. We may just differ in that view.

I will say that we think that the bill on its whole has many tools available to the regulator with limited licensing and the way to have a review built in on how it’s meeting the access to justice and the goals of it. I’m happy to get into that once we get there. This is just one of the tools that I would expect. I’m just speculating with this — that it wouldn’t be used as often as the other tools that are in the bill.

M. de Jong: I’ll do this quickly, but I feel honour-bound at this point to refer to the ghost of one Leonard Krog, who used to, in his time, many years here, point to the trend — most of that time he was criticizing a government that I was a part of, to be fair — towards broader, more general regulatory powers in areas that are fundamental to the subject matter being dealt with by the bill.

[5:15 p.m.]

I would say, and I understand that the Attorney disagrees, that this is one of those areas where it would have been more appropriate to leave to the Legislative Assembly as the final arbiter of what constitutes a legal profession in the province of British Columbia.

I take it the…. I understand the Attorney is not nearly as exercised about that as I am or Mr. Krog would be or presumably still is. I don’t think the Attorney…. Or maybe she did sit here when Leonard Krog was…. No, their time here did not coincide. So she has not heard that impassioned plea from Mr. Krog. I will not endeavour to repeat it here except to register, on behalf of the opposition, our concern around this particular provision.

The Chair: We are going to take a short break for ten minutes.

The committee recessed from 5:16 p.m. to 5:25 p.m.

[J. Tegart in the chair.]

The Chair: We’ll call the committee back to order.

Clause 4 approved.

On clause 5.

M. de Jong: The provision seems relatively clear in terms of the structure of the new regulator. I note the specific reference in 5(3) confirming that the provisions of the Business Corporations Act don’t apply.

Does the Societies Act apply?

Hon. N. Sharma: No, the Societies Act doesn’t apply. The reason for subsection 5(3) is because, as you’ll see in 1, it defines it as a corporation. So it was necessary to put in subsection (3) to make sure that the Business Corporations Act — that it was clear that it doesn’t apply.

M. de Jong: The Business Corporations Act doesn’t apply. Societies Act doesn’t apply. So any internal management provisions, anything to guide the operation of this corporation must be contained within this legislation. Is that correct?

Hon. N. Sharma: Because independence was such an important factor related to this, particularly with legal professionals and lawyers, the rules are left up to the independent regulator to set out.

M. de Jong: When we say rules of the sort that would otherwise appear or be determined by a societies act or a business corporations act, anything that isn’t contained within the provisions of this bill….

[5:30 p.m.]

[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]

In terms of the administrative processes, in terms of disputes that might arise, those procedures, any rights that might exist to challenge, those are either all contained within this legislation or require the regulator, that this legislation purports to create, to set those rules that uniquely apply to the Legal Professions of British Columbia.

Hon. N. Sharma: The member is correct. If it’s not in the act, then it’s up to the regulator to come up with those rules.

M. de Jong: There are obviously many provisions of this legislation that touch on aspects of what the regulator, the authority, and the jurisdiction of the regulator….

Is there a particular provision, though, that relates specifically to the statement the Attorney has just made about the jurisdiction of the regulator in that respect?

Hon. N. Sharma: It’s section 27. I’m happy to get to that, if we want to, next.

M. de Jong: Well, I can’t take this to 27, but I think I can take this to 6.

Clause 5 approved.

On clause 6.

M. de Jong: Not an insignificant provision, insofar as it — clause 6 — purports to lay out the duties of the regulator. They are…. Well, I was going to say they are different. I guess, over the course of the next little while, we’ll determine how different they are. They’re certainly enumerated differently, and we’ll ascertain to what extent that is reflective of actual differences.

The present Law Society’s overriding duty is to uphold and protect the public interest in the administration of justice. It lays out various areas: preserving and protecting the rights and freedoms of all persons; ensuring the independence, standards and competence of lawyers; establishing standards and programs for education for lawyers and students; regulating practice; supporting and assisting lawyers to fulfil their duties in the practice of law.

There is significantly different wording employed here. Let’s, again, start with the general question: what is the difference between the duties of the present Law Society and what the duties of the new regulator will be?

[5:35 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: The member points out the differences between the current Legal Professions Act and the bill before us, and I’ll just maybe talk generally and then maybe more specifically about them.

The general intent and goal of the changes in this particular provision was to simplify and to clarify. It was based, also, on an exploration that my team did about what other modern law societies were saying in a simplified version of what the duties of the regulator were and also to make sure that that clarity involved duties to the public interest rather than, maybe directly, individual lawyers, so just to clarify the role of the regulator when it comes to the oversight provided for the practice of law and the protection of the public.

M. de Jong: I’ll just deal with those maybe in reverse order.

The last one the Attorney General mentioned…. I think what she said was emphasizing the duty to protect the public interest or the duty to the public interest. I, like the Attorney today, at one time was, by virtue of the position, a bencher and of course as a lawyer always tried to emphasize to people, as the Law Society does presently, that the overriding duty is to protect the public interest. That is something that I think the Law Society continues to take very seriously and always has, contrasted with an organization like the CBA B.C. branch which advocates on behalf of lawyers.

Has that, to the Attorney’s mind, been in doubt? She made a point of highlighting that distinction. Is there a reason for that? Was there confusion about the Law Society having, as its primary objective, protection of the public interest? What has given rise to the need to distinguish that differently?

Hon. N. Sharma: Really, this was a way to simplify and clarify. I know that the Law Society situates itself in the public interest right now, but a lot of the language in the previous or current one is not really simplified or modernized or at the heart of the duty. So it was just really a way to…. The idea of a new regulator with single regulating of all professions — to just make it really clear, what we thought captured the essence of what the goals of a regulator should be without, maybe, too many provisions or too many words, just to capture it.

M. de Jong: I don’t want to belabour this, but I thought the existing provision said something along the lines of upholding and protecting the public interest in the administration of justice. That seemed pretty unambiguous to me.

[5:40 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: The reason for not using that, I think maybe a difference of opinion from the member, is that the “administrative justice” term as a term is not one that’s, I would say, generally understood by the public. It’s included in some of the law studies across Canada — that term, administrative justice, in that provision. Others are not.

Really, the intention with this is to clarify the mandate and to focus that. So administrative justice is not defined in the current Legal Professions Act. It’s a broad term that generally means the process through which the justice system works, and it’s not a phrase that’s understood by the public. That was the reason we didn’t include it.

M. de Jong: All to say that the Attorney is telling the committee that there is no question today that the present Law Society has done anything other than operate to protect the public interest. This is merely meant to be a stylistic change, as opposed to some sort of substantive change.

Hon. N. Sharma: There’s no doubt that I have that the benchers and the members of the Law Society act honourably, and they do their best to protect the public interest.

What this bill does is provide better legislative guidelines and framework and modernize the language to situate the regulator in a way that is in accordance with the report that the Law Society conducted on its own volition under the Cayton review in 2021. That talked about ways you can strengthen the legislative framework and the regulator to make sure that all of those duties to the public interest are clear.

M. de Jong: To the Attorney, I think I know the answer to this, but I’ll ask it anyway. Is she aware of any circumstances, or can she call to mind any examples or circumstances that she is aware of where she feels the Law Society has been guided by something other than a desire to protect the public interest?

Hon. N. Sharma: There is nothing that I’m particularly concerned about. But this is a journey, I’ll note, that the Law Society has been on over the last few years to understand, not only with the Futures report but also the Cayton review, what should be in a modern law society and how that could look under a regulated body. I think this bill has a lot of those elements of improvement in it.

M. de Jong: In a couple of instances and just a moment ago, the Attorney used the term “modern law societies,” and I take it that some of this language…. I think the Attorney has pointed out to the committee has been taken or borrowed from what she would term modern law societies.

Is there one in particular that has guided the drafters of Bill 21, and in the specific case of clause 6 that we’re on, is that drawn from a particular example, a particular jurisdiction?

[5:45 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: I would say, just generally, that what you have before you is a made-in-B.C. solution, although I did mention that we looked, as we always do, at other examples. Some of the ones we looked at were Alberta, Manitoba, Ontario and Quebec, along with other jurisdictions. But I wouldn’t say that one was guided by the other.

What guided us was…. Before we made the intentions paper, we sat down with the notaries, the B.C. paralegals and the Law Society. It was very clear during discussions, and I think that’s in the intentions paper, that the duties of the regulator were an important aspect of this whole project, or one of the important aspects of the project. A lot of time was spent speaking with those key stakeholders when it comes to the content of what section 6 has in it.

M. de Jong: We were, I think, having this conversation specifically in the context of the reference in sub 6(2) to the protection of the public interest or the obligation to perform its duties in the public interest. I contrasted that with the existing phrase from the regulator, and the Attorney pointed out that the term “administration of justice” has fallen out of use.

Sub 6(2) is reflective of more modern regulators. Is the sentence in sub (2) drawn from a specific jurisdiction?

Hon. N. Sharma: Essentially the same answer as before. What this section is, is a made-in-B.C. solution. So we went through that process that I described in my previous answer to arrive at that.

M. de Jong: Sub 6(1)(a) includes the phrase…. Well, on the surface it perhaps states what one would expect it to say to regulate the practice of law in British Columbia. However, it is a legal document written by and about lawyers.

Is that phrase “practice of law”…? I don’t think that’s a defined term. I’m curious. Well, why don’t I start with that? Is it a confirmation that it’s not a defined term?

Hon. N. Sharma: It’s under section 35. For a second there, I thought I’d have to go back to the definitions, but no. It’s further down in the bill under section 35, where that’s defined.

[5:50 p.m.]

M. de Jong: In 6(1)(b), there is reference to the establishment of standards and programs that might apply to applicants, trainees, licensees and law firms. Is the specific reference to law firms differentiated from the existing provisions and, if so, can the Attorney explain the significance of that inclusion?

Hon. N. Sharma: The member has identified a change that we talked about earlier, about the better tools. So, no, law firms is not included in the LPA. It’s defined, but it’s not included, in terms of specifically calling out, in that similar section that’s been adapted. It’s for the reasons that we talked about in detail, about giving the regulator ability to do things with respect to law firms. That might come into play with things like legal tech companies or things like that.

M. de Jong: The Attorney has correctly talked about it in the context of future technical advancement. But beyond that, in an existing regime that regulated, in the case of lawyers, individual lawyers and imposed requirements on those individuals that were enforceable against those individuals, does this substantively…? I recognize that the Attorney has said yes in the context of technological advancements. But is this more significant than that in terms of what it means from a day-to-day regulation of law firms?

Hon. N. Sharma: Because of the nature of self-regulation in the Legal Professions Act and the broad scope of that, the Law Society currently has the ability to regulate about law firms. I wouldn’t say it’s a power that’s been used rigorously at this stage, but as we were talking about a lot in this debate, we see that there will be a need in the future, or a potential need in the future, to that being a more robust role for the regulator, in terms of setting rules and enforcing those rules against law firms.

You’ll see it in the bill as something that has been, in some sections, not only brought clarity to but also strengthened.

M. de Jong: I don’t want to over dramatize this, but does that represent a slightly expanded range of responsibility? I mean, it’s a duty, so it’s not something that the regulator might do or could think about doing. It is a specific duty that is now imposed upon the regulator. Does that…? The Attorney has offered one example of where that duty would operate, but it strikes me that it represents not just an expansion of things they might do but an expansion of the things that the regulator must do.

[5:55 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: It’s not a must, particularly in this context, but it provides clarity that I think is necessary in the field of regulation of legal professions, that law firms is included in the area of establishing standards and programs and practices. The regulator has the following duties to do that. So we leave it to the regulator, as we do with a lot of self-regulating professions, to set up those standards and to enforce and to regulate.

As I mentioned before, I think this will become an increasing role for a regulator in the future. Certainly, it’s something that’s built more prominently, I guess, into this bill, but not in a way that it’s a must.

M. de Jong: Sorry. At the beginning of her response, the Attorney said something, and then right at the end, and I’m not sure I understood it either way. I thought what I heard was the Attorney saying that it’s not a case of must, but I may have misheard her. My impression is that when something is a duty, the regulator must fulfil that duty. It’s not an option. But I may have misheard the Attorney.

Hon. N. Sharma: I thank the member for asking the question.

To clarify what I said, as a duty, it does require that regulator to turn their attention to that, like the regulation of law firms, but there’s no must in the sense of what those actions must be in order to fulfil that. That’s kind of…. Maybe I’ll just provide that clarity.

M. de Jong: I guess to follow that through, though, what we can say is that under this provision, the regulator, as one of its duties, must establish standards and programs for the education, training and competence, practice and conduct of law firms. I understand what the Attorney said. This doesn’t particularize what they must be, but it does say that the regulator must now establish standards and programs in these areas, must establish those standards and programs for a law firm.

Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll go back to the fact that this is also…. As I mentioned, it provides clarity, because in the existing Legal Professions Act, we would understand that scope to include law firms, and my understanding is that there have been some rules developed about law firms.

The regulator has the following duties to establish standards and practices and all that. But it’s not a must in terms of what that actual content is. So, yes, they have that as part of their duties — it’s not in addition to anything different that they have as an existing one — and then there are different provisions in the rest of the bill that would contemplate how that comes into play in decision-making.

[6:00 p.m.]

M. de Jong: So these duties to regulate the practice of law, as defined later in the bill, to establish these standards and programs, to ensure the independence of licensees, to protect the public interest…. This now extends to all of the legal professionals, as designated here, and any additional legal professionals that may arise pursuant to clause 3, which we’ve already dealt with.

Would the Attorney characterize that as representing an expansion…? If we take what the Law Society, for example, does today, does that represent an expansion of their area of responsibility?

Hon. N. Sharma: I wouldn’t characterize it as an expansion, but I would say that the bill…. When we get further on in the provisions, it’s a more explicit reference to the regulator’s role with respect to law firms.

M. de Jong: To the Attorney, I have her point about law firms. I was going further with my question, to: this is a regulator whose responsibility will now include notaries, will include lawyers, will include regulated paralegals.

I guess the question that has been asked is: to what degree, if at all, has any analysis been done to authoritatively answer the question about the workload involved and to what degree this represents an expanded workload?

Hon. N. Sharma: There are transitional provisions that I’m happy to go over in detail that talk about the process that we will get there for.

But I will just say that it’s not a straightforward answer because right now, we have two regulatory bodies for the notaries and one for the lawyers. So you would think that there would be two boards, two CEOs, two executives — two basic organizations that are geared towards regulation. What the transitional provisions set out, which are further on in the bill, is the process by which those analyses and processes will be made.

We expect, and we’ve said this, that it would take up to 18 to 24 months for that transition to happen.

M. de Jong: There will be an opportunity to discuss that — I hope there will be an opportunity to discuss that — further along, but we are talking about this essential aspect of the bill, section 6, and that is the duty.

We’re going to take two organizations that today operate independently — are, as far as I recall, self-financed — and then we are going to combine them to fulfil the duties required here. Has there been any analysis done on the cost of doing that?

[6:05 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: That process is set out in the transitional provisions, about how you would get to those kind of discussions and estimates.

M. de Jong: Yes. I’ve seen the transitional provisions. My question, though, was whether or not the Attorney and the government itself, the ministry, have done any analysis to consider what the cost might be.

Hon. N. Sharma: Not at this stage.

M. de Jong: Well, that is a bit troubling. I’m not suggesting that…. Well, maybe I am suggesting…. Surely, on a change of this magnitude, one of the considerations that the Attorney would want to have before her is the degree to which the changes being contemplated would impose costs on either the Crown or the organizations being regulated. To hear that there has been no analysis whatsoever associated with that is surprising, although, I’m sorry to say, in the last number of years, less surprising.

Hon. N. Sharma: There’s a very important reason that we are having these discussions at a later date, and that’s because independence is implicated as a clear factor related to this. As the member mentioned, self-regulatory bodies cover the costs of their own operations, and that includes the notaries and the Law Society at this stage.

We have had pretty deep discussions for a few years now on the move to a single regulator, and we’ve thoughtfully set out transitional provisions that have been part of that discussion about the process that it would need.

But it’s really important, given the importance of operational independence of the regulatory bodies, that any such arrangement would need to be very carefully considered, given the need for independence of government from the operation of the regulator.

M. de Jong: I’m cognizant of time, but I don’t want to be disrespectful, and hopefully I won’t be.

There’s another school of thought that takes what the Attorney has just said and says: “Well, these are self-regulated professionals. They cover their own costs today. They’ll cover their own costs tomorrow. And by the way, they’ll cover their own costs of the transition.”

So as government, we’re not really that interested, because they’re going to pay for it. The Attorney can say: “Well, we want to preserve absolute independence. Sure, someone else can pay for it.”

Anyway, I don’t want to get dramatic about this. It just strikes me that in a change of this magnitude, it would be normal for the government to have had a conversation with the present bodies that are in charge of regulation to say: “What do you think this is going to cost?”

Can I say this, because I do…? I want to be fair. I think in the first year we did an estimates debate, the Attorney General did comment on this and said: “Well, we’re prepared to have a conversation about the costs associated with the transition, because it’s going to be individual members who have to absorb those costs.” I expect they’re interested to know what kind of levy or what impact this is going to have on their fees. So, independence: fine.

[6:10 p.m.]

I think there’s another school of thought here that says the government is not too concerned, because it intends to have the members absorb all of those costs themselves — or not. I’ll wait for the Attorney to reply.

Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll just say that the transitional provisions are well-thought-out, on how we get to those questions that the member is asking. I’ll just remind the House that the project of a single regulator was agreed to by all existing regulators — the notaries and the Law Society — that this was a project that would result in efficiencies and better processes in the regulation of legal professionals. That was an agreed-to thing.

Now, the next question is: how do we have a process where the regulator has their independence and we figure out the transition to the new regulator? That’s set in the transitional provisions, which I’m happy to get to.

M. de Jong: Okay. One last observation, and it’s simply this: as logical as the Attorney might want to make that sound on the sequencing, my recollection is that when a change of this magnitude was contemplated, the Treasury Board would be involved to assess whether there were any costs involved to the Crown and, if so, how those costs would be apportioned.

It sounds like none of that happened here. The Attorney is relying upon provisions contained later in the bill, and the government has decided to proceed in the absence of any analysis as to what the cost might be.

Hon. N. Sharma: I’ve nothing more to add than in my previous answers.

M. de Jong: I have nothing more to ask.

Clause 6 approved.

On clause 7.

M. de Jong: Guiding principles — I don’t know how recent a phenomenon they are. I think at one time drafters were hesitant to include provisions like this that, by definition, were the kind of thing you would see in a preamble.

We don’t do preambles to legislation in this province. I don’t think we have in a long, long time. Here they are — I’m not suggesting that it’s unique; we’re seeing these more frequently — embedded within the main body of the legislation, about what the regulator must have in its mind as it embarks upon its duties.

It lists four general areas of concern, the first one being “facilitating access to legal services.” The government has chosen to include this in the section right after the duties of the regulator, and has provided this statutory direction. That’s what this is. It’s a statutory direction to the regulator that says: “In exercising powers and performing duties under this Act, the regulator must have regard to the following principles: (a) facilitating access to legal services….”

What are the measures that the Attorney intends to rely upon in the days, months and years ahead to determine whether the regulator is meeting that objective?

[6:15 p.m.]

Hon. N. Sharma: The way that the guiding principles are incorporated in the act is set out not only in section 7, as the member notes, to be in there, but also in the annual reporting, which is in section 23.

It would be government overreach for government to set out the measurement and the way that the regulator will measure themselves against these principles, but they have to figure out a way to openly report, in the annual report, about how they’re assessing their progress on it.

We would expect that that would include data — which they are the keepers of, when it comes to regulation, where they would have specific ability to do that — and measurements related to that principle, which they’re set out into the world to implement, independently of government.

M. de Jong: That’s a good start. The Attorney says it will be for the government to set out, pursuant to the provisions of section 23. Well, what better opportunity…? The only opportunity we will have to gauge what is in the government’s and Attorney’s mind would be to pose the question right now around the specific provision. What does the Attorney believe would be appropriate data, appropriate measures, to indicate whether or not the regulator is facilitating access to legal services?

Hon. N. Sharma: Thanks for the question.

At this stage, the Law Society has started to ask questions about measuring access to legal services in a way. In this debate, I’ve mentioned a survey that they conducted, which said that six out of ten British Columbians, if they have a legal issue, don’t access a lawyer. This is the type of information that they could see — if it’s changing the dial or moving the dial over time.

I’ll list a couple more examples of what I could see as potentials. The member would know that we have an Anti-Racism Data Act and collection of data when it comes to how demographics interact with things like the justice system or access to services. That data will be transparent and free, along with the coupling of data that maybe the new regulator will collect with respect to underrepresented groups and access to services so that they could track how that was happening or doing or how that was showing up over time.

Another particular one has more to do with 7(b), but you could say it is implicated in different ways. We know through some of the research that, although there may be an increasing level of Indigenous law students that go through law school, there’s a drop-off when it comes to how many of them become members of the bar, and there are statistics on that. If that were something that was showing up, then the question to the regulator is: why, and what’s happening?

Of course, they have a big spectrum of tools. Licensing, the entry level — all that is within their scope. It’s one of the things that they could measure.

With that, I move that the committee rise, report progress and ask leave to sit again.

Motion approved.

The committee rose at 6:20 p.m.

The House resumed; the Speaker in the chair.

Committee of the Whole (Section B), having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.

Committee of the Whole (Section A), having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.

Committee of Supply (Section C), having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.

Hon. N. Sharma moved adjournment of the House.

Motion approved.

The Speaker: This House stands adjourned until 10 a.m. tomorrow.

The House adjourned at 6:21 p.m.


PROCEEDINGS IN THE
DOUGLAS FIR ROOM

Committee of the Whole House

BILL 25 — HAIDA NATION RECOGNITION
AMENDMENT ACT, 2024

(continued)

The House in Committee of the Whole (Section A) on Bill 25; R. Leonard in the chair.

The committee met at 2:57 p.m.

The Chair: Good afternoon, Members. I call Committee of the Whole on Bill 25, Haida Nation Recognition Amendment Act, 2024, to order. We are on clause 2.

On clause 2 (continued).

M. Lee: I wanted to come back to the discussion we were having before the end of the committee proceeding.

I was referring to the submissions that were provided by Mr. Foy, on behalf of the government of British Columbia, in the context of the suit between the Council of the Haida Nation and Peter Lantin, suing on his behalf and on behalf of all citizens of the Haida Nation, as the plaintiffs…. The defendants were Her Majesty the Queen in Right of the Province of British Columbia and the Attorney General of Canada.

I have with me a copy of the actual submission, on page 24, which I’d hand over to the minister. It’s a copy of the proceedings in chamber as the submission.

I’d hand over, as well, the actual reference that the submission was making to page 565 of the decision, Baker Lake and Indian Affairs and Northern Development, a decision in 1980 in the federal court. This has been referred to in many other Supreme Court of Canada decisions.

To repeat, the submission of Mr. Foy, on behalf of the government of British Columbia, is: “It is not well established that fee simple and Aboriginal title can coexist. The existing authority, which is approved by the Supreme Court of Canada, is that the notion of Aboriginal title and fee simple title coexisting is an ‘absurdity.’ There’s a strenuous argument that can be made….” That is the full quote, which I’ve highlighted here.

[3:00 p.m.]

My understanding is that Mr. Foy was referring to this Baker Lake and Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development decision in 1980. I’ll just tab, for the minister’s reference, the actual statement, as well, in the decision itself. I’ll just hand those over to the minister.

I appreciate that the minister gave some reference to the fact that there has been a change in position by the province, which is something I’d like to talk about, as well, in terms of the litigation directives. What has changed with the government certainly has led to more negotiation and more focus with the Haida Nation here, but other nations too.

The minister had referred to the fact that there can be changes, and that’s what’s happened here. But my question to the minister is this. This decision of Baker Lake has still been referred to by the Supreme Court of Canada. This paragraph in the decision continues further. That, again, was referred to in 2017 by the government’s own lawyers.

So the point is not that the government has changed its position, even though again, the government’s lawyer argued that in response to the Haida Nation itself. But the fact of the matter is, as I was asking the minister before about his view that this law, meaning the jurisprudence in this area — that Aboriginal title cannot coexist with private land estates or title without being an absurdity in the court’s view. That hasn’t changed, has it?

[3:05 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you to the member for Vancouver-Langara for the question.

Before I do my best to answer the question, I’d like to acknowledge the presence in the gallery of the very person referenced in that 2017 case by the member, namely Mr. Peter Lantin, who, at the time, was the president of the Council of the Haida Nation. I very much welcome him here as he bears witness to this truly historic debate. I also want to acknowledge Doug White, the Premier’s special counsel on reconciliation, who has also joined us for this historic work.

For those following along at home, we’ve been at this now for 12½ hours, and we’ve finished section 1 of the bill, which was a clause that added a heading, “Part 1 – Governance.” We’re now adding part 2 to the bill.

I acknowledge, however, as I did last week, that the agreement is central, and the member opposite has spent appropriate time on the agreement itself. It would be nice if we could get to the substance of the bill before the Legislature at some point.

I want to say to the member that he has referenced a case in which Mr. Lantin was involved, in 2017. Isn’t it to be celebrated that we are able now to be here with the negotiation underway and completed on an agreement to do exactly what was uncertain in 2017?

I say that it now is certain. We have managed to find a way, through the consent of the Council of the Haida Nation and the historic agreement, and confirmed by the bill before us — found a way to go forward together protecting fee simple on Haida Gwaii and recognizing their Aboriginal title and, in that way, resolving a considerable portion of the historic land Aboriginal title case that was before the courts.

The member makes reference to a case, Baker Lake, a case I’m well familiar with, which is now 44 years old. I would suggest to the member that the world has changed a great deal in Canadian jurisprudence in 44 years. I recognize, of course, the Tsilhqot’in case, which was the recognition of Aboriginal title on the ground. I’d reference the United Nations declaration on the rights of Indigenous peoples, which we have brought forth as part of our Declaration Act, an all-party, unanimously supported bill in this place.

We say that Aboriginal title can exist, coexist, with fee simple when it can be achieved through the agreement of the parties, as is the case before us.

The quote that the member raised also started by saying — again, this is back in 2017, seven years ago — that counsel for the government said it is not well established that fee simple and Aboriginal title can coexist, and he makes reference to this absurdity quote.

[3:10 p.m.]

Well, it says that it is not well established. That may be the case in case law. That may be the argument that was made in litigation. But that is not the result of the negotiated resolution before us today in the form of an agreement and in the form of a bill.

I’m so pleased that the Attorney General of what was then called the B.C. Liberal government, Mr. Geoff Plant, has been able to see fit to support our work in this regard, acknowledging that fee simple is simply not at issue.

We can talk about it. We can talk about the metaphysics of Aboriginal title, but I’d rather talk about what is before us today, which is the agreement of the parties through the process of the agreement and through the existence of the bill that fee simple will indeed be protected.

M. Lee: I appreciate the minister referring to the metaphysics of Aboriginal title, but I’m referring to subclause 4.1(1), where the government of British Columbia recognizes that the Haida Nation has Aboriginal title. There are no metaphysics there within the meaning of section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, to land on Haida Gwaii as ascribed in the schedule to this act.

We’re talking about Aboriginal title and what the courts understand to be Aboriginal title and how it can coexist or not coexist with fee simple lands. That is actually the primary issue and concern and consideration in this bill. We are on the substance of the bill. We are on clause 2 of this bill. This bill has operative provisions, primarily in clause 2. We have the schedule which defines what title is, meaning the schedule to the act, meaning it’s referencing appendix B to the agreement. We’ve got consequential amendments in clauses 4, 5, 6 and 7. Then we’ve got the commencement in clause 8. Clause 2 is the foundational, fundamental clause of this bill.

As we’ve talked about…. I appreciate the minister acknowledges that of the 12 hours we spent to date, including on clause 2, we spent quite a bit of time on the agreement. We spent quite a bit of time on the Haida Nation Recognition Act.

I appreciate the methodology of the government to monitor time here, to refer to metaphysics. But the fact of the matter is, as the minister well knows, on first reading on April 22, and even before that on March 22, the Leader of the Official Opposition and myself had said: “Let’s pause this process. Let’s have an understanding about what is taking place here.” The Council of the Haida Nation knew that as well.

Of course, we asked for this bill to be an exposure bill on April 24. I can appreciate that we can have the discussion in this chamber every single time we start this process, to have a discussion about how many hours this is taking. Government is in control here. If they want to cut short this debate, let me know. Let our House Leader know, but we need to know.

I have indicated that what we saw with Bill 41, with the support of the official opposition and myself…. The B.C. Liberal official opposition back then understood that UNDRIP and DRIPA would be read and interpreted and applied through the lens of section 35 jurisprudence.

That’s the reason why we need to understand the case law. It’s not metaphysical. It’s the law. It’s what we do here in this House. It’s the reason why, as I understand, Pender Harbour and area residents today are challenging the constitutional validity of the B.C. Declaration of the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples Act, DRIPA. So 4½ years later, we’re still debating how DRIPA should be applied and interpreted and utilized.

This is what happens when you don’t bring British Columbians along. shíshálh Nation, of course, has their own battles, fighting with dock management and what’s happening there. This is not some sort of metaphysical discussion. This is a real discussion that affects people’s lives. It’s the reason why we have to bring along the whole province. I don’t take any comfort in having to have this discussion every single time I start committee again. I don’t. I appreciate the members, including the House Leader of the Third Party. You’re entitled to your views.

Coming back to this, is the minister saying…? When he says, “We say that Aboriginal title and fee simple rights interests can coexist,” he means the government. Is that correct? The government of British Columbia?

[3:15 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: I think there’s a simple answer to the member’s question, which I’ll try to outline in a moment.

I wasn’t suggesting that somehow it’s inappropriate to have this 12½-hour debate. I was simply saying that some of that debate, as the member himself just reiterated, was about process and a suggestion made by the official opposition about process and exposure bills and the like. My understanding is perhaps mistaken. I thought clause by clause was intended to be on clause by clause. If I’m mistaken, I stand corrected.

I believe that reasoned amendments to the bill are obviously, as I’ve said on a couple of occasions so far in the 12 hours or so, very much at issue here. And I look forward if the member has any such interest. We’re not talking — I certainly am not — of cutting short the debate. I was just looking forward to the opportunity to have that debate on the sections. The member has quite properly taken us to one of the key sections, so I’m going to continue on that basis.

The government of British Columbia as well as the Haida Nation have come to an agreement where both parties have agreed that fee simple land interests will continue. That agreement is “confirmed and continued.” That would occur as per section 4.3. It is confirmed and continued that “The following interests in…relation to land on Haida Gwaii, whether arising before or after this section comes into force, are confirmed and continued,” the very first of which is “an estate in fee simple.”

M. Lee: I appreciate what the minister is saying in terms of the recognition of the process that we’re in. I am considering reasoned amendments to propose to this bill. This is the reason why we’ve been spending the time to go through this, so I have a clear understanding before I make those proposals for reasoned amendments for the committee to consider.

In terms of the actual “we,” the minister is confirming that it’s the government of British Columbia and the Haida Nation itself. That “we” does not mean the courts of our land. Is there any jurisprudence that the minister is aware of that, again, is…? We have the Baker Lake statement, but is there any statement that says that fee simple land can coexist with Aboriginal title?

[3:20 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: I think the member’s question was very specific: are there any court cases where the court has explicitly said that fee simple interest can coexist with Aboriginal title? The member will know that the Tsilh­qot’in case acknowledged that Aboriginal title can be declared through a court case or agreed to, and that, of course, is the track that we are on.

The member will also know that there are court cases currently pending in which fee simple interests in British Columbia have been put at issue. He will also know that our government has through all of our negotiation positions, including of course this one, taken pains to ensure that fee simple interests would not be on the table, and therefore, there is no court case that specifically addresses this topic.

We are proud of that record. We will continue to take that position through our negotiated stance. Again, we’re buoyed by the majority of legal commentators. I think I’ve seen all of them now saying we’re on the right track.

The point that the member has not acknowledged is that because we’re doing the work through this process of resolution through negotiation of Aboriginal title and finding a way to ensure that fee simple interests are confirmed and continued…. He has not acknowledged that that is the work that the courts have asked us to do on so many occasions. I won’t reread them — the dozen or so quotes I could, where courts have asked us to do that.

It is my submission, my suggestion to the member, that any court reviewing this work would be pleased with the direction we are taking to make these commitments to each other, reflect them in the laws of our province. I’m very pleased to have had a part in achieving this result.

M. Lee: We’ve had some discussion about the Tsilh­qot’in decision by the Supreme Court of Canada in recognition of Aboriginal title and also the fact that the Supreme Court of Canada did not engage on — because they didn’t have to; the parties took it off the table — fee simple interests.

We recognize, of course, what the decision stands for, but it doesn’t stand for coexistence of Aboriginal title with the fee simple title. The minister has also indicated that the province of British Columbia is active in litigation with other First Nations where that is at issue. I’m hearing, in parsing through the minister’s response, that there is no subtle law here. There’s nothing that’s different from what the Baker decision has said — that it is the parties, of course, that have determined this. The minister suggests that this is what the courts have been asking for.

The minister did cite a number of landmark decisions, including the Calder case, which is dated 1973, of course. Baker is 1980. There are many long-standing decisions, and I appreciate the Calder case is far more significant than the Baker case. I appreciate that. But all I’m saying is the laws of our lands, of course, have taken a long time for First Nations to work through — many court decisions and all the hoops and hurdles. We understand that.

All I’m saying here is that when we’re talking about what this government is doing…. They are stepping forward in a bold way. It’s not an incremental step. It is a change in recognizing how Aboriginal title can be recognized through an agreement, not through a treaty, not through a court decision.

When the minister, in his second reading speech…. There are a couple of things here. The minister has talked about judicial deference. So here the province of British Columbia is having an agreement with the Haida Nation, which they’ve already entered into. The minister is suggesting that the courts of our land will look at this agreement in this bill and pay some deference to this new form of recognition of title.

Can the minister comment further about what he expects the courts will be doing in the course of this agreement and this bill?

[3:25 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: The member will, of course, acknowledge that courts only deal with the specific fact situation before them, and they’re very loathe to go beyond that and make speculation or what are called obiter comments. I’m happy to report that, thus far, they haven’t had to grapple with a fee simple declaration issue where an Aboriginal title claim has included fee simple land.

As I said earlier, we’ve been pleased to ensure that they don’t have that opportunity. We hope they do not have that opportunity. I concede they will. First Nations are, and any other British Columbian is, entitled to go to the courts and seek a remedy.

The member and I can disagree on his characterization of the work before us. He wants to suggest that it’s bold. I believe it’s an incremental step in our journey toward reconciliation. We can quibble about that. Even incremental steps can be historic in import, and I believe that is what we’ve achieved here, together with the Haida Nation.

The courts have also said that they often wish they had the tools but do not have the tools of a legislature to fashion appropriate remedies, so they only, often, have a yes or no, a binary choice, a finding of: “Yes, this fee simple is or is not to be protected.” Happily, we have the ability, through contractual mechanisms and through legislation, to come to agreements. That is the beauty of what has been achieved in this agreement and through this act, because we do have the tools, and the tools are reflected in the bill before us today.

A legal opinion is merely your prediction of what a future court would say. I am confident that the courts will accept the pre-existence of Aboriginal title and the protection of fee simple through the legislative vehicle we have worked on together. The member may wish to have a different prediction, but that’s really all it is.

What I continue to say is that I’m confident the courts would salute the work we’re doing, because it’s entirely in line with what they have asked us, for 40 years, to do.

M. Lee: The issue of coexistence of Aboriginal title with fee simple interests and rights, as recognized in the land title office, filed…. This is still the issue that the minister agrees is still at issue, including in litigation the province is active in with other First Nations.

[3:30 p.m.]

Presumably, when the minister is saying that courts will salute the work and the tools, there’s some indication of the provincial government in terms of what it’s prepared to do, let’s say, in dealing with issues relating to coexistence of fee simple interests alongside of or on top of Aboriginal title.

Let me just ask the question there, though. Following the approach that’s utilized in this bill and the tools…. Does the minister expect, with the Attorney General and the Premier of this province, a further change in position as to how the litigation, let’s say the proceedings, might go with other First Nations when it comes to dealing with this issue of the coexistence of Aboriginal title with fee simple interests?

Hon. M. Rankin: This needs to be said. This is a result of a negotiated resolution, not a litigated resolution. I think that’s the first thing that needs to be said.

Secondly, as to whether this set of facts would be replicated in some other case where the facts are different than the circumstances on Haida Gwaii and what position we would take in that case, which I think is the thrust of the member’s question…. I am not the Attorney General. I do not give instructions to counsel. I’m not prepared to talk about that, because I simply haven’t got that authority.

We have negotiated this agreement. I believe that waiting five more years, which is what the estimate would be if we went to the Supreme Court of Canada and spent the millions of dollars that would entail, only to be told, “Oh, the Haida have Aboriginal title on Haida Gwaii,” and continue the uncertainty created by their claim over fee simple land on Haida Gwaii….

I’m not sure if the member is thinking it would be a worthwhile pursuit to wait until we’re told by the Supreme Court. Unlike in Tsilhqot’in, where they did not have fee simple on the table. It was deliberately excluded. Or the Nuchatlaht, where it was again deliberately excluded.

I don’t know that it’s a responsible thing for the government, in these circumstances, the unique circumstances of Haida Gwaii, to keep that uncertainty, what I call the sword of Damocles, over the head of fee simple owners on Haida Gwaii for another five years. “We will wait and see what the courts say about the coexistence of fee simple and Aboriginal title.”

I think the prudent and responsible thing for government is to negotiate a resolution that protects fee simple right now, in a good way, and move forward together. That is my judgment. I don’t think waiting for five years and spending all that money is worth it.

The circumstances on Haida Gwaii, as I’ve said so often, are unique. I mean, no overlap. An archipelago way off the coast of British Columbia. Unassailable Aboriginal title by Haida Gwaii. A constitution for 20 years. A government arrangement that’s in place for 50 years. These are the circumstances that made it so possible and so desirable to come up with a negotiated resolution there that works for the people of Haida Gwaii.

On the weekend, I spoke with the CEO of the largest fee simple holdings on Haida Gwaii — namely, the CEO of Mosaic. Very pleased with the work and trying to work together to make this viable on Haida Gwaii.

I’ve spoken with the mayor of the largest community. She has referenced the certainty that now exists that didn’t exist before.

I believe this work was worthwhile. I believe we’re on a good course to achieve something quite special on Haida Gwaii.

[3:35 p.m.]

M. Lee: The point, though, is that this government has decided to enter into this agreement to recognize Aboriginal title in a way that has not been seen in Canada or in this province, certainly, in a new way. Understanding how that will work is at issue here with Bill 25 on clause 2.

In the litigation that continues, whether it’s in the province of British Columbia or other places in Canada where the challenge of coexistence of Aboriginal title with fee simple interests is going to be determined, I understand that even amongst those who are dealing with these sorts of decisions, there’s an expectation that the Supreme Court of Canada will have to engage on this topic area in the next number of years.

As the government moves forward in this new template, new model way between the Haida Nation and themselves, if there’s a change in the law, though, under section 35, the way that even subclause 4.1(1) of the bill is recognized, referring to Section 35 of the Constitution Act…. If there is jurisprudence that changes the view about the underpinnings, the model that’s being utilized here, will this bill and agreement be reopened in any way to alter the rights of the holders of title to reflect that jurisprudence?

[3:40 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: Obviously, I’m not going to speculate about what a future Supreme Court of Canada may or may not do. I think it’s fair to say that the nature of Aboriginal title is going to evolve ever since section 35 came into force in 1982, affirming Aboriginal rights and now title. I think the member is right in putting his finger on that possibility in the future that things may change.

The good news in this agreement is it won’t change on Haida Gwaii. It won’t change on Haida Gwaii because it very clearly says in the law that we’ve agreed to…. We’ve come to an agreement, and we’ve codified it in this legislation, 4.3: “The following interests in and rights in relation to land on Haida Gwaii…arising before or after this section…are confirmed and continued: (a) an estate in fee simple….” Even if the common law were to change, one thing won’t change, and that is the nature of fee simple protection on Haida Gwaii.

M. Lee: This is what we’re talking about though. We’re talking about the recognition of Aboriginal title and what it means. We can get into the various attributes that can be recognized by the courts in terms of inalienability, the actual source of the title, the communal nature of it, the exclusive nature of it. These are attributes, of course, that are defined by the courts in terms of what Aboriginal title is.

As with recognizing and noting that Tŝilhqot’in and Nuchatlaht at the B.C. Supreme Court level…. Other decisions of courts have not had to, certainly at the Supreme Court of Canada level, turn their minds to or rule on, engage on, the whole question about Aboriginal title and how Aboriginal title coexists with fee simple lands.

This is still, as the minister has acknowledged, an area of the law that needs to be developed, that is at issue and that, by virtue of the language in 4.1(1), recognizes that what that means is that the Aboriginal title within the meaning of section 35 of the Constitution Act will continue to evolve. So the arrangement, even with the statement that is made in sub 4.3(a) and (b) on clause 2, is a contractual commitment that’s in the actual agreement between the Haida Nation and the province of British Columbia and then recognized in this bill.

There still are some forward-looking aspects to this, and we’ll get at that in a moment as well. But I just wanted to ask. In second reading on this bill, the minister had made a statement that when this law passes, which is Bill 25…. These are the fee simple landowners of Haida Gwaii. He says their fee simple tenures are on the strongest footing ever and anywhere in the province.

This first part of what the minister said when referring to the fee simple landowners on Haida Gwaii is consistent with what the minister just said. There is certainty, in his view, and the Haida Nation and others, that there will be certainty for those fee simple landowners on Haida Gwaii.

I wanted to ask the minister the second part of a statement where he says, again, their fee simple tenures are on the strongest footing ever — again, the fee simple land­owners on Haida Gwaii and anywhere in the province. It does open up the question, when we talk about the template, the new model of recognition of Aboriginal title that the Premier has said this would be and is….

I wanted to ask: what does the minister mean when he says that this type of recognition is the strongest footing ever and anywhere in the province? That would suggest that if you’re living somewhere else, in another part of the province, even with some of the nations that are at court with the provincial government about fee simple interests and coexisting with Aboriginal title….

[3:45 p.m.]

Even if we took those examples, putting aside the rest of the province which, as we know, is claimed, as well, by many nations in terms of the traditional territories of occupation, and all of their activities since contact are engaged…. Is the minister suggesting that somehow in the absence of an agreement or this bill for a particular nation, where there is at issue a fee simple and Aboriginal title, those private landowners are in a weaker footing or a weaker position when it comes to their tenure?

Hon. M. Rankin: I think the member would acknowledge that Aboriginal title is a doctrine that courts have acknowledged, in particular, evolved since we as a country amended our constitution in 1982 to add section 35.

[3:50 p.m.]

It talks of, I think we would agree, pre-existing interest or title to the lands traditionally occupied by First Nations. The courts have grappled with that for many years, and we are trying to address that through negotiation and through the legislation before us.

The member earlier referenced the uncertainty in the case law by referencing a case called Baker Lake and, I think, to the point that it was not yet settled law, the area that we’re dealing with. That is why we are trying to say that regardless of the state of the law, as the common law may evolve…. Regardless of that, we have created, through agreement and through legislation, the protection of fee simple land, without doubt.

My comment in the second reading debate, to which the member made reference, was merely to point out that that common law will evolve. And on Haida Gwaii, it is no longer a question.

M. Lee: I take from it that the minister’s comment is more a comment, of course, which is the front end, the first part of the statement, which is that the fee simple landowners on Haida Gwaii are on the strongest footing compared to the rest of the province. I would suggest that the minister, in his summary response back, did acknowledge some of the exchange and dialogue that we’ve been having, particularly in the face of judicial deference where courts, as they look at these issues in the future….

When previous courts have not engaged, they have set aside — meaning by the parties, like Tŝilhqot’in…. When the Supreme Court of Canada went to their review, they excluded private lands from their review by agreement with the parties. So as we go forward, though, and as this becomes more at issue, including current litigation proceedings with this government and First Nations, there is some expectation, the minister has said, that courts will pay some deference to this bill and this agreement, even though it’s not a settled area of law, and even though it’s a new area, and even though, of course, the minister has said that he won’t speculate as to what a future Supreme Court of Canada would do.

I wouldn’t suggest that he would do that either, but there’s some balancing here between not speculating and the point about judicial deference. I would suggest, of course, that it’s a stretch, in the context of not an area that’s settled, in an area that is bold, a new approach that the government of British Columbia is of the view that the Supreme Court of Canada, for example, in the future, in the context of unsettled law of Aboriginal title and fee simple interests coexisting, will somehow be informed by, let’s say, if that’s another way of putting deference in a light way, the government of British Columbia’s approach.

Having said all that, I will go to a point now where the minister did describe and did acknowledge, of course, that section 35 in 1982 of the Constitution Act certainly was another more-than-an-incremental step forward. It was a bold step in terms of the history of our country, and there was recognition, of course, of, through case law, interpreting section 35 in the constitution and how it might apply and does apply to Aboriginal title.

We talked about the fact that those lands that are pursuant to Aboriginal title cannot be sold, transferred or surrendered to anyone other than the Crown. They’re inalienable to third parties. They are occupied lands, certainly before the assertion of British sovereignty, which obviously underscores the sui generis nature of Aboriginal title. They’re communal in nature, in that they are meant to be held for future generations of Indigenous peoples, members of the First Nation. Delgamuukw went to that as well.

Then, of course, Aboriginal title does have and encompass a right to exclusive use and occupation of land. These are what are well-recognized attributes of Aboriginal title and certainly would be the case here for the Haida Nation.

[3:55 p.m.]

Let me just stop there on those four fundamental attributes and ask the minister to confirm that he would agree that those are four key attributes to describing what…. When we say that “the government of British Columbia recognizes that the Haida Nation has Aboriginal title within the meaning of section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982,” those four attributes that I just ran through are certainly the framework that would describe four key attributes of Aboriginal title held by the Haida Nation.

Hon. M. Rankin: Before I answer the question, I’d like to acknowledge the presence in the gallery of Michael Vegh of the Heiltsuk Nation and, with him, adviser to the Heiltsuk Nation and longtime federal official extraordinaire in all matters Indigenous, Mr. John Watson. I welcome them to our proceedings.

To the member, I just want to make sure I…. The member indicated, I think, that in Tsilhqot’in, fee simple…. If I got him wrong, I apologize. I thought he was indicating that the court excluded fee simple from the ambit of the case. It was, of course, the Tŝilhqot’in that chose not to put it on the table. I may have misheard him.

I also don’t agree with his characterization, just at the start of his answer, with my state of fee simple in other parts of British Columbia, nor do I agree with his characterization, such as: “It’s a stretch” or “It’s bold.”

What I do agree with…. Section 35, as he said, was bold. It was a gigantic leap in our constitution. I also agree entirely with the attributes of Aboriginal title that he has described.

M. Lee: Yes. I think the record will show, in terms of Tsilhqot’in, that we’ve had that discussion. It was the parties themselves — namely, the Tŝilhqot’in Nation themselves. What I intended to say was that the Supreme Court of Canada didn’t engage on that because it wasn’t part of what they were engaged to consider.

I think the other points that the minister made in terms of my language use and my descriptions I don’t need to comment on, other than the stronger footing, though. I don’t know why the minister would disagree with that. I’m basically acknowledging that the minister is putting the weight on fee simple tenure holders on Haida Gwaii as opposed to fee simple owners in the rest of the province. But I will leave that point there.

I think, in terms of the attributes around Aboriginal title…. It does suggest, though, of course, that once British Columbia, under 4.1(2) in clause 2 of Bill 25, recognizes Aboriginal title…. The Crown now has a fiduciary duty in respect of…. Aboriginal title is now established. It is recognized by the government of British Columbia. With that title, of course…. It means that the right to control the land is conferred to the Haida Nation and that the government…. Well, here, by the by….

[4:00 p.m.]

We’ve touched on this, in terms of the lead-up to this clause. We’ve had discussion between the federal and provincial jurisdictions. With the recognition of Aboriginal title to the Haida Nation, as set out in sub 4.1(1) of clause 2, what’s the expectation of the provincial government as to the federal government’s acknowledgment?

Does that inform now? Does that put any obligation with the province’s recognition of Aboriginal title to the Haida Nation? Does that suggest that now the federal government owes a fiduciary duty to the Haida Nation vis-à-vis its right to control the land conferred by Aboriginal title, as set out in sub 4.1(1)?

Hon. M. Rankin: I think the question involves the fiduciary duty, if any, of the government of Canada and what relationship Canada would have to this, our work. It’s clear that this is an agreement and this is a bill that relates to British Columbia’s relationship with the Haida. It reflects our understanding of what Aboriginal title means. How Canada reacts to that and how they move forward, of course, is entirely for them to do.

I would point out to the member the existence of sec­tion 7 of the agreement, which speaks to Canada but doesn’t specifically answer the question that the member asked because, of course, it’s an agreement between British Columbia and the Haida Nation only.

I also would be pleased to add, because the member has raised the role of the government of Canada, a letter that I received just last week and that will be on the website by the close of this portion of clause-by-clause. It’s a letter that was sent to myself from the Hon. Gary Anandasangaree, representing the government of Canada in his role as Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations.

I will not read all of the letter, but I would like to just read these portions: “Canada remains committed to the pathway of reconciliation set out in this agreement. With this letter, I wish to reiterate Canada’s commitment to reach a negotiated agreement for the recognition of Haida Aboriginal title.”

Canada is on exactly the same path. It just takes a little longer to get there. I want to say this again. “With this letter, I wish to reiterate Canada’s commitment to reach a negotiated agreement for the recognition of Haida Aboriginal title.” I don’t know how much clearer the minister could be. “My officials will initiate discussions with negotiation teams for the Haida Nation and British Columbia to confirm next steps and timing to advance this work at the reconciliation table.”

[4:05 p.m.]

M. Lee: We’ve acknowledged to each other that the federal government is, arguably, a year behind where the provincial government is with the actual recognition bill. Bill S-16 in the Senate was the bill that we were dealing with a year ago, and now we’re amending this act.

I understand the letter, in what the minister read out. Obviously the provincial government has been in this place for many, many years as well. The confirmation or recognition of title by the province of British Columbia suggests that there may be some duty on the federal government. It’s not a clear answer, but that’s a question that’s open-ended.

In any event, with British Columbia, there is recognition of rights and title of First Nations. That means that in utilizing the lands, consent must now be sought from the Aboriginal title owner. If the Haida Nation did not consent to the use, the government would have to establish that the proposed incursion on the land were justified, as set out in the Sparrow test. That includes the recognition of the broader public good, the duty to consult and accommodate, whether there’s a substantial and compelling objective, and whether that government action is consistent with the Crown’s fiduciary obligation.

As we have all of that now recognized, does that not put the government of British Columbia in a different position when it comes to how lands will be governed on Haida Gwaii, even through the transition period? With the recognition of Aboriginal title, the province now has a fiduciary duty to the Haida. This may prove difficult or challenging at times — for example, if we’re talking about rights-of-way or some infrastructure piece that deals with fee simple lands as a related pathway to use of that fee simple land, or the fee simple lands themselves.

Is there not a challenge to how the province will now be able to address decision-making land use decisions on Haida Gwaii because of the recognition of the Aboriginal title, at the front end of what is now still a period of time where jurisdictions, stepping back with the province, as the minister has used that term, will be determined over the next two years?

[4:10 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: I appreciate the member’s question. I think the reason I was insistent on why this is a meaningful step, to have this letter from the government of Canada, is for a couple of reasons. The member rightly points out that the bill proceeding through parliament now…. But that, of course, is only the bill that we passed in this place back in November of last year. It’s merely the recognition of the Haida Nation and its governance, etc.

What is important in this bill, of course, and what is historic, is we have agreed through the agreement and in legislation to recognize Aboriginal title in an orderly transition process. The government of Canada has too. The government of Canada has told us this as well. The reason I raise it is because some of the members, colleagues and others, I think, have said: “Oh, this can’t be done.”

It was one of the initial critiques, that somehow Crown land, if I can use that expression, in British Columbia shouldn’t be dealt with. It’s a matter of section 91(24) of the Constitution Act, which is federal. We’ve always taken the view that property and civil rights are provincial — section 109. All that gives us full authority to do this, just as Canada will step forward, as they’ve indicated, at the negotiation table to deal with their interests, particularly water column and the claim that Haida has made to the land off of Haida Gwaii, to the centre of Hecate Strait, for example.

Those issues are very much at the fore for the federal government. I simply wish to reiterate that if there’s any ambiguity about their commitment to this process, any ambiguity about the commitment to recognizing Aboriginal title in Haida Gwaii, I trust that that puts that to bed.

Consent to the use of land in the fiduciary issue…. Well, with respect, that is exactly what is, I think, dealt with in two provisions — first of all, of the agreement, and second of all, in section 4.4 of the act. The member’s question, I think, relates to how we do business together in this pre-transition period, within the next two years after the bill, we hope, is enacted and the agreement confirmed, etc. The member asks how things would be different because of the fiduciary obligation, etc., and our recognition of Aboriginal title. I believe that’s the nature of the question.

He’s right. There will be an impact, and we’ve anticipated that. We’ve anticipated that in sections 4.19 of the agreement and 4.20. I won’t read them. Well, I’ll maybe just highlight them. It says that “land and resource management decisions on Haida Gwaii under provincial jurisdiction will be made consistent with the Haida Aboriginal title” as of right now.

The member is correct. That’s what we’ve anticipated. Then the transition period is addressed in 4.20. During the transition period, we’ll use the decision-making processes derived from, amongst other things, the Haida Gwaii Reconciliation Act, as amended to align with Aboriginal title.

I think it’s really important that I once again praise the former government, the government of Gordon Campbell, which was called the B.C. Liberal government. It has changed its name now. They set up the Haida Gwaii Management Council, the Haida Gwaii Solutions Table, a consensus-based decision-making process that deals with land. Nowhere else in British Columbia has that been enacted. It’s been a huge success, virtually always finding consensus on the land, on things like AAC determination or protected areas. They’ll probably continue to do that good work together going forward.

We acknowledge that. It’s confirmed in the agreement, and finally, in the act itself. Clause 4.4(3): “For certainty, enactments of British Columbia that are applied by subsection (2) in relation to land held by the Haida Nation in aboriginal title are to be administered consistently with that aboriginal title and section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982.”

I think that’s a full answer to the member’s question.

M. Lee: It is a full answer, and it does introduce, in the third part of his response, an area that I certainly will go to in this proceeding, which is comparing 4.19 and 4.20 of the agreement against 4.4(3) of clause 2.

[4:15 p.m.]

Just coming back, though, to the federal government point. The minister has said that the letter will be made available on the ministry website. Can I just clarify when that would be? Did he mean to say at the end of today, in the midst of our still proceedings, which would be helpful? Or did he mean at the end, when the bill is done, through committee? Would it be possible to receive a copy of that letter, in other words?

Secondly, did the federal government address private lands, fee simple lands, in the same way that it is being addressed here in the agreement and the bill with the provincial government?

Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you to the member. I’ll make the letter available immediately to the member, and I will put it on the website, I hope, today. I can’t tell you, but very soon. I obviously want to make sure the member has that in front of him.

The member also asked whether the federal government addressed fee simple lands. Of course, that’s a matter relating to the Land Act, the provincial responsibility — if they don’t have to, if you will. It’s not, to me, pertinent to the federal government. It’s the province that has the Land Act, the constitutional responsibility for property. How their agreement…. How the negotiations that Canada has with the Haida will unfold, of course, is a matter of conjecture for me.

M. Lee: I appreciate the copy of the letter, short as it is — a statement of good principle by the Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations federally.

I would ask, then…. Given the understanding of the province with the federal government, at the table over some time with the Haida Nation, some years, the minister has a better understanding than I do, of course, of the private aspects, let’s say, of what the federal government might come into contact with.

We have federal protected lands. We certainly have marine areas as well. Is there not any private component or consideration here that has been discussed between the Haida Nation and the federal government? Is that not the case at all?

Hon. M. Rankin: We don’t know of any lands that are held in fee simple by the government of Canada. We will ascertain that.

I do know that there are long-term-lease lands. The DND, the Department of National Defence, of course, has a long historic relationship to Haida Gwaii. The recently renamed Sandspit Airport is federal, but we believe it’s under a long-term lease from the British Columbia government.

Having said all of that, if it’s held in fee simple, the protections that we’ve talked about apply with equal vigour to the fee simple lands held by the government of Canada.

M. Lee: I wanted to just give an example when we’re talking about fee simple lands.

[4:20 p.m.]

In the agreement itself, in 4.12, apart from saying that “existing local governments will continue to exercise jurisdiction under provincial laws,” 4.13 says: “The parties will work with local governments to review local government boundaries during the transition process and will identify options and approaches consistent with the recognition of Haida Aboriginal title.” It goes on to say: “Nothing in this agreement precludes a local government and the Haida Nation from entering into agreements on matters of mutual interest.”

Before coming to the example, let me just ask to clarify. I don’t see any provision here. Two questions.

One is: what is the meaning of 4.13? What is the outcome that is going to be accomplished, apart from identifying options and approaches? What does this mean? I mean, the parties are going to identify them, and then what happens? Are they going to make decisions? Are they going to enter into new agreements? Is there going to be a shifting of jurisdiction? What is the import of and the result of 4.13?

Secondly, I don’t see in this bill…. Perhaps the minister could point out where in this bill that is referred to, in terms of what will occur with local governments beyond the land use interim measures section under 4.4.

Hon. M. Rankin: May I request, Madam Chair, that perhaps we can take a short break after this answer from my team, if that’s okay.

The member asked about clause 4.13, and I appreciate the question. It involves a part of the agreement dealing with local governments, which have been so supportive of the work that we’ve done together. It says that the parties will work with local governments to review local government boundaries during the transition process and identify options and approaches consistent with the recognition of Haida Aboriginal title.

I start by saying that fee simple property, whether in a municipality or not, is entirely protected, as I’ve said so frequently. To the member’s question, the first part of his question, there’s no need for any kind of legislation to simply do what the clause asks — namely, “to review local government boundaries,” etc., and identify options. That’s not the stuff of statute. It may be that the results of those negotiations and reviews could result in changes to the Local Government Act. I don’t know. We’re a party to that negotiation, so of course we will be aware of any such requirements through the negotiation process.

The second, more important, point is that there are within municipalities some significant Crown lands — what we currently call Crown lands. Some land is even unsurveyed. The Haida Nation have acquired, in some cases, some of that fee simple land, but which will now be recognized as Aboriginal title, not Crown title. Of course, that is why we are anxious to negotiate with local governments.

I can report to you that the relationships amongst local governments and the Haida are really, really strong. And they have a protocol agreement. They meet regularly, and the relationship is such that we’re confident that all of those interests can be sorted out in due course.

The Chair: We’ll take a ten-minute recess. We will be returning at 4:35.

The committee recessed from 4:25 p.m. to 4:37 p.m.

[S. Chant in the chair.]

The Chair: I call the committee back to order.

M. Lee: The objective that the minister was referring to in terms of the agreement itself is that there will be an understanding of what options and approaches might be the case in terms of reviewing the boundaries. But when that process is done, is there a time frame as to when those boundaries will be reviewed and adjusted?

Hon. M. Rankin: No.

M. Lee: So it’s not the two-year transition process itself? It’s not governed by the two years?

Hon. M. Rankin: Yes, of course. As the document says, it’s estimated that the transition process will take two years, and this is part and parcel of the work that will occur in that period.

M. Lee: Sub 4.4(3) refers to enactments of British Columbia that are applied in relation to Crown land. When we’re talking about local government, though, is it intended that local government decisions would be captured within 4.4 at all?

[4:40 p.m. - 4:45 p.m.]

The Chair: Minister.

Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you very much, Madam Chair. Welcome to the chair.

I notice a number of sections in the agreement that are pertinent to the member’s question, the starting point being 4.12, where the agreement says: “Existing local governments will continue to exercise jurisdiction under provincial laws.” The Haida have expressed the fact that they have no interest at all in engaging in local government decision-making.

Secondly, I’d say that 4.6 of the agreement is relevant. Whereas 4.5, of course, “The Haida Nation consents to fee simple interests…continuing under British Columbia jurisdiction,” it also, then, goes on to elaborate in 4.6 that the recognition of Aboriginal title does not “alter or derogate from those fee simple interests or any rights or interests associated with them,” so insofar, I think, as a building permit or anything that relates to fee simple interests in a municipal context. I think it’s intended, in the agreement, to address that through that vehicle.

The fundamental point is…. The local government will continue to exercise jurisdiction, in this case, under the Local Government Act.

M. Lee: There’s a difference, then, when we talk about 4.19 and 4.20 in the agreement, which is land and resource management decisions “under provincial jurisdiction will be made consistent with Haida Aboriginal title.” There is no equivalent provision for local government decisions, then.

We see local government decisions, as the minister points out, as I earlier cited under 4.12, continue to exercise jurisdiction. And 4.13 says that there will just be a review, but there’s no specific outcome, other than there’s a review, and there’s an identification of options and approaches, but there’s no change. Or is there?

Hon. M. Rankin: Yes, the member is correct. There is no change.

M. Lee: In terms of the Haida Nation itself…. When we talk about zoning bylaws or other restrictions, let’s say, on fee simple lands…. Does the Haida Nation have any ability to regulate on those private lands?

[4:50 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: I think the member’s question pertained to whether the Haida would have any role with zoning or land use restrictions with the municipalities, and so on. I think the full answer to that is found in 4.12, where the local government will continue to exercise its jurisdiction under provincial laws. The agreement does not provide for any role for the Haida in local government jurisdiction.

M. Lee: When we look at section 1 of the Haida Nation Recognition Act itself, which Bill 25 is amending…. Section 1 has a general recognition of the governance rights of the Haida Nation. There is nothing in section 1, then, that would give the Haida Nation any governance rights at all on private lands. Is that correct?

Hon. M. Rankin: Yeah. The member is right. Section 1 of the bill we passed in the fall, the Haida Nation Recognition Act, confirms that the government of B.C. recognizes that the Haida Nation has inherent rights of governance and self-determination.

I think the member is now asking, “Well, does that broad power recognized provide them with rights over such things as land use in municipalities, fee simple and private lands?” as he put it. The answer is no. The agreement sets out the jurisdiction that we have agreed would be provided, by consent, to the Haida Nation as they take down Aboriginal title interests in this orderly transition period we’ve described.

In other words, the agreement provides clarity on the scope of the governance rights of the Haida Nation. That has all been agreed to by the parties. The general provision is what it says. The jurisdiction of governance with respect to, for example, fee simple land or local government interests — all of that has been clarified in the agreement itself.

M. Lee: The minister had earlier used a different example of 4.19 and 4.20, which although not specifically, conceptually, it’s similar, let’s say, to 4.4(3), similar but different. That’s a question that I will get into.

At least there’s an acknowledgment in respect of “enactments of British Columbia in relation to Crown land” — i.e., 4.4(2) of clause 2. There is reference, let’s say, to Crown land use decisions or enactments.

Here, in terms of local government decisions and the scope, as the minister has said, of section 1 in the recognition act, the parameters, let’s say, of the scope when it comes to existing local governments and the local government boundaries, as the use of the term in 4.13 of the agreement…. That’s spelled out in the agreement itself. It’s not in the bill. There’s no reference to this in the bill, in fact, at all.

When it comes to private landowners who have fee simple lands and they’re addressing the use of those lands, whether it’s under a local government or not, to the extent that the Haida Nation assert…. I use that word, but probably I should choose a different word. The Haida Nation has the view or takes the position, let’s say, that it has some governance right over the use of that particular parcel of fee simple land. Where does the owner of that fee simple land go? They’re not a party to the agreement.

[4:55 p.m.]

The minister has pointed us back to the reference in the agreement itself, in 4.12 and 4.13. These 150 or so landowners, back in 2017…. I question how many there are today. They’re not a party to the agreement.

How do they rely on these provisions that the minister is citing in order to restrain, let’s say, the Haida Nation’s use of any governance right that they might refer to in section 1 of this recognition act?

Hon. M. Rankin: I’m trying to figure out a way to say what I’ve said so many times before. I don’t know how I can say it anymore clearly. There’s no impact on fee simple lands. I’m trying to grasp where the member is going with these questions.

It’s true that there’s an assertion in section 1 of the recognition act that self-governance is agreed to, but the jurisdiction for what that means and the specific ways and places on how that jurisdiction would be exercised have been carefully articulated in the agreement. It talks about land and resource decisions. It talks about a study that could be done on boundaries. I’ll say again. There’s no need to put in a statute that a study can take place.

I’m struggling to understand the member’s question. I mentioned last week, when he asked the same question, I think, about private fee simple land owners…. Where would their remedy be? I provided, I thought, an answer about the nature of standing in constitutional cases and the like. I don’t think I’ll repeat that, although I’m happy to.

M. Lee: My questions are really coming from a place where there’s a real lack of clarity to any member of the public looking at the bill. They need to, obviously, find the agreement on the website, as the member for Stikine likes to say. So they’ll need to, obviously, figure that out.

You need to marry this up. Given the broad breadth of the recognition, which the minister had said a year ago was going to be by negotiation…. That is the breadth of the governance right recognized for the Haida Nation under this bill. The whole title of the act is the Haida Nation Recognition Act, both in governance and now with title.

[5:00 p.m.]

As the minister says to me…. My understanding is that section 1 is limited by section 4.12 of the agreement, but that’s not reflected in the bill itself. It’s reflected in the agreement. That’s the reason why the minister points us to 4.12. Again, a fee simple landowner who might be facing that is not a party to the agreement.

The discussion we’ve had previously about standing in a court is still a consideration here vis-à-vis the agreement itself, vis-à-vis this particular example. So that’s the reason why I raise it.

I think there is a lack of clarity in the bill itself when it comes to this particular point. The minister seems to agree — well, is agreeing that there is a limitation on the section 1 governance right of Haida Nation. It doesn’t extend to private property rights. That’s the reason why, as the minister points out, the agreement is written the way it is.

If there is a challenge, though, to the agreement framework, if this is the subject of future litigation, would the minister see the amendment of this legislation as a possibility to ensure that Aboriginal title is not impaired, meaning that there will be clarification necessary to the bill, that legislation will be brought to ensure that that clarity was achieved to ensure that Haida Nation’s title was actually fully addressed in a clearer way?

[5:05 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: I think the member started his questioning by talking about lack of clarity, that people in Haida Gwaii don’t know about the agreement, despite the fact it’s been out there and subject of town halls and virtual sessions and sessions of all sorts, the fact that we’ve sent mailers to every single member of the community in Haida Gwaii, the fact that we’ve talked to their local government representatives and so many others.

I guess I just reject that. I think by now, in that community, I believe this is very well known. That’s just my perspective. The member is entitled to his different view on that.

The member then talks about self-governance, set out in section 1 of the Haida Nation Recognition Act, and then talks about something I think that’s very different. The words are “self-governance,” and the word that the member then talks about is “jurisdiction.”

I don’t want to muddy the waters, but governance, to me, connotes the ability to kind of structure a government. The governing bodies are usually set out in some fashion. Of course, in this case, we know what they are. They’re set out in the Constitution of the Haida Nation: council, the role of Hereditary Chiefs, the governance system. We have recognized that in section 1.

That is very different than jurisdiction. Jurisdiction, by analogy…. Sections 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867 set out two lists of powers on which a government can enact laws. Property and civil rights is one in the provincial area. Shipping might be another one in the federal area. So two different governments, one sitting in Ottawa, one sitting in Victoria…. Those governments, under their governance powers, are then given a list of topics on which they can make laws.

What this agreement does is set out, in the area of land and resources, topics in which the Haida, we’ve agreed, will exercise jurisdiction, going forward, on the basis of the Aboriginal title that we have recognized.

M. Lee: I appreciate the minister is wanting to understand the points that I make. In the questions that I’m asking, I’m not suggesting…. When I talk about the broader public, of course, I’m not just talking about the residents of Haida Gwaii. I’m talking about the broader public meaning British Columbians, including Indigenous peoples, other nations that are looking at this model, the new template. The template just has some lack of clarity. Let’s put it that way. I do think this is an important juncture for the reasons I’m going to get into in a moment.

In terms of the Haida Nation Recognition Act, this is an act that went through third reading on May 9, 2023, just a year ago, which is six years after the infamous 2017 election: “…the government of British Columbia recognizes that the Haida Nation has inherent rights of governance and self-determination….”

We’ve made this point before on this Bill 25, which is that when you couple the recognition of the inherent rights of governance and self-determination, that with the title recognition…. We’re now talking about the Haida Nation, saying what they’ve said for hundreds of years, pre-contact as well: that they are a nation. They have a 50-year constitution. They have underlying title, which this government is recognizing, to all of Haida Gwaii. And they have the right of governance and self-determination.

When you couple rights of governance and self-determination with title, now you’re talking about: well, what does that mean? Crown land interests, private land interests, local government jurisdiction, to name three. How do we sort through that? Well, we have a two-year transition period.

[5:10 p.m.]

I don’t see, actually, the separation between section 1 and the recognition of title. They ought to be interrelated. If they’re not, then I think we should be very clear about that. Perhaps section 4.12 of the agreement is making it very clear. The Haida Nation has no jurisdiction where existing local governments have jurisdiction — that there is going to be some identification of options and approaches consistent with the recognition of Haida Aboriginal title during the transition process. But there’s no language that says the boundaries must change.

On that point, though, 4.13…. Recognizing that we had this discussion before about the characteristics of Aboriginal title and fiduciary duty, if the government was going to come in and further amend this Bill 25 during the transition period to account for the change in boundaries, for example, with local governments….

We have a dispute resolution process, which we’ve talked to. Even the member for Kamloops–North Thompson had the opportunity to talk further with the minister about that, how that was going to work.

In terms of the point that I’m making here, though, the government…. This government, if it was going to impair in any way Aboriginal title lands because of local government jurisdiction, for example, because Aboriginal title is being recognized in the agreement 2.1…. Even though the agreement has not yet been made effective…. It’s this summer. But once the agreement is made effective, the Aboriginal title has been recognized. Which means then the government could only legislate where it has the consent of the nation or otherwise meets the justification test under the Supreme Court of Canada.

The rules of engagement change once Aboriginal title is recognized for the Haida Nation. Is the government not concerned that it’s going to be very difficult for this provincial government to adjust? How do you actually make those adjustments, meaning if there is a challenge relating to fee simple lands that the boundaries need to be very clear at the outset?

Is the minister satisfied that there will not be any need to further legislate in order to clarify the boundary jurisdiction, recognizing that there are shifting boundaries, literally, under 4.13, and the transition period itself? There won’t be a need for further legislation?

[5:15 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: I can report to the member that thanks to his advocacy, we have now put the letter from the minister on the website for all to see. This fast-breaking news has just been communicated to me.

The member was asking about, I think, the possibility that boundaries within municipalities may change as a consequence of negotiation during the transition period. Notwithstanding that I think 4.12 is clear that the Haida have no jurisdiction over local government, but if, through negotiations, legislation needs to be amended — and yes, including this bill — then of course that’s open to any government in the future to do so.

I want to say again that the issue of fee simple is not relevant with respect to a transition period. The fee simple is protected before, during and after the transition period. The Haida have agreed that they will be not exercising any jurisdiction over matters that are confirmed to be within the province of the local governments. The agreement says that that is what the parties intend. I’m trying to figure out why this is relevant, given that the fee simple protection has been clarified in so many different ways.

M. Lee: We can come back to the discussion about the fiduciary duty once Aboriginal title is recognized in decision-making, but since the minister went there…. Again, just in terms of prior to, during and after, as the minister just put it, the protection around fee simple lands, the minister has also commented during second reading and other bill review here that fee simple interests are protected in perpetuity.

With that level of confidence and reassurance in what the agreement says and what the bill says, has there been any consultation with lending institutions, financial institutions, banks or credit unions about the nature of the Aboriginal title under fee simple interests that are being recognized on Haida Gwaii prior to this legislation being introduced to the House, and if so, what has been the reaction or response from these financial institutions about this new form of title that is being recognized by this government?

[5:20 p.m. - 5:25 p.m.]

[N. Simons in the chair.]

The Chair: Minister.

Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you very much, and welcome to the Chair.

I want to go back to one of the phrases that the member likes to repeat, which is “template.” The Premier said in a press conference, I think, that this was a template for what is in the world of the possible.

The world of the possible, as I’ve said now, perhaps, many times…. I don’t know how many times. Haida Gwaii is possible through the very unique circumstances there. I’m not going to speculate whether they could occur elsewhere or would occur elsewhere, but the member, I think, is well aware of the unique conditions. I’m not going to completely reiterate. I just want to put that on the record.

Now, the member’s specific question has to do with lending institutions and their response. He talked about, in respect of this quote, a new form of title. I’m not quite sure what the member means. If he’s meaning fee simple, of course, and whether there’s been an implication on lending with respect to private property on Haida Gwaii, that’s one thing. But this new form of title is Aboriginal title, which I think is something completely different. Perhaps the member could clarify what he was asking there.

Insofar as the lending institutions on Haida Gwaii, I can report that the Haida Nation have shared with us that they have spoken to and received correspondence from the Bank of Montreal and from the Northern Savings Credit Union, and letters were sent to the Council of the Haida Nation in support of this work. They both continue to support lending on Haida Gwaii. I can’t speak to other lending institutions. I believe multiple lending institutions do so, but I’ve only got a bank and a credit union backing this at this point.

I think with fee simple being protected, it’s hard to imagine that a lending institution would have any difficulty now that the uncertainty of an Aboriginal title claim that could have clouded a fee simple interest has been removed. One would have thought that would be of great interest to those lending institutions and would give them the kind of comfort that others have told me they now have in the fee simple world.

The more interesting question is when the member talks about this new form of title. That is going to be a matter of interest going forward. I may be wrong, but aside from the Tŝilhqot’in declared title area, where we know Aboriginal title has been declared to exist, I don’t know yet what a lending institution will have to say about this new form of title. Nor do I know the experience that the Tŝilhqot’in has had with lending institutions.

Maybe the member could clarify what he was getting at in that question.

M. Lee: We’ve talked about Tŝilhqot’in. We’ve acknowledged that the Tŝilhqot’in themselves had excluded pursuing private property, fee simple lands, with the Supreme Court of Canada. The minister would refer to that, but that’s not actually what we’re talking about here. We’re talking about recognizing, in a new way, title, which is not treaty, as spelled out in the agreement. It’s not a court decision as in Tsilhqot’in or Nuchatlaht, more recently, by a B.C. court.

We’re talking about the government taking a step in an area, which we’ve talked about here in this session of committee, that is still unresolved. It’s unsettled law. No court has actually engaged on the coexistence of Aboriginal title of fee simple lands, meaning recognizing Haida title underneath fee simple lands, with a contractual agreement between only the Haida Nation and the province of British Columbia, by way of the agreement, recognized in this bill, a piece of legislation which is novel and new.

The former Attorney General, now Premier of our province, has talked about the use of this template beyond just about what the world of the possible is. I read his quotes into the committee Hansard. It’s more than just about the world of the possible.

What we’re talking about here is…. What I heard the minister say, though, in all of that answer is that lending institutions of the province of British Columbia lending to the landowners on Haida Gwaii…. The government didn’t specifically consult with them. Haida Nation itself received two letters, one from the Bank of Montreal and the other from another credit union of the North. But it wasn’t the government of British Columbia that actually consulted with them directly.

[5:30 p.m.]

You’d think, with something of this nature, changing the underlying title recognition, that there would be some direct engagement by the drafters of this legislation, the responsibility of this government to ensure that there wouldn’t be any impairment, financially or otherwise, on those landowners.

I’d ask the minister: if there is any financial impairment and a person who has a home or a fee simple interest on Haida Gwaii is unable to renew their mortgage or will have to sell their home at a lower rate to a willing-buyer, willing-seller arrangement, as contemplated in the agreement, because the mortgages are more difficult to obtain from lending institutions because of some consideration or concern about the nature of this title recognition, will the province of B.C. stand behind this and provide compensation to those individuals for any financial loss they might incur?

[5:35 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: The member refers to the…. He called it a contractual agreement or recognition. But the recognition of fee simple is not only a contractual recognition; it’s confirmed and continued in section 4.3 of the bill before us. Fee simple interests are confirmed and continued by statute, and, of course, any ambiguity is addressed by the consent of the Haida Nation.

Now, I said in my previous answer that the Council of the Haida Nation had sought clarification from two lending institutions. I did not say that we had not consulted or engaged with business interests. I told the member…. I read a long list — I don’t have it in front of me — of all of the interests, both on Haida Gwaii and in the Vancouver area, that we talked to, worked with, will continue to do so.

The board of trade comes to mind. The Business Council of B.C. comes to mind, which of course involves those same financial interests represented in that lending institution. So I just want to put on the record that he put words in my mouth that I did not say.

He then asks about whether or not the province would stand behind a mortgage holder who couldn’t get a renewal of the mortgage because of the “uncertainty.” I reject the premise of the question. Fee simple is protected as clearly as we possibly can make it, and that is the opinion of many, many people who have been consulted, as the member well knows.

M. Lee: There are a couple of things there that the minister said. We had, at length, a discussion relating to the nature of Aboriginal title that’s set out in 4.1(1) of clause 2 and the reference to Aboriginal title within the meaning of section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982.

That led us to have a discussion relating to the jurisprudence that has considered what Aboriginal title means under section 35 of the Constitution Act. I know — we had this discussion — that it is an unsettled area of the law, and that’s the point I was making. The recognition, of course, in the contract, in the agreement itself, as is in the bill, still is on the premise that there is unsettled area of the law in terms of the courts of our land having not engaged directly with the coexistence of Aboriginal title with fee simple lands.

As much as the parties say it is so, it is an area still in some dispute, even for this government to be engaged in current legal proceedings with other First Nations where that is at issue, as the minister has acknowledged and indicated.

The reference to the two financial institutions…. The language that I had particularly heard the minister use was that the Council of the Haida Nation, as the minister just indicated, received these letters, not the government of British Columbia. So that, to me, indicated that it wasn’t the government of British Columbia that went out and directly consulted with the lending institutions of British Columbia, which does include the Bank of Montreal and this credit union in the North.

I can tell you that even…. I know I’ve had this discussion with the Attorney General and how that particular minister of this Crown considers consultation. This minister actually just alluded to that, which is that the sweeping nature of consultation includes informal discussions, let’s say, at a stakeholder event.

I was at a stakeholder event last week — I think it was last week — with the Canadian Bankers Association. Members of our official opposition, including our Finance critic, the member for Kamloops–North Thompson, were there. I raised this question: are they aware of this new form of recognition of Aboriginal title in Haida Gwaii with the Haida Nation?

Of course, at the level of leadership teams that we were in the room with, including legal counsels internally with these banks, they weren’t aware. Maybe it’s somebody else in their organizations. The point is that I don’t think it’s fair for the minister or this government to rely on the Greater Vancouver Board of Trade, unless there was some….

[5:40 p.m.]

Perhaps the minister can indicate to us: was there a detailed session that the Greater Vancouver Board of Trade ran for its membership organizations, including banks, financial institutions and credit unions, that dealt with this particular bill? Was that the nature of the consultation that the minister is referring to?

Hon. M. Rankin: The law may be unsettled in the area of litigation. It’s very settled in the context of the agreement and bill before us. That’s the first thing I’d say.

Secondly, when I use the word “engagement,” I use it in contradistinction to the word “consultation.” The member will be well aware that consultation is a heavily laden word. After the 2004 case in the Council of the Haida Nation in the Supreme Court of Canada, it has a very strict legal meaning.

It’s not inappropriate, I’d say, to talk about informal engagements with different interests. I’ve had many, many of those, as my team has, and fanned out and met with many business interests in Vancouver. Of course, I note the law firms that have at least written two very supportive documents about this agreement, namely Bennett Jones and the law firm Osler. It’s well known. They act for many, many banks.

I cannot take responsibility for what somebody at Canadian Bankers Association may or may not have said or known at a particular time. I can only tell you what their advisers are well aware of and are involved in. I continue to engage. I have a meeting scheduled with the business council in my calendar. I mean, this work is ongoing.

M. Lee: I practised corporate commercial law for 20 years in Vancouver and certainly understand the machinations and review that banks do, financial institutions, in respect of land titles and mortgages and financial instruments. I would dare say that when I look at the Bennett Jones and the Osler pieces…. I do know those firms. I’ve dealt with them quite a bit over my years as well, and I certainly respect those firms. They’re not engaging on the mortgage and the underlying title questions.

This is a more detailed review, and it’s not the kind of engagement that would happen on a general basis. This would be a specific look at the actual instruments themselves and the title, the recognition.

[5:45 p.m.]

I’m surprised, given the nature of this bill, that the government has not done that level of consultation. That’s not meant in the area of First Nations relationship and reconciliation and laws. It’s meant just in terms of any legislation that’s being drafted that involves title recognition, change on how that would occur and the underlying fee simple interests. This has the potential….

This is the question. The question is: have lending institutions turned their minds to this new form of recognition of Aboriginal title underlying fee simple interest? I don’t hear a specific answer to this question, which does give me a lot of pause and question relating to whether there’s going to be need and the exposure, let’s say, for those individuals, because they may not even know the answers to that question themselves.

Having said that, I appreciate what the words say. I know the minister will refer to them again. I would ask, though: is the ministry and the minister in a position to actually share the letters that the Council of the Haida Nation has received from these two lending institutions?

Hon. M. Rankin: I don’t want to get into the semantics of engagement versus consultation. I simply meant to say that I use the words carefully. I engage with business interests, but we consult with First Nations, and the member knows why that distinction is important.

I said that the Council of the Haida Nation had reached out to two lending institutions, and I named them. I’m only aware of one letter. I will, of course, undertake to see if our partners are prepared to have that record disclosed. I haven’t got their authority before me to do that, but I’ll undertake to do that.

I need to say what I’ve said before. I will continue to engage with any interests that want to talk to me. I’ve had so many meetings with so many interests, as have my team, and I will continue to do that. I indicate I’m scheduled to meet with other business interests again. I will say that in my engagements thus far, I’ve not heard any financial institution or anyone representing them tell me that they have concerns about this. But I will continue to dig more deeply based on the questions that my colleague raised.

Now, on the issue of why it was the Council of the Haida Nation who received a letter or talked to BMO, Bank of Montreal, I would remind the member that we are in a partnership with another government in these arrangements. I don’t see any problem with…. We’ve done endless amounts of engagement, and I’m sure they have reached out as well.

I don’t understand why there’s a problem in a partnership where one partner takes that particular issue on, but I’ll leave that to the member to inquire about.

[5:50 p.m.]

M. Lee: I do want to get on to a last important question for the day in a moment. But just on the last point the minister is making, it does underline, of course, the entire concern of the Leader of Official Opposition and our B.C. United opposition, which is: there is a role. There’s a role for government to be playing in all of the reconciliation efforts. It’s a nation-to-nation negotiation, which is what the government of British Columbia has been doing under successive governments. The minister has been good to acknowledge the work of previous governments.

The role of the government of British Columbia is to ensure that all of the interests, the public interest, if you want to define it that way, or the broader interests of British Columbians, whether it’s business association–based, which is what the minister said…. Of course, there are broader interest than just business associations, as we all know. There are people who use the land, people who live on the land in partnership or as neighbours with Indigenous communities, who want to share the land. That’s what the government of British Columbia needs to be doing.

The Haida Nation and the Council of the Haida Nation have resources. They’ve built out governance over many years, 50 years. But it’s the government of British Columbia that has far greater resources and capabilities and capacity, meaning public servants, experts in ministries — Finance, the Attorney General Ministry — that ought to be dealing with these instruments. Not to mention the federal government ministries, because banks and credit unions are also regulated federally.

You’d think that the province of British Columbia would actually engage on this specific topic. But I’m going to leave that point there and just go to this.

The minister knows the hour clock. He has been keeping track, so he’ll know the answer better than I would. But the point is, we’ve been talking for some time around the same issue, which is the concern around ensuring clarity around fee simple interests.

I heard the number. Thank you, Minister.

In the last 30 minutes that we have today, I just wanted to ask this question, because it’s a fundamental one, and it does relate back to sub 4.1(1) of clause 2, which is the recognition and the declaration of title to the Haida Nation, of course.

The question is…. The minister has said time and time again that fee simple interest is protected in perpetuity — that it’s protected before, during and after, and it’s not engaged in the transition process. It’s very clear, for example, in 4.12, in terms of local government jurisdiction, meaning nothing changes.

If that’s the case, why isn’t the approach just simpler — to exclude the fee simple interests themselves so that the title recognition excludes the fee simple interest, which is, like, 2 percent of the land base? If it’s already protected by way of the consent acknowledgments and statements in the agreement and also in the bill, why not just exclude the fee simple lands themselves, to be very clear, so there’s no consideration or concerns about what future governments might do or what the Haida might do or the way the transition process might go in a different way or different direction?

Why not just be clear and exclude the fee simple interests themselves, given that it’s already been consented to under both the agreement and the bill?

[5:55 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: The member, I think, has suggested an alternative drafting approach. He has suggested that we exclude fee simple rather than what we say has been achieved in a different drafting approach.

We do believe that clarity has been provided both in the agreement and in the legislation. The member has a different approach. Maybe I can explain why I think that approach would be difficult to achieve and would have some ancillary implications I’ll try to suggest.

As the member will know, the amended notice of civil claim included fee simple. The Haida put fee simple on the table, contrary to what has occurred in the Tsilhqot’in example, as he knows.

Had we excluded that, the Haida would have had to amend their pleadings to reach that result.

[6:00 p.m.]

Their position, as the member will well know, has been, under the former B.C. Liberal government and back for as long as I can remember, that they have Aboriginal title throughout Haida Gwaii. Most people don’t find that surprising. What they do say in the agreement is: “We want to live as neighbours with everyone, Indigenous and non-Indigenous neighbours, on Haida Gwaii and, through this agreement” — to use the words we put in the act — “confirm and continue the fee simple interests that have existed there.”

We believe that we’ve achieved that result. They have consented and agreed to this result. I believe the answer is that the drafting approach that the member has proposed would be very problematic and would not have allowed us to achieve this historic agreement that we have.

M. Lee: I do appreciate the way that the minister responded to my question. I didn’t think to characterize it as a drafting approach, but I think that that is a less inflammatory way of putting what my question is. I by no means want to be inflammatory in my question. I think the minister has taken my question and responded in a way that tries to not do that, so I appreciate that.

I think it’s fair. Obviously, the minister and his team and the Haida Nation have been at this negotiation table for some time. The minister appreciates and understands the challenges with the question or, at least, the different drafting approach that I’m asking about.

I think, on the two points the minister has made…. We know that there’s great recognition of the proceeding that’s set for 2026. The minister had said before that the Haida Nation, unlike in Tsilhqot’in or even the result in Nuchatlaht, didn’t include private lands, so the courts haven’t done that. Here, clearly, the parties, for understandable reasons, let’s say, have included all of Haida Gwaii, because that’s the view of the Haida Nation, which has been with successive governments, as the minister points out.

A civil notice of claim, of course, can be amended. It would likely be amended anyway. We talked about the agreement. There’s a provision in here that suggests that the process will need to be amended. I don’t have it in front of me. I’m sure I can pull up that provision. The minister has cited this provision in the past.

With the federal government continuing not to have an agreement in place, like the provincial government has now with the Haida Nation, there also need to be amendments, by virtue of this agreement, in the bill, to reflect that. I would have thought that if there had been a different drafting approach, as the minister used those words, that could have been dealt with in a further amendment to the notice of claim and the court documents that have been filed to date in that process itself.

There may be other reasons why the Haida Nation has to continue — with their Elders, the Hereditary Chiefs, the entire nation, the membership. I can imagine that there are lots of reasons why the nation has gone through the negotiation to have an agreement that has been signed with the government in this way. I respect that. I respect that the Haida Nation has their reasons, which is what the minister has said here.

Of course, we are not at that table. I’ve met with the Council of the Haida Nation at least twice — once in person, once online with the Leader of the Official Opposition. I have respect for the nation itself, and so does the Leader of the Official Opposition. This, though, is a discussion with government as to how they are proceeding with this new model, this template. That’s why it seems that it would be less complicated.

[6:05 p.m.]

Quite frankly, if it’s the case that fee simple lands are consented to by the nation to continue and be confirmed and not in any way impaired by this new agreement and this bill, then it would be simpler to do a different drafting approach, to use the words the minister said, to just remove them, because they’re not being affected at all. There are at least several provisions that deal with that in different directions.

It would be a simpler drafting style or approach to just remove them. It would be less complicated, and it would lead to less uncertainty or questions raised. That’s why, after the length of time that we’ve had this review, I am coming to this view that this drafting approach ought to be considered.

Again, I’ll ask the minister — I’ve already heard his response, but given the importance of this, which is fundamental to the bill itself — if he had any further comments about what I’ve said. It just would be simpler. My concern is really the complicated drafting approach, which is what’s currently here. There may be good reason for that, as the minister has already said. I’m not necessarily questioning the reasons. I’m questioning the approach, what we ended up with here, which leads to a lack of clarity and certainty.

That’s the reason why I would ask the minister: wouldn’t it just be a simpler approach, more certain and more clear, to exclude fee simple lands from the recognition of title to the Haida Nation?

Let me say one more thing. I appreciate that the minister has said that the government is not in a position to amend the agreement, and I’m not suggesting the agreement be amended. But I dare say that the way the agreement is written, there are, under “Fee Simple Interests,” clauses 4.4 to 4.10. Then there are the escheat provisions, the Escheat Act, the ancillary provisions of the bill, which we will deal with in, for example, clause 5 of the bill.

I look at the overall architecture of the language. If there’s acquisition of fee simple interest by the Council of the Haida Nation, it would be done on a willing-seller, willing-buyer basis. The provisions speak to it, including under 4.7: “British Columbia will transfer to the Council of the Haida Nation any fee simple interest on Haida Gwaii that finally escheats to British Columbia,” which is set out in the bill itself under clause 5.

I’m not suggesting in any way that there will be future transfers of fee simple lands, either through the Escheat Act or through a willing-seller, willing-buyer basis. I believe on a read of the agreement…. Again, I was not at the table to negotiate this. The words may have more meaning, of course, to the province and the Haida Nation itself than I’m importing to them, but on their surface, when I look at the words and the versions themselves, they still would work if you cut out and excluded the fee simple lands.

[6:10 p.m.]

Hon. M. Rankin: I appreciate very much the member’s question. I appreciate as well his recognition of the reality of a negotiated world as opposed to a litigation world. I’ll come back to that in a moment. But I do think he puts his finger on that, and I’m grateful for his recognition that this was the product of an enormous amount of negotiation in the face of a court case.

I remind the member that the court case was a case in which fee simple and Crown land were put on the table by the Haida. The approach that the Haida took to the negotiation was that if it were not dealt with in the agreement, it would remain the subject of the litigation. An example would be the marine areas that, of course, are mostly federal but which continue to be the subject of a lawsuit. That has not gone away.

Ironically, if one were to take the position that the member suggests…. I do think it’s a suggestion made in good faith, and I appreciate it. Had that approach been taken, I hope the member will realize that we would then have fee simple still before the courts. That is what we did not want to achieve. We did not want to achieve a court recognition, or not, of fee simple in the context of Aboriginal title. So ironically, to have done what the member has suggested, excluding it from the ambit of the agreement, would be the exact wrong approach.

The other point is also the point that the member himself recognized. This is the product of negotiation. It was our judgment, based on all of the time that we’ve spent together at the negotiating table, that the approach of simply excluding fee simple would not have sat well with our negotiating partners given the history that I outlined and that the member is well aware of.

With that said, I’m going to move that the committee rise, report progress and ask leave to sit again.

Motion approved.

The committee rose at 6:13 p.m.


PROCEEDINGS IN THE
BIRCH ROOM

Committee of Supply

ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF
PUBLIC SAFETY AND SOLICITOR GENERAL

(continued)

The House in Committee of Supply (Section C); H. Yao in the chair.

The committee met at 2:59 p.m.

The Chair: I call Section C to order. We are meeting today to continue consideration of our budget estimates of the Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General.

On Vote 42: ministry operations, $1,068,431,000 (continued).

E. Sturko: In his letter to Mayor Locke dated April 5, 2024, the minister mentioned that the RCMP will provide transitional support to Surrey police service after SPS becomes police of jurisdiction. Can the minister please provide clarification on how that operating framework will be implemented?

[3:00 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question from the member. Currently the ministry and Public Safety Canada and the RCMP are determining what supports will be needed by the Surrey police service once they become the police of jurisdiction.

E. Sturko: Is it fair to say, then, that the details of how the Surrey police service will become the police of jurisdiction and what the required supports are from the RCMP have not yet been determined?

[3:05 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: Right from the get-go, there has been identification of the critical components that need to be in place in terms of the transition and police of jurisdiction.

These components obviously included the establishment of the police board; the building of the Surrey police service; the hiring of the chief constable; the hiring of the SPS executive, management team and staff; the incremental acquisition of assets, equipment, facilities and information management technology, including sourcing providers and developing contracts; departmental policies, procedures and plans; the transfer of civilian supports; the transfer of equipment, files, exhibits, audits and transfers; and arrangements for enhanced First Nations policing services to Semiahmoo First Nation.

What’s happening now is going through both the Surrey police service and the RCMP, going through each of these things, looking where the Surrey police service is in terms of the completion of those particular components and what additional supports would be required for the RCMP to provide. This has always been the envisioning in terms of how that transition would take place. Both policing agencies are working collaboratively on all of those particular items.

E. Sturko: I thank the minister for that.

Given the list of critical components that the minister just listed…. Can I please have it broken down? Of those components, which are not yet completed, which are completed, and what critical agreements in those components have or have not been completed?

For example, the minister spoke about IT and the transfer of municipal and federal assets over to the Surrey police service. Which of those critical components have agreements been reached in, and to what extent are they completed?

[3:10 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: A lot of this work is ongoing, with both police agencies engaged in it, and has been for some time. I can’t give you a breakdown on each individual component.

What I can tell you is that it is a broad scope of work that’s taking place at a number of different tables, each dealing with different aspects. I do know in terms of the IT, for example — that was part of the budget that the administrator presented to the city — about 85 percent of that work, I think, is already completed. But it is ongoing. That work is formulating what supports the RCMP will be providing to the city, to the SPS.

E. Sturko: Of the critical components, all the work that is ongoing…. As the minister describes, it’s ongoing and it’s a large scope of work. Which of these components are complete?

Hon. M. Farnworth: As I said a moment ago, this is ongoing work on a broad base, numerous tables with both the Surrey police service and the RCMP working collaboratively, in fact right all the way up to the commissioner’s level. They’re working to the November 29 date.

It’s not a case of finish this and start that. There’s work going on, on all tables to ensure, because…. A lot of it is integrated, working towards that November 29 date. That’s the critical date that both the Surrey police service and the RCMP are working towards.

E. Sturko: I thank the minister for the response.

Given the scope of work that is yet to be completed, and given that this is a project that’s been ongoing since 2019, can the minister please explain how he arrived at the date of November 29, 2024, as the date the Surrey police service becomes the police of jurisdiction?

[3:15 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question from the member. It was done by the work done by the director of police services and the staff within the ministry, working with the Surrey police service and the administrator on the board, coming together with a date that was realistic.

The result of that date is that everyone — including the RCMP, Surrey police service and the ministry — is focused on it. What it has done is brought certainty.

Interjection.

Hon. M. Farnworth: What was funny was the uh-huh.

Anyway, it has brought certainty, which is what everybody has been wanting.

E. Sturko: Thank you to the minister.

In terms of choosing the November date as the timeline for the police of jurisdiction to take over, was this a date that was agreed upon in advance by the RCMP, federal RCMP? Was it also agreed to by the provincial RCMP and the municipal RCMP?

Was this a date that was decided in consultation with them, and were they in agreement that the required work was all identified at the time of the announcement? Had they identified the tasks that needed to be done, and did they agree that those tasks could be completed by November ’24?

[3:20 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: As I said a moment ago, the date was done by determination by the director of police services. The date was communicated. As I said, certainty was wanted, and everybody has been working towards that date. We’ve been working from the commissioner level and with the commanding officer of E division. There’s certainty in place now, and I can tell you that both the Surrey police service and the RCMP are working collaboratively on that path to that date.

E. Sturko: Looking back when the announcement was made for the police of jurisdiction to be transitioning in November, I think back to the statement made by the assistant commissioner, Dwayne McDonald, and he had said he looked forward to working through what still needs to be done in terms of making this transition to the police of jurisdiction to become a reality.

My interpretation of that is that they actually, at that time, when the announcement was made, had not even determined all the work that would need to be done, so making an announcement with a finite date in November but still, if I’m understanding correctly, which I believe I am, that all of the work required to make that happen had not at that time been identified.

Has all of the work been identified that will need to be completed? Do all the frameworks exist in order to make that transition date of police of jurisdiction in November take place? Has that been completed?

[3:25 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: I’d reiterate for the member that both the Surrey police service and the RCMP know the components that have to be addressed during the transition. That’s what they have been working on. That work continues, as I said, at a number of tables. From the commissioner level, the deputy commissioner here, Commissioner McDonald here in B.C., all have been very cooperative.

The work is underway in terms of what else needs to be done by November 29. It’s moving forward. I’m very pleased with the collaboration and the work that is underway between both the Surrey police service and the RCMP.

E. Sturko: Thank you, Minister, for the response. Just to be clear though, the date was picked by police services and communicated to the RCMP, not done in consultation with the RCMP. There is a difference between understanding what has to be done and clarifying what mechanisms have to be in place, both legally and in terms of liabilities and frameworks, in order to get that work done. But I’m going to move on from that point.

Since the minister brought up the commissioner, I just have a question here. In a letter to the minister from the RCMP commissioner dated April 12, 2024, the commissioner expressed surprise that the province and Canada had, at that time, agreed in principle to a transition plan.

Why was the commissioner not included in this plan? How does the minister account for the apparent difference of opinion between the ministry and the RCMP commissioner?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question from the member. I’m not going to speculate as to the contents of the letter.

What I can tell you is that I’ve spoken personally with the commissioner. We had a very positive and productive conversation. He understands B.C.’s position. His officials and my officials have been working very collaboratively together, both at the national level and at the provincial level with E division. That’s why Deputy Commissioner McDonald was there, making it clear that they were working on a collaborative basis as well.

[3:30 p.m.]

I’m pleased with the working relationship that we have from the RCMP at the federal level and, indeed, from E division on this transition.

E. Sturko: The commissioner’s letter stated: “Federal legislation and Governor-in-Council agreements for provincial and municipal police service do not provide authority to require, on a non-voluntary basis, RCMP members to work under the command of another police service….”

Can the minister outline what those federal legislation and Governor-in-Council agreements are?

Hon. M. Farnworth: No, because we’re not doing any of that.

E. Sturko: I’m going to read from the commissioner’s letter here. “Significant work remains to confirm the parameters of any required RMCP assistance following a provincial decision on formal change of command to the SPS as police of municipal jurisdiction, consistent with our legal and contractual obligations. We would appreciate engagement on specific proposals and plans to support the transition to the SPS in Surrey prior to public announcement, given the RMCP remains the police of jurisdiction, with over 500 employees in the RMCP detachment.”

The commissioner asked for engagement prior to the public announcement, in his letter dated April 12. Only days later, the minister announced the transition date, to police of jurisdiction, of November 9, 2024. When did the minister receive this letter, and what engagement took place in those days in between this letter and the announcement of November 29, 2024? What engagement took place with the commissioner between receipt of his letter and the announcement on April 23?

Hon. M. Farnworth: No, I understand that you’re focused on that letter. What I can tell you is since that letter, I spoke with the commissioner personally. I can tell you that the RCMP, Surrey police service and the province are all working collaboratively to that date. That date, as I mentioned earlier, brings certainty in terms of the process that both the RCMP and the Surrey police service have been looking for.

[3:35 p.m.]

I’m pleased with the collaboration that we’ve had from the RCMP, both federally and provincially, in moving things forward.

E. Sturko: The question was what engagement was done between the commissioner of the RCMP of Canada asking for engagement with the minister before the announcement of the police of jurisdiction.

We’ve heard it here today where the minister has admitted that not all the work has been identified, not all the work is underway. There aren’t frameworks and agreements in place for everything that would be required to make the November date successful.

So the question was — and I ask again: what engagement in between the letter and the announcement date took place between the ministry, the minister and the commissioner of the RCMP?

The Chair: Before the minister starts, just a gentle reminder it’s through the Chair, please.

Hon. M. Farnworth: Thank you, hon. Chair. Through you to the member, in the time leading up to and after, my officials in my ministry have been working very closely with federal officials. I spoke with the commissioner prior to the announcement on November 29. What I can tell you is that we’re all working together in a collaborative, cooperative fashion to that November 29 date.

E. Sturko: I’m going to read again from this commissioner’s letter. It says:

“I must note that by virtue of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Act, I cannot delegate my powers, duties or functions to non-​RCMP members or include SPS officers in the chain of command…. We have important legal and operational constraints on positions that can be staffed by non-RCMP members. For clarity, this means that the RCMP can only deploy SPS constables and other limited lower levels into the detachment. Positions at a more senior level, or that exercise significant powers, duties or functions, cannot be deployed to the RCMP detachment.”

My question is: can the minister advise how the issue identified by the commissioner has been resolved sufficiently to allow him to announce the transition date?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question.

We’ve not asked and will not ask for any of those things to take place. We’re working cooperatively through existing arrangements. The RCMP are working very much with the Surrey police service on that.

E. Sturko: I guess what I’m looking for, then, is…. Given the constraints and the parameters of command and control of the police of jurisdiction and about the deployments currently taking place and those that are anticipated in the future, can the minister please explain for people in Surrey, people in British Columbia, what that looks like?

[3:40 p.m.]

How is it that the minister has worked through this issue? What will the actual deployment structure look like that avoids the problem that was identified by the commissioner in his letter?

Hon. M. Farnworth: Thank you to the member. We’re doing it because we’ve been working collaboratively and cooperatively with both the RCMP and the Surrey police service, which respect and use both existing provincial and federal frameworks. It’s that straightforward. That’s why we’re on the same page.

You know, I’ve spoken to the commissioner. They’re supporting us in this transition going through. They’ve said they know it’s going through. That’s why we’ve had Chief Lipinski and Deputy Commissioner McDonald on the same platform, saying that we’re working together on the path forward and that it respects and uses existing provincial and federal frameworks.

E. Sturko: Just saying that you’re working together over and over again isn’t explaining how it’s going to work. I understand — I think we’ve heard this over and over; the people of Surrey have heard it over and over — that there’s a framework, an agreement to abide by federal legislation, to abide by provincial legislation, that you want to work together.

What I’m really asking and what I think people in Surrey deserve to know is: what will it look like? If you can’t have blue over red, will you be dividing up the city? Will you be having it in quadrants? Will there be two police of jurisdiction for a period of time? What will it look like?

You know, I get it. You’re working together, and everybody is getting along, understanding that there’s a framework. But what is it going to look like? What will it be? Will it be two police? How is it going to work?

[3:45 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the member’s question, but I think it’s important to note that this issue of red over blue and blue over red — that is not an issue. It is not an issue with the RCMP or with the province.

We both are agreed that the path forward involves respecting the provincial and federal legislative frameworks. That’s the way in which we are moving. That’s why we are being able to work together in the manner forward, which will see the transition take place.

November 29 is the date, and the work that’s underway is to identify what supports will be provided by the RCMP as that transition takes place. That’s the work underway. It’s not hung up on red over blue or blue over red.

E. Sturko: Thanks, Minister. Well, that’s what I said in the last question. I get it that you respect frameworks. I get that the minister respects frameworks and that everybody has agreed to respect each other’s legislation. The question was: how are you going to do it?

Please, for the residents of Surrey, my constituents, and for the rest of British Columbia, please explain how you will do it. Is it going to be two police of jurisdiction, or…? How will you accommodate the fact that there is, as we heard in the commissioner’s letter, this federal legislation under the RCMP Act that would prevent the SPS from taking that role of command over the RCMP? Can the minister please explain?

I get it. You’re going to work together. Please explain how you will do it.

The Chair: Members, just a gentle reminder. Through the Chair, please.

[3:50 p.m.]

E. Sturko: Thank you.

Hon. M. Farnworth: There will be one police of jurisdiction. We will be using existing frameworks so that they can identify what supports the RCMP will be able to provide or need to provide after the 29th of November.

E. Sturko: If there’s one police of jurisdiction, how has the province overcome the federal legislation that would be an inhibiting factor to having SPS take a commanding role over the RCMP?

[3:55 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: As I’ve said in previous questions, the red over blue, blue over red is not an issue. As I said, we’ve got a pathway that respects both the federal framework and the provincial framework. The specifics of that pathway are linked to the services that will be provided by the RCMP to the SPS after November 29. Everybody is working together on that.

The different services may require different approaches, but the bottom line is this: they’re being able to be done within that framework, and as I said, there will be one single police of jurisdiction.

E. Sturko: Thank you to the minister for that response.

We’re six months out, approximately six months out from the change of police jurisdiction in Surrey. If the ministry is confident enough to announce a date change for the POJ, then why aren’t they confident enough to tell us what that’s going to look like?

Yes, there are frameworks. Yes, you are going to abide by legislation. But what is it going to look like? We’re not able to hear that from the minister today, yet we’re only six months away.

[4:00 p.m.]

I think that given that it is within the year — it’s only months away — the citizens of Surrey really have the right to know what their police force is going to look like, what it’s going to be on the ground and how it’s going to look when they call 911.

I get it; police will be there. They always will. They’ve been doing a tremendous job, but what is it going to look like? It seems that this minister isn’t able to explain.

Has the minister contacted the National Police Federation, and has the minister engaged the RCMP’s union on his plan?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I spoke to the NPF on the day of the announcement. What I can tell you is…. Everybody wants certainty. The people of Surrey want certainty; the Surrey police service wants certainty; the RCMP wants certainty. That’s what the November 29 date does. It has everybody moving to that date, working to that date. That’s what they want. That’s what’s underway.

M. Morris: On Thursday, we were in estimates. Right at the end of our term on Thursday afternoon, I asked a question pertaining to salary dollars that the city of Surrey did not pay to a number of Surrey police officers that were hired, because they didn’t have the budget for it. The minister advised me that he would be getting back to me today with the answer.

[4:05 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: In answer to your question, on December 19 of last year, 2023, the city of Surrey refused to pay wages and benefits to the Surrey police service officers and staff who were not already entered in the city’s payroll system. The province then transferred $2.188 million in fiscal year ’23-24 and an additional $1.977 million in May 2024 to the Surrey police service to support them with payment of SPS officers and staff.

Obviously, this matter is related to the 2023 budget dispute between the Surrey police board and the city of Surrey, which is currently before the director of police services for determination. To date, this funding is supporting payment of 22 new recruits, 21 experienced officers and five civilian support staff.

The funds are transferred to the Surrey police service, who then administer the payment of officers and staff as necessary, and the status of the Surrey police service officers remains unchanged. They remain municipal constables appointed under section 26 of the Police Act.

M. Morris: I appreciate the minister’s answer on this. So a total so far of roughly $12 million. Did I understand the minister correctly?

Hon. M. Farnworth: It’s $4.1 million.

M. Morris: That will take…. I’m interested in knowing how far that $4.1 million will go. Is the ministry budgeting for an extended period of time to cover these salary dollars off?

Hon. M. Farnworth: We’ll continue that support while the budget issue is being addressed by the director of police services.

M. Morris: So while the budget is being addressed. I understand that.

Just for clarity, the constables that are being paid for by the province are provincial constables, and the money is…. Maybe the minister can clarify when he stands up.

Also, the second part of the question is: who is this money being paid to? Is it the Surrey police department, is it being paid to the Surrey police board, or what entity is hiring the Surrey police department?

Hon. M. Farnworth: Nothing about these payments changes their status. They remain municipal constables, and the money is being transferred to the Surrey police service.

E. Sturko: Over the last few months, we’ve seen, across the province, seizures of hydromorphone announced by municipal police services and the RCMP. The RCMP is actually making some quite notable seizures across the province.

Recently the president of the BCACP actually went so far as to say that even though hydromorphone accounts for only 20 percent of prescriptions from the safe supply, the safe supply hydromorphone was actually found in 50 percent of police seizures of hydromorphone across the province.

[4:10 p.m.]

A question to the minister. Prior to these discoveries in 2024, what monitoring did the ministry ask the police to do to monitor for diverted safe supply hydromorphone?

[4:15 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: Currently MMHA, Ministry of Mental Health and Addictions, monitors the implementation of prescribed alternatives. There are other bodies that also monitor, regulatory bodies such as the College of Pharmacists, for example.

E. Sturko: This year, Dr. Bonnie Henry put out a report that reviewed safe supply. It was three years after, actually, the implementation of the risk mitigation guidelines that allowed people to take large quantities of the very powerful opioid hydromorphone on a daily basis and get prescriptions every single day. That would be up to 30 tablets. Police are now seeing these in their investigations, including having described these investigations as having a nexus to organized crime — clearly a policing issue.

We also heard testimony of note at the House of Commons Select Standing Committee on Health examining the opioid crisis, talking about police seeing these drugs not only in the hands of organized crime but showing up more and more in police investigations. This is obviously a concern for health reasons, yes, but also because of reasons of public safety. Even under decriminalization, trafficking of drugs was never decriminalized.

I’d ask again: what is in place, both prior to this year…? Just for context, I do note that Health Canada’s own data actually showed a 300 percent increase in the amount of hydromorphone seized after 2020. These would have been investigations where they were looking for a charge approval, so actually it would be not including any no-case seizures that would have taken place.

My question to the minister is: what monitoring was set up prior to Bonnie Henry’s report, which, by the way, also found that diversion of safe supply is common? And what has been set up since that finding?

[4:20 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question, and I’ll make the following points. First, we’ve been working with the RCMP and municipal police in order to determine exactly where seized illegal drugs, what we’re talking about, are coming from. The challenge is that the prescribed alternative medication is exactly the same in looks, in how it’s made, as that….

The member can shake her head, but that’s the reality. It is exactly the same medication that you are getting if you are a cancer patient or for pain medication. It is exactly the same. It’s the same analogue. It’s the same chemical formulation.

The challenge that police also have is that organized crime is creating, in essence, counterfeits to look just like prescribed alternatives and to look just like the medication that pharmacists prescribe to someone under pain management, for that particular substance. That’s why we’re working with RCMP and municipal police on how they can best determine the origin of the substances that the member is talking about.

E. Sturko: Yeah, I do shake my head because I just find it so incredibly frustrating. This is a government that waited three years to look into any diversion program or to make sure that this was safe and not falling into the hands of children. You know what? I was tempted to read into the record what Purdue, the manufacturer of Dilaudid, actually says about their product.

I can read it, but essentially it says that you shouldn’t give that medication to anyone other than whom it’s prescribed for, because they’ll die. It’s especially true for children. That’s what it says on their warning label to people who are prescribed the drug. I can explain that the police — they’ve reported this — have found safe supply in its packaging and that they have made observations of people coming and going right into the pharmacy and delivering their prescribed alternatives into the hands of drug dealers.

I’ve met with parents whose kids had those empty pill bottles in their rooms and subsequently died of fentanyl poisoning. I’m sick of it. I think it’s an absolute disgrace that this government and this ministry have not set up any kind of monitoring.

In fact, in Bonnie Henry’s report from February 1, it says as much. It says that they haven’t fully investigated. It was one of Dr. Henry’s recommendations to set up monitoring to make sure that it isn’t falling into the wrong hands.

It’s the duty of this government and, I would say, the duty of the Minister of Public Safety to protect kids. I’m going to ask one last time: what has been done to make sure that police can both identify this drug and make sure that there are safety parameters around the prescribed safe supply program?

[4:25 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: Thank you to the member.

I take great offence at the idea that somehow we don’t take protecting kids seriously. The member can sit and roll her eyes all she wants — absolutely, nod her head.

The reality is that we take it very seriously. So does Mental Health and Addictions. That’s why they monitor; the whole issue has been about saving people’s lives. Some 13,000 people have died. The member herself said “we support safe supply” with her whole heart.

Interjection.

Hon. M. Farnworth: You most certainly did. I’ll read the quote. I’ve read the quote a number of times in the House.

Interjection.

Hon. M. Farnworth: I’ve read the quote a number of times in the House.

Interjection.

The Chair: Member, I ask you to keep your comments down, please.

Minister, please continue.

Hon. M. Farnworth: Thank you, hon. Chair.

The reality is this. Police are dealing with organized crime that wants to counterfeit drugs to make them look like legitimate medications that are prescribed between a doctor and their patient. You could do away with that tomorrow, and the reality is that organized crime would continue to do that.

[K. Greene in the chair.]

What we want to make sure is that police have the tools that they need to go after organized criminals, to make those arrests, to bring them to court, to bring them to justice, to use the tools that we’ve given them around unexplained wealth orders and civil forfeiture to go after those individuals, and we will continue to do that.

We know there are issues in understanding how organized crime counterfeits, how police can determine the difference between the two. We’re working with both the RCMP and the municipal police forces to be able to do just that. We take that very seriously, and the idea that we don’t, quite frankly, is offensive.

So hon. Speaker, hon. Chair…. Sorry about that. I didn’t mean to demote you.

I appreciate the member’s passion on this subject. We all share that. We all want to make sure that there’s as little diversion as possible. We all want to keep kids safe. We’re, at the same time, recognizing that we’ve got a public health crisis that has seen more than 13,000 people die, not just in this province but right across the country.

We will continue to take the steps that need to be taken, from my ministry, in policing, and Mental Health and Addictions, in having the programs and the supports in place and in the health system itself, and do everything we can. We’ll continue to do that.

E. Sturko: You know, the reality is that the government can be offended. Government can be upset when they’re called out on the floor for not doing their due diligence to keep kids in British Columbia safe.

Who calls a powerful opioid “safe supply”? This government is creating an environment where people believe they can get safe drugs that they won’t overdose on, and is telling kids across this province that there is such a thing as a safe opioid. It is this government’s failure. This government created an environment where organized crime could thrive, creating a market for counterfeit hydromorphone through its own actions. This government can be offended.

[4:30 p.m.]

Another of this government’s failures is decriminalization — failing to put the safety measures in place that would have protected the public from problematic drug use and having to then roll back and place this issue back onto the shoulders of police, telling them to move people on without adequate places for them to move on to.

There was a published study, a literature study in the Journal of Community Safety and Well-Being, that 64 percent of communities that are policed by the RCMP in British Columbia did not have any recovery service, did not have any treatment options prior to the rollout of decriminalization. And now it’s rolled back.

My question to the minister is: what direction has now been given to police for interactions when they come across public drug use? Where are the officers telling people to go?

Hon. M. Farnworth: Before I answer that question, I just want to address a point the member made which, quite frankly, is erroneous in the extreme. Government has never, ever suggested that opioid use or drug use is safe for children, and never would ever say that at all. I just want to make sure that the record is corrected on that.

That said, in terms of the member’s comments around decriminalization, I think it’s important to recognize what health officials and police have always maintained: that addiction is a health matter. It’s not a criminal matter.

[4:35 p.m.]

The changes that were made were not about putting anything back onto the shoulders of police. They were about giving them the changes and the tools that they asked for, that the chiefs of police asked for. That’s what we worked with them on. That’s why they supported those measures, those changes.

It’s our expectation and the police expectation that they will deal with inappropriate drug use when it occurs, when they see it or when they receive a complaint about that. And they will direct people — those who are engaged in inappropriate drug use — to, right now, their own home or an overdose prevention site or a legally authorized sheltering place. Also, some shelters have a place where people can use already. Those are where they will direct them to.

It’s the expectation that it will only be in extraordinary circumstances where they will actually arrest people. They will also have the ability, if someone is being unreasonable or not cooperative, to be able to seize the drugs that they may have in their possession.

E. Sturko: Thank you to the minister for the response.

B.C. is only performing autopsies on 15 percent of deaths, and it’s the lowest rate in the country. A low autopsy rate means that evidence and data on deaths in B.C. aren’t being collected. It also increases the chance that there could be an incorrect cause of death.

The B.C. Coroners Service has adopted the default policy of toxicology-only tests in instances of presumed drug overdoses. In such cases, the body will typically be assessed by a coroner at the scene but not undressed or examined carefully under good light prior to being transported to a funeral home for sampling of specimens for toxicology testing. The results are then interpreted by coronial staff. No forensic medical input is sought, and no autopsy or even a formal external examination is undertaken.

The policy is untested. It is regarded by a very large majority of death investigators in the world as unsatisfactory evidence. For example, by current national U.S. guidelines, they state explicitly that the panel considers an autopsy an essential component of investigating apparent overdose deaths.

So in short, a failure to perform an autopsy in such cases risks incorrectly attributing death to the toxic effects of the drugs detected, when the individual may have, in fact, died of other causes whilst drugs were present coincidentally in their system. This is a distinction which is notoriously difficult to make in people who regularly use drugs and who may have developed a tolerance to exceedingly high doses of substances.

My question to the minister is: what work is being done to improve death investigations regarding presumed overdoses and to ensure the correct cause of death in these death investigations?

[4:40 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: The approach taken is, in terms of doing the determination…. It’s done in a combination with the scene, on scene, and the body examination, along with the medical history and drug use history, along with an expedited toxicology process that tests for 24 different substances. The results from that are used as well.

Along with that, there are additional forensic pathologists that are also available.

The Chair: I’ll be calling a five-minute recess. We’ll resume in…

Interjection.

The Chair: Sorry?

E. Sturko: I just have one more question.

The Chair: One more. Okay. We’ll hang in there.

E. Sturko: Yeah, thanks.

I’m just going to bring up an example here. I’m not going to name the person. I do have permission from their family to use their example of their coroner’s report, but I won’t do that. But I will say that this is a coroner’s report for a 14-year-old girl that died of an overdose.

Just for context here, there are a few things of note that…. If you’ll just indulge me, I’d like to have this on the record.

This 14-year-old, in December of 2020, first reported to medical professionals that she was experimenting with illicit substances, including MDMA. She was hospitalized on four subsequent occasions through 2021 for substance use toxicity. She overdosed four times. She wasn’t prescribed any substance use treatment medications during those visits or any subsequent hospitalizations.

I find it really concerning that a young girl who’s just 14 could have gone to the hospital all those times with an overdose and not received any treatment medication. I would hope that this information makes it from the coroner directly to the Minister of Mental Health and Addictions.

[4:45 p.m.]

This young girl died on August 20, 2022. She was found by her dad in her bedroom. The cause of death was said to be an overdose of MDMA and cocaine. She wasn’t given an autopsy.

The amounts of MDMA and cocaine that were actually found, in combination with a variety of other drugs in her system, including a designer benzo, caffeine, weed, cigarettes, as well as hydromorphone…. But they said that the cause of death…. They determined it to be cocaine and MDMA.

However, when we look at the toxicology levels for abuse and toxicology testing, even if I were to take the adult amounts and cut them in half or less, the levels found in this 14-year-old girl’s body were actually well below what would have appeared as a toxic blood level for those substances.

I actually had an independent forensic pathologist review this particular coroner’s report. The cause of death was listed as, basically, her heart stopping as a result of those drugs. But the independent review actually said that it would be really, really difficult, given the low levels of drugs that were detected, to really reach that conclusion, and that without an autopsy, it leaves a lot of unanswered questions about this young person’s death, that given the fact that the actual tox was so low of those substances, perhaps a more thorough investigation would have yielded some other explanations into her death. She was otherwise a healthy, young 14-year-old girl.

Given the potential for unanswered questions in the death of a 14-year-old young girl, the fact that the toxicology levels…. I’ll give you one for an example. It was MDMA. That was actually the higher of the two. For an adult, it’s between 100 and 1,000 nanograms per millilitre. So even if we cut it in half and said half that would be toxic blood level in a kid, 50 to 1,000, she still had below that. She had 47.

And for — I’m going to say this wrong — benzo, basically the cocaine part, the analogs of cocaine…. So the cocaine one. For an adult, it’s greater than 1,000 nanograms per millilitre. Even if you cut that in half, it would be greater than 500. She had 63. They’re very low numbers. That’s why I was like: “Wow. It’s not that conclusive.” Given it’s a polysubstance overdose, as well, and the coroner’s report listed the hydromorphone in the child’s blood…. And it is here. She had 14 nanograms per millilitre. They described that as being therapeutic range, although this child was not prescribed this drug.

To the minister, would it not have been appropriate, and would it not give the family more closure…? Would it not answer questions? Would it not be important for us in British Columbia, given the scope of our crisis?

The minister said it before. I mean, it’s nearly 14,000, or it might even be more than 14,000 people now that lost their lives. We should be looking for every ounce of evidence that we can get that would show us the pathology of what happens to people in this crisis. Greater investigation into not only how they die, but how did they ever start using drugs in the first place? Every piece of evidence can yield information that might actually help us get through this thing.

My question to the minister is: does the minister not see value in increasing the number of autopsies done in relation to B.C.’s drug toxicity death crisis?

[4:50 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the member raising this question. I think it illustrates the tragedy and the grief that families go through when a loved one dies — and, in particular, the toxic drug crisis that we have been seeing.

I’d also say this. We have a professional Coroners Service, people who are experts, people who are trained and who do the very best job that they can. They have the supports. An autopsy is always available for them to do. It’s their professional judgment that we rely on and continue to rely on.

I also appreciate the member raising this case. I think it’s an illustration of the challenges that our professionals face on a day-to-day basis, and I think they do an amazing job. But I appreciate the member raising this particular case.

The Chair: Thank you, Minister.

We will have a five-minute recess until five o’clock. We’ll see everybody back shortly.

The committee recessed from 4:55 p.m. to 5:03 p.m.

[K. Greene in the chair.]

The Chair: We are calling the meeting back to order, Members. Thank you very much for returning, and we will continue.

T. Halford: Thank you to the minister and the staff here. Obviously, we’ll be focusing on ICBC for the time remaining today.

Just a bit of a math lesson for me with some of these numbers, so I’ll list them out, and then maybe we can get a little bit more clarity.

Last year ICBC lost $197 million, and it was forecast for the 2023-2024 fiscal that ICBC would break even. The budget has now been updated to indicate that ICBC may make $140 million in ’23-24, but for the coming year, ICBC will not make any money, according to the service plan put forth in February of 2024.

[5:05 p.m.]

Instead of making $450 million, according to the 2023 service plan, with the announcement last week of a rebate for drivers, we are now learning that ICBC has a preliminary net income of $1.5 billion.

I just listed off a lot of numbers there, a lot of swings. Just for clarity, can the minister please provide why we have seen net swings that go from a $197 million loss to zero, to $140 million, to $450 million, to zero again and now to $1.5 billion?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question. When the initial forecast was put in place, it was a period of high inflation and high interest rates. There was an expectational analysis that there would not be much investment income growth. What happened over the course of the year is that that changed significantly, resulting in the $1½ billion to the good.

T. Halford: So the number we get out, the $1.5 billion, is mainly projected on investments that have been done by ICBC. Is that correct?

Hon. M. Farnworth: That’s correct: strong investment income, which is managed by the B.C. Investment Management Corp., and claims coming in where they were expected to be.

T. Halford: I’ll come back to the investment portfolio in a second.

Can the minister just walk us through it — obviously, the rebate was announced last week — just in terms of how they arrived at the number $110? It’s not $100, not $200 but $110. What was the formula in getting that to drivers? What was that based on, that exact number for the rebate?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question. When it came to the strong investment results for the year, the board looked at that and determined that $400 million would be prudent in being able to be returned to the policyholders. That would leave the remaining just over $1.1 billion to be able to maintain the strong capital position that the corporation is in.

The $110 was arrived at by the fact that there are 3.6 million policyholders, and dividing that into $400 million.

T. Halford: We canvassed this last year, and we’ll obviously canvass it again.

[5:10 p.m.]

One of the concerns — I think even the minister raised it last year — is that when you look at ICBC’s operating costs, they continue to trend up. This fiscal they’re forecast to be $1.901 billion, up from $1.746 billion. What we’re seeing, even more troubling than that, is that they’re projected to climb to $2 billion by ’25-26 and to $2.037 billion in 2026-27.

What is the minister’s justification and rationale for the increase in operating costs? We’ll get to payouts for compensation in a follow-up. But in terms of the operating costs that we’re seeing in ICBC continuing to go up year over year….

We just talked about the forecasting that the minister referenced. How does the minister defend the operating costs that we continue to see on the rise at ICBC?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I’ll make a couple of points. There are increasing costs in part…. Population growth in the province is pretty substantial. Then bargaining does also put in place pay increases, so that also increases.

At the same time, in the $2 billion that the member referenced, roughly…. You can literally split that 50-50 between internal costs of ICBC and then the external costs of just over, well, $1.002 billion. That is for acquisition costs — so brokerages, for example. That’s why the operating costs rise the way they do.

T. Halford: The minister and the Premier announced a rate freeze into 2026. We see that when we talk about premium revenue. It is increasing by 8.3 percent, to $6.126 billion this year and over the next three years.

If premium revenue is increasing…. I believe, over the next three years, it increases 23 percent to $6.959 billion. Can the minister explain what the rationale is for the premium revenue increases?

[5:15 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: There are a number of factors at work here. One is the basic, which is frozen, which is no increases. Optional is a competitive marketplace, where ICBC has to be competitive with other optional insurers. And then the other one is policy growth. A very fast-growing population in the province means a lot more policies are being sold, which, of course, means that there is more policy revenue.

T. Halford: I’ll come back to that later on if we have time. But just to follow up, can the minister indicate the total number of FTEs at ICBC for this fiscal?

Hon. M. Farnworth: There are 5,674.

T. Halford: So 5,674 full-time employees at ICBC. Out of those 5,674 employees, how many are earning compensation, including whether bonuses or other structures, over $100,000?

Hon. M. Farnworth: There are 920.

T. Halford: Out of those 920, how many of those make over $150,000 per year?

Hon. M. Farnworth: There are 126.

T. Halford: Out of those 126, how many make over $200,000 per year?

Hon. M. Farnworth: There are 27.

T. Halford: Last question. Out of those 27, how many make over $300,000 per year?

Now, when I say that, I’m talking about all-level compensation. So that’s including any retention bonuses. That is basically your full-end compensation package. I’m assuming this includes executives. It could be contractors as well. That is what I’m asking — obviously, for those previous ones as well. But with this one, those that are making over $300,000…. I’m not just asking specifically on a base salary.

[5:20 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: Seven.

T. Halford: When it comes to the executives at ICBC, are there bonuses attached with their compensation, whether they’re performance targets or anything like that?

Hon. M. Farnworth: No.

T. Halford: So when we look at the 920 individuals that are currently making over six figures at ICBC, are those individuals throughout the province? Are they primarily located at headquarters in North Vancouver? How is that spread out? That’s a fairly large number making a substantial wage, so where are those employees usually located?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question from the member.

We don’t have an actual regional breakdown, but there’s no reason to suspect that it wouldn’t be any different than in a ratio to the number of employees in the different parts of the province.

T. Halford: I think it’s actually new to this year’s service plan for ICBC. It’s the capital expenditure for ICBC’s head office relocation. I know that’s estimated at a cost of $164 million.

The service plan states that a 15-year capital lease of $111 million commences April 1, ’25. I assume that leasehold improvements will be done with the remaining $53 million. Can the minister outline what these leasehold improvements would be?

Hon. M. Farnworth: It is to furnish the head office — fully furnish it for a period of about 15 years.

T. Halford: Okay, just to be clear here, the service plan states a 15-year capital lease of $111 million that’s commencing April 1 of 2025.

[5:25 p.m.]

The remaining $53 million, the minister is saying, is going to improve the current facility as is? Is that what the minister just confirmed?

Hon. M. Farnworth: It’s not for the existing building. It would be for the new headquarters. It’s like you’re building a brand-new facility.

T. Halford: I probably know the answer to this, but has a final contract or location been determined?

Hon. M. Farnworth: Not yet.

T. Halford: Okay, so forgive my skepticism here, but we’ve got in the budget, now, $164 million. It’s just showing up. First time.

How do you get to $111 million with no site, no location? The minister’s now saying that we’re going to put aside another $53 million for furnishings. How do you make the determination if you don’t know where it’s going to be, you don’t know how big it’s going to be, and you don’t know what the leasing cost is going to be?

You’ve come to an exact target of $111 million, and then you’ve come to another one for $53 million to furnish the thing. How do you make that calculation when you don’t even know where you’re going to be, what space you’re going to be in, what the land size is, what the land value is, what the square footage is?

You’re listing out $111 million, and then you’re supplementing that with $53 million and saying: “This is how we’re going to furnish it.” That’s like me saying that I’m going to buy a million-dollar house. I don’t know where. I don’t know how big. Then I’m going to spend 100 grand furnishing it. I don’t know how big it’s going to be. I don’t know what I’m going to put in there.

How do you actually justify those numbers that are before us today?

The Chair: Through the Chair, please.

T. Halford: Sorry, Madam Chair.

Through the Chair, how do you actually justify those numbers?

Hon. M. Farnworth: If it was the way the member described, I’d probably agree. Like: “Hey, I’ve got a million bucks. I want to do this. I’m going to do that. No lot, no site, no nothing.”

But the reality is that ICBC has been working on this for a long time. They did a request for proposal. It narrowed it down to four sites. For each of those, they have an understanding of what the leasing costs are, what the square footage is and what the location potentially might be. All of those things are taken into account. They’re able to do an average in terms of what the anticipated leasing costs are.

Then, in terms of the buildout, the furnishing of the space, there’s a facilities team that’s been in place that works for ICBC on all its offices and has a thorough understanding of what’s required for a particular amount of space and what it would cost. That’s how they come up with the numbers that you see here.

[5:30 p.m.]

T. Halford: Can the minister explain the rationale for a 15-year lease? Has the corporation taken a look at anything other than a 15-year lease? It seems like that’s a fairly substantial investment to make on behalf of ratepayers. Is there a reason that they’ve settled on a 15-year lease? Is that open to further negotiation?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question. I’ll make the following comments in response to the member’s question.

First, a longer-term lease is better than a shorter-term lease just in the moving costs alone. I don’t think there’d be any dispute about that. It’s not cheap to move. The other important factor is that ICBC does not require the same amount of space that it has now. There’s a shrinking of the footprint that ICBC requires in terms of its head office. That’s why a 15-year lease was viewed to be the most prudent approach to take for the corporation.

T. Halford: Just in terms of time management here, I’ll ask a few questions and kind of bundle them together.

The existing office space at 151 Esplanade in North Vancouver — what is the current plan with that? The second part of that is: how many employees are currently working in that office space right now? The other one I had is: how many are working from home? I know this is something we canvassed last year, so I’ll leave those questions with the minister and his staff.

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question from the member. In terms of the first part of the question, what’s happening to the site, that has not been determined yet. They’re still in discussions about the future of the site.

The space is built for 1,500 people, but the reality is that ICBC, in 2021, moved to a hybrid work model. So the current building occupancy ranges from about 20 percent to 40 percent of staff on any given day, hence the need for a significantly reduced footprint in a new building.

T. Halford: The service plan also mentions: “Artificial intelligence is cautiously being used in the claims process.” Can the minister describe for us exactly how AI is being used in the claims process and what investment has been made, with the dollar figure, in terms of AI?

Also to…. Well, actually, I’ll save that. I’ll ask a question on security, but that’ll be a follow-up.

[5:35 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: There are two functions on which AI is used. One is to help determine whether or not a specific bill should be reviewed. It doesn’t make the decision. ICBC makes that decision. The second is in-house proprietary, which helps to determine whether or not a vehicle will be a total write-off.

T. Halford: Thank you to the minister for that answer and clarification.

I assume that this is the first year that they’re using AI in this regard, or has this been going on for…? It’s the first time I’ve ever seen a reference in the service plan, so that’s why I’m asking if it’s been used previously.

Hon. M. Farnworth: The member is correct. It is new this year. I just want to add the point that both the applications I was talking about are used to support decision-making best practices, so it’s not a case of the technology making the decision.

T. Halford: Obviously, previously, that information would be taken by, I assume, a live agent on the other end of the phone that would be making that determination or having that conversation. That’s now been, I guess, somewhat substituted, or maybe it was a bit of a hybrid. Is that in replacement of an actual physical employee?

Basically, what I’m asking here directly: is there a reduction in employees based on using this new AI system?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question. No, it allows us to be more efficient, but no one loses. It doesn’t displace any employees.

T. Halford: Thank you to the minister for clarifying that.

I’m just going to go back. Previously, when we were talking about the fiscal operating, we talked about…. The minister explained the different levels of insurance and basically the number of drivers that ICBC is servicing in British Columbia as of today. Of that, what percentage of drivers are purchasing optional insurance from ICBC?

[5:40 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: It’s around 85 percent.

T. Halford: We had this conversation last year, last estimates. What would be ICBC’s projected average annual change in operational rates for the next three years?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question.

I’ll answer the question this way. It is proprietary, because it is a competitive market. But the key aspect is that it varies from individual to individual, depending on what kind of optional coverage they choose to purchase.

T. Halford: Okay. Let me try asking it in a different way, which may result in a different answer. I’m not sure. But I will try it anyway. What is ICBC’s average premium this year and for each of the next three years?

Hon. M. Farnworth: The typical, average, full-coverage premium for Burnaby and New West is $1,630; Ridge Meadows, $1,449; Sea to Sky, $1,253; Hope, $1,459; Abby-Mission-Agassiz, $1,461; Central Okanagan, $1,181; East Kootenay, $1,206; Williams Lake and 100 Mile, $1,336; Quesnel and PG south, $1,181; Skeena, $997; Fort St. John and Dawson Creek, $1,275; Victoria downtown, $1,070; Nanaimo and Parksville, $1,038; Campbell River and west, $1,143.

T. Halford: All right. That’s the variation.

I’ll ask it this way again. What percent of ICBC’s annual premiums is made up of optional premiums?

Hon. M. Farnworth: It’s about 50-50.

[5:45 p.m.]

T. Halford: Just to clarify, when we talk about the ICBC’s average premium this year and over the next three years…. The question I’d asked is: what percent of ICBC’s annual premiums is made up of optional premiums? That is almost an even 50-50 split across. Is that correct? All right. Thank you to the minister and staff for that. I’m going to come back to that in a second.

How much was paid out in terms of compensation in the fiscal for people that suffered harm in a motor vehicle accident?

Hon. M. Farnworth: Last fiscal year, what we incurred was $1.633 billion.

T. Halford: How many claims were made?

Hon. M. Farnworth: It’s 70,700.

T. Halford: One of the notions we talked about last year, too, was the physical vehicle damage coverage, which obviously pays for repairs to your car when someone else hits it.

When the government made the move to no-fault, one of the issues was that this was previously covered under third-party liability. This was mostly done through optional coverage, and now it has been moved to basic coverage, which can, I think some can argue, cut out other insurers from selling it.

What is the average premium for BVDC for a non-luxury vehicle? Let’s just say a vehicle under $150,000.

Hon. M. Farnworth: About half goes to the physical damage to the vehicle, and the other half goes for the injury claims.

T. Halford: When it comes to the actual numerical value of repairing the vehicle, does it depend on the value of the vehicle or how much it costs to repair?

Hon. M. Farnworth: On the optional side, the value of the vehicle is taken into account. On the basic side, it’s not.

[5:50 p.m.]

T. Halford: If somebody, not me, was driving, let’s say, a Porsche…. It’s worth 145,000 bucks, right?

Interjection.

T. Halford: That’s neither of us. What you will find me driving is a Honda Civic worth, let’s say, $5,000, okay?

Does it cost more money to repair the Porsche or the Honda Civic? It’s going to cost more money to repair the Porsche. So in essence, drivers of high-end vehicles, when you’re looking at the structure, when the changes have been made to the basic vehicle damage coverage…. That was brought in post no-fault.

What I’m wondering is: if a high-end vehicle is in a crash, and it costs substantial money to repair a bumper, or if a lower-end vehicle like a Honda Civic…. I’m not trying to pick on Honda Civics; I’m a big fan, by the way. But if they’re involved in a crash, it’s going to be less to repair, obviously, but still paying the same amount.

So in essence, when you look at drivers of high-end vehicles that cost more to repair, they’re almost paying the same amount of vehicle repair coverage as those driving less expensive vehicles. Is that correct?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question from the member. At $150,000 — above that, you pay, basically, double the premiums. Below that, the basic is…. The basic premium is not identical. Your premium, your basic insurance for your Porsche, is not going to be the same as your basic for the Honda Civic. There will be differences. It depends on a number of things like who’s driving, where you’re driving.

The big part when you have those kinds of vehicles that you and I don’t get to drive is they, most of the times, come with significantly higher optional packages than what we would get for the vehicles we drive.

T. Halford: The benefits of being in a small room. You hear a lot of things. I will say this: it’s why I used the number $145,000. I used that specifically. Not to be cute, but I used that for a specific reason.

I think the minister can agree that when we’re talking about the changes that they brought into the basic vehicle damage coverage…. That’s the term they use, BVDC. Previously, that was usually covered by third-party liability, which was, I guess, probably mostly optional coverage. So my understanding is that has been moved to basic coverage. So essentially, you’re cutting out other insurers from selling this.

[5:55 p.m.]

The point that I’m trying to make is that if you have a high-end vehicle that is under $150,000, let’s say $145,000, and they get into a fender-bender, and then that Honda Civic gets into the same fender-bender…. What I’m getting at is that when we talk about affordability, when we talk about decisions at ICBC…. I think British Columbians that are drivers of less expensive vehicles that are less costly to repair would almost be surprised by the notion that they are subsidizing vehicles of quite a high value.

That is what I’m getting at with this change to the basic vehicle damage coverage. I think that’s something that a lot of people don’t actually realize: that because those switches have been made in the changes, and the premiums go up, that is basically done in a way that people can say, to compensate and pay for…. Everybody is on a level playing field — I understand that — in terms of those rates and the basic insurance, but what happens is when we go into society, it’s not always a level playing field.

If somebody is driving a Land Rover valued at $130,000 or $135,000, and then there’s a single mom driving a minivan, the Windstar, what my mom drove, probably valued at $2,000…. That is why I’m singling out the basic vehicle damage coverage, because when those damages happen, it’s almost the other ratepayers that have to subsidize for those higher repair costs. Previously that was under third-party liability, which was optional coverage, but now ICBC has moved that to basic coverage.

What was the rationale for that decision?

[6:00 p.m.]

Hon. M. Farnworth: The first $200,000 has always been on basic, before enhanced care and since enhanced care. And third-party is not based on vehicle value.

T. Halford: I’m on limited time here. I know that. I think we’re wrapping up at 6:15. Maybe I’ll have the luxury of coming back tomorrow. I don’t know. I’ll have to check with my colleague on that.

Just in the remaining moments we have, one of them is…. I’ve talked to the minister about this, I think, personally, maybe in the House. I don’t know. We all get stories in our constit offices about what’s working and what’s not. One of the challenges that we have…. We hear really, really tragic stories. I know that ICBC has got good people working for them. A lot of them, I note, are here today to serve the minister.

I will say this. I think we have heard stories — there’s one specific story I’ll reference that the minister is probably familiar with — regarding fatalities and specific fatalities regarding children and the compensation that’s paid out to them. No parent should ever have to suffer through the loss of a child. That’s number one. But in that time, I think, we’ve seen stories about parents or guardians, at that point, or executors having to fight ICBC — their words are “tooth and nail” — when it comes to getting adequate compensation for either parents that have been lost in vehicle accidents or a child that has been lost in a vehicle accident.

We had one scenario where three children, I believe it was, were lost in an accident. The compensation was based on the mom’s job, basically, and what was provided out for that. It didn’t forecast into it what these…. You can never put a monetary value on any life, much less…. Definitely you can’t put it on a child’s life.

I think one of the struggles that we’ve seen here is that when these accidents do occur, especially with the changes that we’ve seen through no-fault…. We’ve seen in the media that very tragic circumstances happen. There have been huge levels of discrepancies when it comes to payouts, when it comes to rehab or when it comes to other support for families that have maybe lost somebody or that have been severely impacted physically and mentally through the result of a motor vehicle accident.

I know at the time when the Premier was confronted with this — I believe this was last year — with a couple of these incidents, he said that the system is…. I don’t want to…. I’ll be careful what I say here. He did reference the fact that the system was not perfect.

I can table these stories in the amount of time that we have, but I’ll just ask the minister this directly. Is there an ability with ICBC to look at things from a more holistic point of view when it comes to compensation for victims, whether they be children, whether they be parents or whoever they are, especially when it comes to fatalities?

[6:05 p.m.]

We are hearing more and more stories now, because we’ve switched to the no-fault model, where people are finding it much more difficult to get the level of support from ICBC that they may have had previously.

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question from the member, because you’re dealing with tragic situations that no one should have to go through.

What I can tell the member is that ICBC is learning. I think the system, as it is, is better than the old system. You’re not going through a litigious process. Payments go to the family, to the beneficiaries, in a far more timely manner than previously. I fully understand where the member is coming from. As I said, ICBC is learning and is always looking to improve things. But yeah, those are the most difficult cases under this system. They were the most difficult cases under the old system as well.

A. Walker: Recognizing the shortage of time that we have here, I will be very brief.

In the community of Parksville-Qualicum, specifically the Oceanside detachment, we see, in the regular reports from the staff sergeant, increases in crime. A lot of this is not necessarily severe crime but online crime — we’ve seen a dramatic increase — and disturbance calls, especially mental health–related.

The province has committed significant investments to new officers, 240 officers. I believe that we were supposed to see four in the Oceanside region. I’m just looking for an update, more broadly, as far as where that training and hiring process is at and what the current ratios are for Oceanside if we’re fully staffed up. If not, what work can be done to make sure they get the staff they need?

Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question from the member. As the member can see, I’ve got my ICBC staff. I can give him a broader.… We’ll get back to him with a more definitive….

Can I ask a quick clarification? What’s the population of the area that you’re talking about? That will assist me.

A. Walker: Oceanside region will be about 40,000 give or take — 40,000 to 50,000.

Hon. M. Farnworth: There’ll be two things. One, because they’re a community over 5,000, they’re responsible for their own policing. There’s the provincial business line that’s in place. Those are the vacancies that we are filling.

For example, priority areas are highway patrol and major crime. I do know, and I’m being a generalist here, a lot of municipalities, particularly on the Island and in the Interior, have been wanting to see highway patrol fully staffed because what has been happening is that when it’s not, you get resources taken from the main detachment to assist on that. Those are priority areas in terms of being filled. We have done, I think, 62 last year, on goal for 132 this year and then the remainder in the third year.

[6:10 p.m.]

We’re working with the RCMP to prioritize and fill those priority areas. So there’s that.

In terms of the municipal detachment, we can find out…. I can get the information for you in terms of what the plan is right now for the RCMP and looking to bring it to full strength.

Hon. Chair, I move the committee rise, report progress and ask leave to sit again.

Motion approved.

The committee rose at 6:11 p.m.