Fourth Session, 42nd Parliament (2023)

OFFICIAL REPORT
OF DEBATES

(HANSARD)

Wednesday, October 25, 2023

Afternoon Sitting

Issue No. 347

ISSN 1499-2175

The HTML transcript is provided for informational purposes only.
The PDF transcript remains the official digital version.


CONTENTS

Routine Business

Introductions by Members

Introduction and First Reading of Bills

Hon. R. Singh

Statements (Standing Order 25B)

H. Yao

E. Ross

M. Starchuk

S. Bond

J. Rice

T. Wat

Oral Questions

K. Falcon

Hon. R. Kahlon

Hon. D. Eby

K. Kirkpatrick

Hon. R. Kahlon

A. Olsen

Hon. A. Dix

B. Banman

Hon. P. Alexis

B. Banman

Hon. D. Eby

T. Stone

Hon. B. Ralston

L. Doerkson

P. Milobar

Hon. B. Ralston

Petitions

J. Rustad

Orders of the Day

Third Reading of Bills

Question of Privilege

M. de Jong

Hon. R. Kahlon

Committee of the Whole House

K. Kirkpatrick

Hon. R. Kahlon

E. Sturko

Report and Third Reading of Bills

Committee of the Whole House

K. Kirkpatrick

Hon. R. Kahlon

E. Sturko

A. Walker

N. Letnick

P. Milobar

E. Ross

T. Shypitka

D. Davies

M. Bernier

B. Stewart

M. Morris

S. Bond

Proceedings in the Douglas Fir Room

Committee of the Whole House

M. Lee

Hon. B. Ma

L. Doerkson

Proceedings in the Birch Room

Committee of the Whole House

T. Wat

Hon. L. Popham

Hon. G. Heyman

R. Merrifield

S. Furstenau


WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 25, 2023

The House met at 1:35 p.m.

[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]

Routine Business

Prayers and reflections: N. Letnick.

Introductions by Members

Hon. R. Singh: I have two sets of introductions.

We have the representatives of the First Nations Education Steering Committee in the House today. We have Tyrone McNeil, Debbie Jeffrey and Jan Haugen. I really want to thank them for all their hard work and the strong partnership they have with my ministry, Education and Childcare.

Along with them I have some amazing staff from my ministry also present in the House. We have Choe Nicholls, Jennifer McCrea, Denise Augustine, Dave Duerksen, Francis Recalma, Kristen Brewer, Catherine Jarawka, Julia Hincks, Kelly Farish, Jonathan Foweraker and Brad Baker.

I really want to take this moment to thank this amazing staff that I have. They support me every day, make my work shine and are just an amazing team that both myself and the Minister of State for Child Care have in our ministry.

Hon. S. Robinson: Today here in the gallery, we have Suzanne Jolly. She is here joining us. She became known to me through my husband about 15 years ago. She’s a multimedia specialist at North Island College and does some freelance multimedia consulting and independent film production.

She has directed and produced two seasons of Where the Wind Meets the Tide, stories about people doing ocean-based jobs in north Vancouver Island, and she’s a solo back-country motor biker, ocean kayaker, as well as yoga instructor and a good friend of my husband’s. She’s here to take in question period today.

Would the House please make her feel very welcome.

E. Ross: I’ve got quite a few guests today, very rare.

We’ve got the mayor of Terrace here today — a frequent visitor, it seems. This time he’s here to meet both sides of the House in terms of the infrastructure crisis that he’s experiencing in Terrace right now.

I’ve also got Matt Buchholz. He’s actually working with McLeod Lake on their projects proposed for the territory.

Some very, very special guests are Kelly LaVallie and Sydney LaVallie. Her late husband is very closely associated with the success of LNG in Kitimat and a very close, dear friend of the Haisla people, my band, as well as a very close and dear friend of mine personally, so I’d like them to feel welcome.

Also, last but not least, Gary Ley. Gary Ley’s there as well. A very good friend of mine for the last ten, 15 years, and another person who is very instrumental in the success of LNG for the last 15 years here in B.C.

Would the House please make them feel welcome.

T. Stone: I am thrilled to rise today and welcome three guests that I think we’re honoured to have with us today.

[1:40 p.m.]

In the gallery is Craig Thomson, who is the president of the British Columbia–Yukon Legion Command here in British Columbia. He also happens to live in Kamloops, so he’s a good friend up in Kamloops.

He’s joined today by Dave Sinclair, who’s an honorary president with the legion. I think most members, if not all of this House, know Dave very, very well and the incredible advocacy work that he has done on a range of files.

Also joining them is Michelle Courtney, who’s the relatively new, not entirely new but relatively new, executive director of the legion.

I had a wonderful meeting with them today as they updated us on a series of housing projects that they have on the go in different parts of the province.

I’d ask that the House please make these three very distinguished guests fully welcome here in British Columbia’s Legislature.

Hon. R. Fleming: I want to make an introduction of a different sort, with the indulgence of the House this afternoon. It’s really to introduce….

Many members of the House will know individuals employed at Helijet airways, the company, and, in particular, the two pilots yesterday who helped us avoid talking about a transportation tragedy, which was narrowly avoided.

Those employees will remain nameless for now, but to call them heroes under that situation would be no overstatement. That’s, in fact, what they are. They saved 12 lives yesterday and had to respond to a situation where they had no idea what had hit the aircraft. It turned out it was a lightning strike that damaged the aircraft significantly. The fact that it was able to fly is a miracle.

The two pilots, one of whom has 23 years experience flying around British Columbia, had the skill, the composure and the ability to rescue that situation and save all who were aboard. I would like the House to recognize that and to thank everybody who works for that company who went through a very harrowing experience.

I knew one of the passengers who, actually, was coming to meet me, and that individual, who’s a dear friend, was very badly shaken up, as you would understand. All the passengers were. But we are very fortunate that they are today reflecting on what they lived through yesterday and that everybody is alive.

So to the pilots at Helijet airways and to everyone working at the company through a difficult situation, I’d like the House to recognize that this afternoon.

S. Chant: This afternoon on the precinct, not necessarily in here, because they’re talking with everybody and talking with the general public outside…. I’d like to acknowledge the folks that are here from the registered disability savings plan group and also the Public Guardian and Trustee, who are outside in a booth at the base of the Legislature stairs, telling people about the things they do and the services and support they offer to people in British Columbia.

And I just want to say, I think, from all of us, thank you to them for the work that they do, and thank you to them for coming and advising us of what those services are so that we can tell our constituents.

Hon. R. Fleming: I do have one more introduction. I see they’re with us now. It is a group of students, grade 10, from the fabulous Reynolds secondary school social studies class. They’re doing their government unit this semester, and they’re with their teacher, Alecia Jones. It’s the French immersion class from Reynolds.

I understand my beloved Roadrunners soccer team are having a very good season, both the boys and girls teams as well — equally as important as the academic material that they’re studying this afternoon.

Would the House make them most welcome today.

[1:45 p.m.]

Introduction and
First Reading of Bills

BILL 40 — SCHOOL AMENDMENT ACT, 2023

Hon. R. Singh presented a message from Her Honour the Lieutenant-Governor: a bill intituled School Amendment Act, 2023.

Hon. R. Singh: I move that the bill be introduced and read for the first time now.

I’m pleased to introduce Bill 40, the School Amendment Act, 2023, which will make amendments to the B.C. School Act to fulfil ministry commitments made in the B.C. tripartite education agreement and the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act action plan.

These changes requested by First Nations have been co-developed with the First Nations Education Steering Committee and in direct consultation with B.C. First Nations including treaty First Nations.

The changes in this bill are intended to begin to address the systemic barriers faced by on-reserve students across B.C. and to support all Indigenous learners within the province. These important steps along the path of reconciliation will respect First Nation authority and decision-making over the education of their children.

While we have made significant changes in education that are positively impacting Indigenous students, there is still more work to do. The changes in this bill are especially important because they require boards of education to involve local First Nations and Indigenous people in making decisions about education programs and services provided to Indigenous children.

An important step in reconciliation, this bill will provide mechanisms to boards of education to have effective relationships with First Nations, improving the educational experience and outcome of students in the public school system.

The new provisions introduce three components: a co-developed provincial model, local education agreement that will apply where a First Nation wants one; a requirement for every school district to have an Indigenous education council with a focus on local First Nations; and First Nations’ right to make their own choice of school for on-reserve and in-community students.

The province is committed to continue to work together with First Nations, treaty First Nations and Indigenous people to improve public education and educational outcomes for Indigenous students.

Mr. Speaker: Members, the question is first reading of the bill.

Motion approved.

Hon. R. Singh: I move that the bill be placed on the orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

Bill 40, School Amendment Act, 2023, introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.

Statements
(Standing Order 25B)

RICHMOND SECONDARY GRAD COMMITTEE

H. Yao: Car wash fundraiser — not a typical topic for the chamber. However, I want to take this opportunity to express how impressed I was with the Richmond Secondary grad committee’s hard work.

First of all, I want to thank them for allowing me to join them for a car wash while raising money for the grad program. When I first arrived, it was windy, chilly and a bit wet. However, there were already at least 20 to 30 students ready to go. While the sponsor teachers were busy gathering supplies, the students were proactively working together to set up a car wash. From taping signs to preparing all the equipment, they enthusiastically prepared themselves to welcome the customers.

The morning had a slow start. Students had to dance and sing to keep the spirit high and to fight the cold. So I messaged a few elected officials, hoping they would show a little love to our grad class. I want to take this moment to express my gratitude to Coun. Carol Day, Coun. Chak Au, school trustee Debbie Tablotney, MP Wilson Miao and MP Parm Bains.

Of course, as the day went on, more parents, teachers, neighbours, even students arrived to show support. I want to thank everyone for showing love to our Richmond Secondary School’s grad committee, for their support of the successful fundraiser.

While washing cars, it was hard not to get wet and dirty. I remember vividly that I accidentally splashed some dirty and soapy water on a student. I quickly tried to apologize. Instead of responding with frustration, the student said no apologies were necessary. They were all there to work hard and expected to get dirty. His response was both exceptionally mature and thoughtful.

Little details like this showed me that students truly demonstrated leadership potential as they diligently washed cars while embracing the love and gratitude from the community. I was truly honoured to wash cars alongside them, and I will take this opportunity to say congratulations to the Richmond Secondary grad committee.

[1:50 p.m.]

LNG DEVELOPMENT IN HAISLA NATION
AND CONTRIBUTIONS OF DAVE LAVALLIE

E. Ross: In 2004, my band, the Haisla Nation Council, started exploring and advocating for LNG to be exported to the world. It was a massive undertaking, and we couldn’t find examples in B.C. to learn from. We had good leaders and strategies but found that we needed more for a rapidly changing world. We hired good staff, good lawyers, good advisors, and then Dave LaVallie joined our team.

As we melded pieces of our past with our plans for the future, it became clear that we needed a technical leader to work alongside our political leadership. Dave LaVallie became that leader, and to say that he did an impressive job is an understatement. It wasn’t easy to start this initiative, given the opposition to LNG that lasted up until 2017, but we stuck with it on principles and facts.

Dave took his direction from our council but understood the pressures that we faced in our community, in the region and in the province, and he addressed those issues head on. He was our interface for regulatory bodies, industry and the financing world. More importantly, he kept Haisla objectives and goals as his main priority.

I’ve said many times in this House how my band successfully turned the corner in terms of independence and addressing our own issues on our own terms, and we succeeded beyond our wildest dreams.

There are many people responsible for our success, but not many people know how much gratitude is owed to Dave LaVallie specifically. I was there and saw his incredible expertise in action and recognize him as one of the key people who knew how to reconcile economic development with the issues that many First Nations face today.

I am grateful for what he did for my people, and I miss him as a friend, because Dave passed away on August 15 this year. He is lovingly remembered and sorely missed by his wife, Kelly; his children — Megan, Samantha, Dawson, Jessica and Sydney; his brand-new granddaughter, Scarlett; his brother, Darald; his nephew, Ben; and his niece, Sadie.

Rest in peace, Dave LaVallie.

IGNITE A DREAM FUNDRAISING EVENT

M. Starchuk: The Surrey Fire Fighters Charitable Society was founded in 1994 with the mission to provide charitable programs that benefit the citizens of our community and to assist other charities within the community that have similar goals and objectives.

Mr. Speaker, if you want to know, 1994 also happens to be the birth year of the member for Langford–Juan de Fuca, if we didn’t feel old enough today.

I’m proud to stand in this House as one of the founding directors of the charitable society. The program I’m going to talk about is Ignite a Dream. As background, 11 years ago, three firefighters responded to a call involving a young person, which resulted in a tragic ending.

Witnessing the potential of young minds go unrealized due to life circumstances, the Ignite a Dream event was born with the primary goal of raising funds to support the education of Surrey’s youth, creating opportunities for high school graduates who have overcome significant challenges to pursue their post-secondary education.

In 2016, this event, in collaboration with Kwantlen Polytechnic University…. It transformed the modern Cloverdale campus into an elegant space featuring an evening of wine and craft beer tasting, culinary delights, live music and a silent auction. This year’s event had some of the Surrey MLAs in attendance. That took place on September 23. This year’s Ignite a Dream events saw the proceeds donated to KPU to enable the creation of ten $4,500 Ignite a Dream awards to be distributed to deserving KPU students in the fall of 2024.

Ignite a Dream is more than an event. It is a promise of brighter futures, a commitment to breaking down barriers to education and the celebration of the potential that resides within all of our youth.

Next year’s Ignite a Dream event will see another group of students begin their journeys to a rewarding career of their choice, and I hope to see some of those familiar faces there again next year.

PRINCE GEORGE HOSPICE
PALLIATIVE CARE SOCIETY

S. Bond: Prince George and our region are blessed to be served by the Prince George Hospice Palliative Care Society. The Prince George Hospice Society has been providing grief and bereavement services to the community of Prince George since 1987.

[1:55 p.m.]

The first guest to Rotary Hospice House was admitted in May of 1995. The standalone Hospice House was the first in B.C. Since that time, the dedicated hospice team has been committed to leading hospice care initiatives, both provincially and nationally, and they have done just that.

The goal has always been to design programs in response to the needs of our community and to be leaders in the sector. Their latest initiative would bring home hospice care to Prince George.

Why is this such an important program? Because we know, when asked, that 70 percent of Canadians wish to die in their own home. For many people that make that choice, for a variety of reasons they end up in an emergency room and pass away in a hospital. Prince George Hospice Palliative Care Society wants to change that by providing hospice care at home. Currently, the only other hospice in B.C. which provides that care is the Victoria Hospice.

A lot of work has been done to consult, plan and coordinate, including garnering support from a multidisciplinary, multi-organizational stakeholder group. There has also been alignment with the UNBC Centre for Technology Adoption for Aging in the North to ensure that there is virtual access for family, friends and medical professionals to be in regular contact.

Donna Flood and her team remind me that Prince George Hospice has for decades been offering people a place to die with dignity and compassion, surrounded by their family and friends. Our family and so many others have experienced that firsthand.

As we look for ways to reduce pressure on our health care system and provide people with the best possible care at the end of their lives, supporting this program should be something that all of us welcome and take action to make a reality.

POLE-RAISING CEREMONY AND HIGHWAY
OF TEARS SAFETY IMPROVEMENTS

J. Rice: This past Saturday, just outside Prince Rupert along the infamous Highway of Tears, I had the honour of witnessing a pole raising commemorating missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls and two- spirit people. The foggy morning started out as a sombre event, but through the sounds of drums, singing and protocol, the sun came up and shined a beautiful light on the pole as it was raised in the right way.

This also marked an important milestone between government and Rogers Communications to fill cellular gaps along the highway, following one of the 33 recommendations of the Highway of Tears Symposium report.

Improving safety along this corridor is an important commitment our government has made and has been something I’ve been advocating for since I was first elected in 2013. In fact, my first question in question period was in regards to making the Highway of Tears a safer place. Thankfully, we’ve come a long way since then.

This pole is not only commemorating and honouring lives lost and still missing, but it is sending a clear message to all of us: no more stolen sisters. The pole was carved in great detail and care by artist Mike Dangeli and his team. It stands ten feet tall and is a sister pole to one near Kitsumkalum, which was also raised for the same reasons. Following the pole raising, a feast was held at the Jim Ciccone Civic Centre, where local cultural traditions, food and speeches were shared.

I want to acknowledge my friend and colleague the Minister of Citizens’ Services for coming all the way out to the North Coast to mark this important event.

A huge shout-out and thanks to event organizers and volunteers: Symbia Barnaby, Reid Skelton-Morven, Arlene Roberts, Murray Smith, Tricia Barnaby, Jennifer Campeau, Bill White, Matthew Kloepper, the team at the Ts’msyen Prosperity Society and Indian Residential School Sur­vivors Society, not to mention Rogers Communications for taking on the last gap of cellular service between Prince George and Prince Rupert along the Highway of Tears.

Wai Wah.

RICHMOND ADDICTION
SERVICES SOCIETY

T. Wat: Addiction is a complex issue that affects people from all walks of life. It’s not limited by age, gender or social status. It’s something that touches our community, our neighbours and sometimes our own families.

Today I rise to celebrate an organization that is making a significant impact in the midst of this challenging time in British Columbia: the Richmond Addiction Services Society. On October 18, I had the privilege of attending the RASS annual general meeting in my capacity as the MLA for Richmond North Centre. What I witnessed was nothing short of inspiring.

[2:00 p.m.]

The Richmond Addiction Services Society is dedicated to providing vital support, resources and programs to individuals and families who are grappling with addiction. What struck me most was the unwavering dedication and passion shown by every member of the organization.

They are working so hard to realize their goal of preventing substance and behavioural addictions while ensuring the delivery of programs and services to support individuals and communities to achieve optimal health in all areas of life. This is truly commendable.

However, we must recognize that the vital work they do would not be possible without the involvement of our dedicated community members. I would like to take a moment to express my heartfelt gratitude to the volunteers within RASS and similar organizations across British Columbia. These individuals work tirelessly to ensure their community’s safety and prosperity. For that, we are deeply grateful.

Oral Questions

GOVERNMENT ACTION ON
AFFORDABLE HOUSING

K. Falcon: After seven years, the NDP’s middle-class squeeze has made B.C. now the most unaffordable prov­ince in the entire country, and it’s getting worse every day.

Housing starts are now plummeting, major housing starts and projects are grinding to a halt and future homes are vanishing, as sales of undeveloped residential land have dropped off a cliff by 85 percent over the last 15 months. Now, to add to the failure of this Premier’s housing flub, most recently we’ve seen the loss of over 400 potential affordable housing units promised at the 104 Plaza in Surrey.

To recap, we’ve got a 36 percent increase in provincial bureaucracy, we’ve doubled our provincial debt, we are facing the highest projected deficit in the history of the province of British Columbia, all helping to drive inflationary construction costs while decimating housing supply.

Is this how the Premier defines success in housing?

Hon. R. Kahlon: Certainly, I would agree with the member that there are challenges we’re facing here in British Columbia. I would agree that some people are facing challenges when it comes to housing. Two decades of underinvestment in housing, welcoming 240,000 people to British Columbia — we simply have not been building enough housing to meet that demand.

The member mentions a specific project in Surrey which we were providing financing to. Of course, I’m sure the member knows that the rising interest rates, the actions taken by the Bank of Canada, are having real impacts on projects, not-for-profit projects, private sector projects, and folks are having to make decisions.

Certainly, that’s why we’ve been advocating, urging, hoping that the Bank of Canada doesn’t continue to raise their rates, because it’s having a real impact not only….

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Shhh.

Hon. R. Kahlon: Not only having an impact on families and their budgets, but also having an impact on housing starts.

Now, the member is correct to say that housing starts have come down a little bit, but I would also highlight to the member that they’re still significantly higher than when he was the Minister of Finance.

Mr. Speaker: Leader of the Official Opposition, supplemental.

K. Falcon: Well, I’ve got a message for the Housing Minister. Hope is not a plan. If you actually want to get results, this Housing Minister better figure out how the housing sector works, because after seven years of this Premier and this Housing Minister’s leadership, we’ve ended up with the most unaffordable housing in North America, the highest average rents in the entire country and, to make it worse, a growing maze of NDP red tape that continues to add to the housing costs.

I just want to refer the member to their community housing fund application, which is supposed to be about affordable housing. This monstrosity comes in at almost 400 pages that will add about 30 percent to the cost of a typical affordable home.

Now, it’s no surprise, given this kind of nonsense, that we’ve got only 15 percent of the 114,000 promised affordable homes they were going to build that are actually open today. An undeniable housing flub. As the size of the NDP bureaucracy explodes, they continue to deliver worse results right across the board.

[2:05 p.m.]

My question to the minister: making housing affordable means making it less expensive, so why would this Premier continue to add unnecessary red tape and cost to so-called affordable housing?

Hon. D. Eby: You know, we’ve had some helpful debates in this place for British Columbians to understand where the different parties are on the issue of housing. I don’t think any illustrates better where we are than what the opposition has been doing in relation to the short-term rental legislation.

Here they spend every day they have, every opportunity they have to drive a hole through to create loopholes for investors running private hotels in our province. Who are the…? Whose…?

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Hon. D. Eby: We say 90 days. They say 30. They say: “Well, what about big events? We should do something about big events.”

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Member.

Premier, hold it.

Please.

Hon. D. Eby: You know, I would love to see the other side stand up…. I heard the Leader of the Opposition say the problem in this province is that tenants have too many rights.

I would love to hear the other side…. They’re quiet now. I would love to hear them say something at some point to support real people looking for a place to live, which our short-term rental legislation is going to do, which the speculation vacancy tax did in getting rid of vacant homes and which our literally billions of dollars of investment in affordable housing that they voted against every chance they had. It’s building for real people, and we’re going to keep doing it.

Mr. Speaker: Leader of the Opposition, second supplemental.

K. Falcon: This coming from the condo king, who sold his own condo just mere weeks before we saw the new speculation tax brought in.

Mr. Speaker: Hold it, Member.

Member. Member.

Interjections.

[Mr. Speaker rose.]

Mr. Speaker: Let’s be respectful. Using words like “condo king” and all that — please try to avoid that, okay. Thank you.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Shhh. Nothing.

[Mr. Speaker resumed his seat.]

K. Falcon: Well, the fact of the matter is the Premier, you’ll notice, never talks about the actual results they’re achieving. It always turns into this. It’s got to be the federal government. Maybe it’s the Bank of Canada governor. Maybe it’s the opposition from 15 years ago. It’s got to be anyone but his own record.

Message to the Premier: you’ve been in power now for seven years. You own this. You’ve ended up with the highest housing affordability in North America.

What I’d like to do is quote the actual Housing Minister himself, who admitted: “Every single project is going over budget, putting us further behind where we want to be by 2030 for all the targets that CMHC has set for us.”

That’s what happened. That’s what happens, my friend, when your housing plan is built on hope, not reality. The highest rents, the worst housing affordability in North America, and now we’ve got Metro Vancouver saying: “Let’s triple the development cost charges so we’ll hammer families with up to $24,000 in new taxes for every new home built.”

As a premier, I can tell you this: I would block those outrageous tax hikes. Three weeks ago, I asked the Premier to make the same commitment. He dodged the question. So let’s try this again.

Will the Premier block the $24,000 fee hike that will crush families who just want the opportunity to get into affordable housing in British Columbia?

Mr. Speaker: All questions and comments through the Chair.

Hon. D. Eby: That member sat on this side of the House for a long time, and he was well aware, well aware of the lengthy and maze-like processes of local governments, and he didn’t take any action.

We’re taking action on these things. We’re setting housing targets for local government. We’ve got legislation coming — stay tuned — to smooth and ease the process at the municipal level. Provincial level, we’ve cut permit process times by 33 percent around housing.

We have 15 times more affordable housing underway today than when that member sat on this side of the House. We’re opening affordable housing at three times the rate of their government when they sat on this side of the House. It would have taken them 28 years to do what we’ve done in just six years.

[2:10 p.m.]

Purpose-built rental construction is up 650 percent. Housing starts are up 70 percent. Housing completions are up 50 percent.

Student housing. In 16 years, they built 130 student beds. We’ve built nearly 1,000 units.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members.

Hon. D. Eby: I’ll tell you what. The member wants to talk about results.

Interjection.

Mr. Speaker: Shhh, Member.

Hon. D. Eby: He wants to talk about the results they got when they were on this side of the House. Well, their Finance Minister managed to buy not one, not two but three condos in the same building and flip them for almost $1 million. Those are results.

SUPPORTIVE HOUSING
PROJECT IN VANCOUVER

K. Kirkpatrick: That is a hard act to follow. I would hope….

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Shhh, Members.

K. Kirkpatrick: I’m not going to act. This is not an act on this side. We’re asking hard questions that the other side does not answer.

If there’s one project that’s a poster child for the Premier’s failure to cut through taxes and red tape and fees, it’s their hopelessly delayed yet supposed flagship affordable housing and treatment centre at 1st and Clark in Vancouver.

Five years delayed. Not a single shovel in the ground, and costs have more than doubled to $109 million. Now this is just another housing flub in a long line of failures stuck in a web of taxes and NDP red tape. Five years ago. Zero progress. Costs more than doubled.

This is a real question, a real question that needs a real answer. When will the project actually be built by this minister?

Hon. R. Kahlon: Any day that….

Interjection.

Hon. R. Kahlon: The comedian from Kamloops has some comments.

Mr. Speaker: Member. Member.

I ask both sides to be respectful, please. Both sides.

Hon. R. Kahlon: Certainly, we’ve highlighted already that there are some people that are facing real challenges.

The members across the way make it sound like Vancouver didn’t have the highest rents in 2016, when they were on this side of the House. They did have the highest rents in the country.

We’ve seen that British Columbia is a desirable place. People come here because there’s opportunity here. People come here because we have the strongest economy.

Now, what’s different between when they were on this side and when we are on this side is that we are actually funding….

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members. Members.

Hon. R. Kahlon: It’s their time.

It’s your time.

The difference is…. We’re making actual investments in affordable housing. The member will know that. The Leader of the Opposition will know that, when he was just recently in Mission posting tweets about a project that actually got funding from the province. Yeah. He was actually visiting a place that got funding from us.

I can list off all the projects in the members’ communities that we’re funding because we want to make sure there’s affordable housing for people that desperately need it in our communities. We’re going to continue to do that important work.

Mr. Speaker: Member for West Vancouver–Capilano, supplemental.

K. Kirkpatrick: I think I’m going to have to look at the transcript now to see where, in that answer, there is even the slightest relevance to the question that I asked. Enough talk. Where are the shovels in the ground?

Les, stuck in a shelter for four years, is waiting for this project, under the NDP, in Metro Vancouver. He is waiting for this project and warns: “Any day I could become homeless again.”

B.C.’s homelessness, as you know, is at an all-time high, skyrocketing 34 percent under this NDP in Metro Vancouver alone. With record-breaking deficits, the NDP delivers nothing but record-low results.

[2:15 p.m.]

This is a question. Every single promise and every single deadline for this project broken by the NDP. When will this project actually be built?

Hon. R. Kahlon: The member talks about results. I’ll share some results for the members: 58 new, affordable rental homes for families just opened in Victoria; 24 just opened up in Powell River; 20 new, affordable homes in Burnaby; and 55 in Campbell River.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Shhh.

Hon. R. Kahlon: And 58 affordable rental units, right now, just opened in Vancouver last month, 43 opened up last month in Burnaby, 62 opened up in August in Nanaimo and 36 in Prince George last month. Kamloops had another 14 open up in August. Vernon had 48. Vancouver had another 60 open up in July.

I’ve got pages and pages of how many openings we’re seeing throughout the province. I don’t think that…. If they had a record of actually building affordable housing, I would take their questions more seriously.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Members, shhh. Members.

Hon. R. Kahlon: They’ve got a short memory. They’ve forgotten when their Housing Minister on that side said to people who couldn’t find affordable housing in their community: “If you can’t afford it, simply move.” We are taking a different approach. We’re going to continue to do that important work.

GOVERNMENT ACTION ON ISSUES
IN HEALTH CARE SYSTEM

A. Olsen: Health care continues to be a top priority of my constituents. On this Health Minister’s watch, the emergency room on the Saanich Peninsula is closed indefinitely in the evenings, and walk-in clinics are closed or closing.

On Salt Spring, there is a critical lack of family doctors, no walk-in clinics, no UPCC or the long-promised team-based primary care network. So the ER, Lady Minto, becomes the de facto health care for all. On Saturna, residents are in a frustrating health care bureaucratic vacuum.

This minister celebrates spending more money and gets worse results. It’s my constituents and the people who are working on the front line that are paying the price. When is he going to admit that his approach in delivering the results for the people of the of this province is not working?

Hon. A. Dix: Last year we put in place a health human resource plan, one that is delivering for British Columbians. More than 5,300 more nurses registered this year with the College of Nurses. Not my statistics — the facts from them. And 564 international medical graduates approved this year and 66 primary care networks in British Columbia and supports for communities across B.C.

There are challenges. There are challenges in many communities. But the way to resolve those challenges is to increase the level of staffing across our system, to recruit more nurses and to retain more nurses by supporting them in the workplace. That’s precisely what we’re doing in his community and across B.C.

Mr. Speaker: Member, supplemental.

A. Olsen: Access to health care is not improving in my communities. Access to health care is getting worse in my communities. From what I’m hearing from British Columbian communities right across this province….

This morning, the government caucus heard from the nurses about the dangerous impact that staffing shortages are having in their workplace. I’ve heard how chronic nursing shortages have left patients unattended. Seniors are left stranded in their beds with no access to washroom or shower facilities. Families are hiring private care aides for their loved ones in hospital.

My office is managing way more files than we should be that should be dealt with by the patient quality care offices. But no results there. Patients are unnecessarily filling hospital beds, because doctors are reluctant to release them back into the community because there’s no care for them there. Hospital staff have approached me, exasperated, devastated, traumatized and fearful of speaking out, because they don’t believe this minister when he says that they’re free to speak without reprisal.

In 2016, the ministry spent $17.95 billion on health care. In 2022, same ministry, different minister, $26.38 billion, yet, somehow, we have worse results.

My question is to the Premier. The Health Minister spends more money for worse results. It isn’t working. At what point will this Premier say that enough is enough?

[2:20 p.m.]

Hon. A. Dix: I did meet with nurses this morning. British Columbia is leading North America, one of the leading jurisdictions in the world, in establishing nurse-to-patient ratios.

We’re doing that by working with nurses, by developing plans and programs, working with them to recruit more, and they’re having some success. Those are directly funded, the member will know, in our agreement with the government of Canada: $750 million for nurse-to-patient ratios over the next three years.

In our collective agreement, more funding for nurses, for education, for leadership; more funding for opportunities for laddering and nurse communities; more funding, $60 million, to support nurses in the workplace, to support issues of challenges they’re facing in the workplace.

This is practical, tangible action. We’re not doing it, as we did with doctors, on our own. We’re doing it by working with nurses. That is the way to get solutions for patients.

Mr. Speaker: Members, the last two questions and the last two answers…. That’s a fine example of how the question was asked, everybody listened and how the answer was provided.

House Leader of the Fourth Party.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Shhh. Please, let’s continue. Let’s continue.

The member has the floor.

Member.

COST INCREASES FOR FARMERS AND
AFFORDABILITY OF LOCALLY GROWN FOOD

B. Banman: Yesterday our Conservative Party caucus met with the British Columbia Agriculture Council. We heard loud and clear: B.C. farmers are concerned about the rising cost of locally grown food.

We’re one of the highest-cost jurisdictions in North America for farming. B.C. farmers want B.C. families to pay less and get more farm-to-table, locally grown, healthy food.

To the NDP Minister of Agriculture, can she name three pieces of red tape or taxes — just three — that are out of date, unnecessary or could be cut or reformed by this NDP government to find savings for British Columbia families and our farmers?

Hon. P. Alexis: Thank you, Member, for the question.

Farmers in B.C. have faced rising business costs, and we know this is also happening across Canada and beyond, in multiple sectors. This is precisely why I spent much of the past several months travelling around the province, speaking with farmers and ranchers, so I could understand how my ministry could best support them.

We’ve made an historic $200 million investment into programs designed to support producers based on their unique needs — programs that are working. This past summer we have provided 186 farmers with over $7 million in targeted advance payments through our AgriStability program.

We have also now secured an AgriRecovery package, working with the federal government, that provides financial assistance to farmers who faced extraordinary expenses due to this summer’s drought and wildfires. Many times yesterday we were thanked for that.

Mr. Speaker: Thank you, Minister.

Hon. P. Alexis: In July, we requested the federal government to allow ranchers in flood- or drought-impacted…

Mr. Speaker: Thank you.

Hon. P. Alexis: …areas to defer a portion of their sale proceeds to the following tax year.

Mr. Speaker: Thank you, Minister.

The member has a supplemental.

RODENTICIDES IN AGRICULTURE INDUSTRY

B. Banman: Let me say to the minister, what we heard from farmers was carbon tax, fuel tax and ALR reform.

Yesterday we were also told by B.C. chicken farmers that the NDP’s policy of reducing rodenticides in chicken farms and food-processing plants will lead to an explosion of rodents, hugely increasing the risk of salmonella outbreaks.

To the NDP Minister of Agriculture, why is this government putting British Columbians at risk by allowing the rodent population to boom?

[2:25 p.m.]

Hon. D. Eby: I wanted a chance to respond to this, because I met with a number of farmers in Boundary country. Yesterday I got to meet with the leaders from the industry, and they’re being hit really hard by climate change. I know the member standing to ask that question and his party are struggling really hard with whether or not climate change is real.

I’ll read a quote from the leader of the Conservative Party. This is from an article, CBC: “Asked directly if he believes climate change is real and caused by humans, the leader of the Conservative Party declined to answer. ‘I know you asked a very specific question, but at this point, I’m not prepared to answer that question.’”

Now, if we want to support our farmers, I would start by recognizing that climate change is real. Our farmers are hurting, and they need support, which is why we worked with the feds to get $77 million for those farmers hurt by wildfire, hurt by drought. That’s why we’re going to continue to work on supporting farmers.

I would encourage your party to figure out your position on climate change, because farmers know it’s real and so should you.

LYTTON FIRE RECOVERY PROCESS AND
ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSESSMENTS

T. Stone: A week ago during question period, the Minister of Emergency Management dropped a bombshell saying that more than 7,000 artifacts, some dating back as far as 7,500 years, have been discovered in Lytton.

This revelation came as a complete surprise to Indigenous and non-Indigenous people alike, including to the mayor of Lytton, who only learned of it through a YouTube video from the B.C. Legislature.

My question to the minister is this. What is the process and timelines for residents to be informed about any artifacts discovered on their property, when will they learn if rebuilding is possible or not, and can the minister confirm that the province will fully compensate those impacted by fees related to the discovery of these artifacts?

Hon. B. Ralston: I thank the member for the question. Everyone recognizes the fires that devastated Lytton were unprecedented in terms of completely wiping out the town, its entire infrastructure. Rebuilding has been a slow process and a very frustrating one. I acknowledge that. But the archaeological remains that have been discovered there date back 7,000 years.

The town at the confluence of the Thompson and Fraser rivers has been a historic settlement place for Indigenous people for millennia. The town itself was built on top of an ancient village, and when the reconstruction began, the requirements of the Heritage Conservation Act required that the site be explored for archaeological remains, and that has indeed been done.

Some of the results were communicated June 15 in a town hall meeting, saying that ancestral remains had been discovered there, and that process continues. I met yesterday by video with the mayor of Lytton, and she has made some suggestions about how we might better achieve a satisfactory result and more progress in rebuilding.

L. Doerkson: Slow would certainly be an understatement. It’s been 847 days since the fire. Not a single home has been rebuilt in Lytton.

During a recent community meeting, this government showcased a slide that outlined a staggering 42 steps, ranging from permits and forms to a labyrinth of committees that individuals must navigate according to the archaeology branch’s convoluted protocols.

Given last year’s 11,000-permit backlog and a staggering 255-day average wait time for archaeological permit processing, what concrete timelines can residents of Lytton expect for their archaeological assessments?

Hon. B. Ralston: Again, in the meeting with the mayor yesterday, she confirmed that there are approximately 20 property owners who are expecting to rebuild and will begin very shortly.

The process has been long. It has been frustrating, but we are making progress, and certainly, that’s something that the mayor of Lytton acknowledged.

[2:30 p.m.]

GOVERNMENT HANDLING OF
ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSESSMENTS

P. Milobar: Let’s be clear. Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities across this province want to know what is next if something is found. Be it in Lytton, be it in Oak Bay, where there are tons of historical lək̓ʷəŋən sites, what happens if somebody has a fire and has to rebuild an individual home? Will they be subject in Oak Bay, where the Indigenous Relations Minister lives, to the same conditions? Then what happens if an artifact is actually found?

No one is disputing that archaeological work has to happen. But what has happened under this government is an incredible delay and backlog on the processing of the findings and whether or not people will be allowed to build on a site where something has been found. What happens next once something is found? Indigenous communities can’t say. Municipalities can’t say, and this province refuses to say.

Interjections.

Mr. Speaker: Shhh, Members.

P. Milobar: The question to this government is…. With 11,000 permits backlogged at the archaeological branch, with an average of 255 days of processing time right now — that’s the average, which means most are over 255 days — homeowners, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, in this province simply want to know: what is the next step by this provincial government when an artifact is found on somebody’s property?

Hon. B. Ralston: The Heritage Conservation Act mandates a certain process when disasters occur, and rebuilding is required. The process that is in place takes time. That’s acknowledged. The findings at Lytton were unanticipated.

I don’t think people understood the richness of the archaeological findings there. One commentator called it one of the richest archaeological deposits in North America. So that process has been protracted, but progress is being made. The mayor of Lytton clearly acknowledged that yesterday in our conversation.

[End of question period.]

Petitions

J. Rustad: I rise to present a petition to the House from over 2,000 residents, business owners and short-term rental operators in British Columbia regarding Bill 35, Short-Term Rental Accommodations Act.

These petitioners respectfully request that the House consider specific stipulations within the bill and maintain an open dialogue with all stakeholders involving, particularly, the small-time investors and compliant property owners to explore balanced solutions that address the housing challenges, while also respecting the rights and contributions of compliant short-term rental operators.

Orders of the Day

Hon. R. Kahlon: I call third reading on Bill 36, Police Amendment Act, 2023.

Third Reading of Bills

BILL 36 — POLICE AMENDMENT ACT, 2023

Hon. M. Farnworth: I move third reading of Bill 36.

Mr. Speaker: Division has been called.

[2:35 p.m. - 2:45 p.m.]

Bill 36, Police Amendment Act, 2023, read a third time and passed on the following division.

YEAS — 56

Alexis

Anderson

Babchuk

Bains

Beare

Begg

Brar

Chandra Herbert

Chant

Chen

Chow

Conroy

Coulter

Cullen

Dean

D’Eith

Dix

Donnelly

Dykeman

Eby

Elmore

Farnworth

Fleming

Glumac

Greene

Heyman

Kahlon

Kang

Leonard

Lore

Ma

Malcolmson

Mercier

Olsen

Osborne

Paddon

Parmar

Phillip

Popham

Ralston

Rankin

Rice

Robinson

Routledge

Routley

Russell

Sandhu

Sharma

Simons

Sims

A. Singh

R. Singh

Starchuk

Walker

Whiteside

 

Yao

NAYS — 27

Ashton

Banman

Bernier

Bond

Davies

de Jong

Doerkson

Falcon

Halford

Kirkpatrick

Kyllo

Lee

Letnick

Merrifield

Milobar

Morris

Oakes

Paton

Ross

Rustad

Shypitka

Stewart

Stone

Sturdy

Sturko

Tegart

Wat

Hon. R. Kahlon: In this chamber, I call Committee of the Whole on Bill 35, Short-Term Rental Accommodations Act.

In the Douglas Fir Committee Room, I call Committee of the Whole debate on Bill 31, Emergency and Disaster Management Act.

In the third House, committee room C, I call Committee of the Whole debate, Bill 32, Provincial Symbols and Honours Amendment Act.

Mr. Speaker: Member for Abbotsford West.

Question of Privilege

M. de Jong: Thanks, hon. Speaker. I’ll keep this brief, but I do want, as a matter of privilege, to place this on the record if you’ll permit me.

I understand that the procedures in this House have evolved over time, and it has now become far more commonplace than it once was to refer legislation to committees — firstly, the Douglas Fir Room, and now what I call the attic up on the third floor.

I would only make this observation: the House, I think, has come to cross-purposes. We have chosen to amend the rules where we recognize parties of a certain size. There are now four parties represented in this House.

Logically, now half of the parties represented in this House will be precluded from participating in debates on the creation of laws in British Columbia, because we will have three sitting chambers. I do think that represents — maybe “assault” is too strong a word — a compromise of the privilege and rights of members of this chamber, where we have laws being debated at committee stage in three separate chambers.

[2:50 p.m.]

I urge the House — and, necessarily, the government and the Government House Leader — to consider the implications of that situation, where members of this assembly, in half of the parties represented here, cannot possibly participate in the creation and debate of those laws.

Hon. R. Kahlon: I thank the hon. member for his comments. I think he makes an interesting point, which we certainly will consider and connect with the other House Leaders on as we move forward.

[2:55 p.m.]

Committee of the Whole House

BILL 35 — SHORT-TERM RENTAL
ACCOMMODATIONS ACT

(continued)

The House in Committee of the Whole (Section B) on Bill 35; S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.

The committee met at 2:56 p.m.

On clause 7 (continued).

The Chair: All right, Members. We’re here at committee stage on Bill 35. We were on clause 7 yesterday, so let’s begin with clause 7.

K. Kirkpatrick: I’m going to start this line of questioning with a comment. I have to say that I’m very disappointed in the words of the Premier today in question period with respect to what we’re doing in this House during this committee stage. It was mocked. It was referred to as if we are only asking questions and trying to find loopholes for private investors.

If that is the position of this government, then what is the purpose of going through this process? Is government saying to us that they are not listening to our questions, that they will not consider proposals that we are making?

I can assure you that we are asking questions on behalf of all British Columbians, which is our job as the official opposition. Comments like those made in question period undermine this process. There are people watching us today who are nurses, doctors, people in the film industry, people who make their living in this sector. To joke and dismiss it, I found very troubling.

I am starting with that, and I’m certainly hoping that the minister and this government will consider what we are saying here as being helpful and constructive, so that we can create a better market for people in British Columbia and more homes for them to live in.

Hon. R. Kahlon: I’ll start by saying nobody was laughing or joking. I don’t agree with the assertion made by the member. This is a serious issue.

We have people that are watching and that are also struggling to get housing. When they see people buy three, four, five or six homes — they have the means to do it and just put them on short-term rentals and do not make them available for people who are desperately looking for places to rent — they also find it very frustrating.

I did share with the member yesterday, right off the bat, that we believe that the amendments that were being suggested are loopholes which will make it more challenging to ensure that we get housing back for people. I shared that with the member yesterday, and the position still remains the same.

We always have a good exchange, the member and I, on all the bills, all the issues we have. I certainly hope that that remains the tone for us, but I did want to clarify that there was no joking. There was no laughing. Housing is a serious issue. We take it very seriously. We know it’s a challenge, not only in British Columbia but across the country. That’s why we think this legislation is so vitally important.

K. Kirkpatrick: I appreciate the response, Minister. My blood pressure is still up, but I will continue to be polite, and we can have a cordial conversation here.

If I can clarify now after that, Mr. Chair. We are on clause 7. Okay.

[3:00 p.m.]

When we finished yesterday, we were talking about what platforms would be required to register. I would like the minister to please list all of the platforms that government has identified.

Presumably as you were drafting this, government was anticipating and researching all of those various platforms that would be impacted by this.

Hon. R. Kahlon: Well, my answer, with all respect to the member, will be the same as I gave yesterday, which is that there are some platforms that are more in the media — perhaps the name has become more connected to the type of platforms that are in this space — but we are not limiting it to specific platforms.

We know from our local government partners that they know on the ground which platforms are operating in their communities. Our intention with this legislation is to say that anyone that operates in this — not just the few that get named in the media, but anyone operating in this space — has to follow the law of British Columbia, and that’s why this legislation is important.

K. Kirkpatrick: I appreciate what you were saying. I find that the answer is vague, and I would just like to explore a little bit more in terms of specifics.

I have to believe that when this legislation was being contemplated and drafted, there was more specific identification of those platforms that need to be overseen and monitored. Is there a specific list of those that government was aware of, that they wanted to ensure were covered?

Hon. R. Kahlon: Again, the legislation wasn’t designed to target one company or two companies. The legislation was designed to address a challenge in the system of housing we have.

I appreciate that the member wants a list of companies that I think would be captured by this, but what I’m saying is that this legislation wasn’t created to target one specific company. It was meant to capture many platforms. It doesn’t matter the name of the platform. It doesn’t matter which platform it is. All of them are captured by this legislation, and all of them have to follow the rules of British Columbia.

K. Kirkpatrick: Forgive the pushing on this, but this sounds like a very vague answer.

If there are not a number of these platforms which are actually identified, I’m not sure how we can look forward to compliance or ensure that there’s oversight on these platforms. I do imagine that when the definition of “platform” was being created, there must have been discussion in the room about what those platforms look like, which ones they are.

I would hope that there is a list that can be provided — the specific ones. I also appreciate, Minister, that it may not have everything in there, but at least the subset of those that have been recognized would be appreciated.

Hon. R. Kahlon: Again, I want to emphasize this point. This legislation wasn’t targeting a specific company. It just needs to be re-emphasized. What it does do is focus on any platform that has short-term rental listings on behalf of hosts, but also facilitates transactions, including collecting and processing payments.

We can go back and forth all day, I guess, on this question, but fundamentally, we weren’t focused on one company or another. It was anyone that fits that criteria, that fits under this.

[3:05 p.m.]

Now, we will identify, through our local government partners, who operates in their local community. As that work evolves, it’s going to have some of the companies, which are already in the media, that we know about. It’s also going to have some of those companies that were, maybe, just operating in a specific community.

I’m not going to get into naming whichever company we believe needs to be targeted by this. This is about anyone that is operating in this space. When they operate in this space, they should know the laws of the land. Our expectation is that they would follow the law.

K. Kirkpatrick: I find that answer not satisfying, but I shall move on to some other questions.

In the same vein, will entities like Facebook and Craigslist be affected? What will government do in the case where they see a surge in underground listings for vacation rentals, as has been the case in New York City?

Hon. R. Kahlon: First off, I don’t foresee a massive switch.

I think New York is not a fair comparison. Most folks who, I think, assess what New York did and how they moved on this question…. It was a very aggressive approach. Essentially, they shut down all short-term rentals in New York, which drove a lot of folks to find other ways to do it.

I think it’s, again, important…. We just started the discussion today. It’s important for us to emphasize that short-term rentals are still available to people in people’s primary residences. That is an important piece to say here.

[3:10 p.m.]

It goes back to the question the member asked me earlier, which was: who gets captured by this legislation? It’s on behalf of the list of hosts that facilitate transactions, including by collecting and processing payments.

Now, if a person decided that they were going to list their complete home on Facebook — I think that’s where the member is coming at — and is not registered…. We will be able to find that home. The local government will be able to find it. The person of that home would be issued a fine for not registering their property.

It would be required for a host to have the proper registration in place. Again, if it’s not their primary residence, then they wouldn’t be able to get a permit.

K. Kirkpatrick: I’ve got a couple of questions out of that.

The basic one is…. As the minister says, municipalities will be aware of things that are being advertised on Facebook. My understanding, then, is…. It’s not the platform’s issue at that point; it’s an unregistered host or a host who’s not providing the services in their own residence. I’m getting a nod. So I will take that as the correct answer.

Will the municipalities be required to be scrolling through Facebook and looking for home rental sites?

Hon. R. Kahlon: We can go into this in part 4, sections 19 to 31, in greater detail. That entire section is around the enforcement.

I’ll try to give the member an answer. There are multiple ways. It could be complaint-driven. It could be through an investigation. It could be through using technology, algorithms, etc., to be able to capture that data. There are many tools available already. Many folks that you see commenting on this, those doing research…. They use these algorithms now to be able to assess what’s on these platforms.

We’ll be exploring all those buckets.

K. Kirkpatrick: Thank you to the minister. New York, although you say it is not a fair comparison…. I do think looking at consumer behaviour, in terms of how people react to legislation like this, is fair.

Wired.com says that in New York, people are using sites like Craigslist, Facebook, Houfy — I’ve never even heard of that — and others, where they can search for guests or places to book without the checks and balances of booking platforms like Airbnb.

In New York, they have raised an issue with respect to consumer protection now. Is there anything around consumer protection, where these homes are now going onto these underground sites?

[3:15 p.m.]

Hon. R. Kahlon: On the New York example, I would say…. It’s too soon to see exactly what’s happening in New York.

I did read early articles saying that this is where folks are going. There’s a Guardian article now. I think today or yesterday that came out. It said that they haven’t really seen a big shift. It’s all recent.

I’m not entirely sure what’s happening in New York. They have taken a very, very aggressive approach to, essentially, shut out short-term rentals completely. That is not what we’ve done here in British Columbia.

I don’t expect that this legislation will lead to an influx of STR listings to go to these websites. Partly the reason why is…. When you have these types of websites, where you can’t verify who’s on the other side and there’s no payment transaction, it makes it more challenging for folks, certainly, just to go there. So I don’t see that happening in a big way.

E. Sturko: In listening to this conversation and, certainly, having some concerns with analysis, which either has or hasn’t been done, looking at risks associated with, potentially, people starting to list off of these types of Air­bnb websites and going more towards Craigslist or Facebook, these other types of things….

Recently there was a news article that I saw — very concerning — related to someone who was looking for a roommate free of charge. They were looking for a woman in exchange for some type of friends-with-benefits arrangement. This person could receive housing in Whistler. Disgusting. Unacceptable.

Something that I actually witnessed a lot as a police officer is…. As housing becomes more scarce and opportunities for individuals become scarce, they do often look for housing, I would say, on the black market. Vulnerable women, for example, put themselves in situations so that they can have housing. That’s a frightening thing to think about.

What type of analysis, if any, has been done by this government with respect to the potential for people who currently are operating, let’s say, an Airbnb platform…? Because they’re worried that they’re going to lose money, they’re not going to put their house on the market or rent it for a long-term rental, but they will potentially go over to different platforms that are harder for the government to trace.

What type of analysis has been done, in terms of public safety, to make sure that we aren’t actually putting people in British Columbia at risk of exploitation when they’re trying to look for accommodations for short terms?

Hon. R. Kahlon: I appreciate the member raising this concern. I, too, found that story that came out disgusting. As the member highlighted, this one became public, but there are stories like this that happen in communities. I, too, share the concern with the member.

I would say…. This is another reason why this is important legislation. That happened regardless of this legislation. It happens in communities. We know that when there’s a lack of housing for people who live here in British Columbia, people become more vulnerable. In particular, women and children become more vulnerable.

Getting more housing back into our housing market, I think, will help families that are struggling. Many people that are looking for accommodation will have access to housing that they don’t have access to right now.

What we’ve seen, anyway, is…. The reason why I don’t see an influx happening in that direction is because most homeowners, I think, understand…. They would like to know who’s coming into their home, if they are going to rent it, even if they’re going to do it illegally.

There’s a big risk already with short-term rentals. We see house parties and things happening with hosts. You don’t know who’s coming in. It’s a random person on Facebook. I think those kinds of things will deter people from going in that direction.

[3:20 p.m.]

E. Sturko: It’s funny to hear that reference to people who want to know who’s going into their house, and that they won’t necessarily want to rent to someone that they don’t know.

We hear some of these things from people in terms of long-term rentals and the problems that they have with the Residential Tenancy Act, and that they don’t want to necessarily get into a long-term rental situation. Because you know what? When we do run into trouble, it’s very difficult to have someone removed who might be destroying property, or when they get behind on payments.

It can put homeowners and people who are then renting their properties long-term into some really dire financial straits when it comes to having to make up for mortgage payments, potentially, on a rental suite that they can’t make because of missed rental payments — or when they’re dealing with someone who might be causing tens of thousands of dollars in damage. That’s not something that people are just worried about when they’re dealing with an Airbnb. This is something that people are facing dealing with long-term rentals in British Columbia.

I appreciate the minister’s answer, but it wasn’t the answer to the question that I was asking.

The question that I’m really wondering and, with my background in public safety, one of the things that I am concerned about is the potential…. People do make choices when they’re faced with financial stress. If they’re worried that they’re now being forced by this government to sell another unit that they have that they’ve been using for short-term rentals, instead of losing $100,000 on their investment, they might turn to an alternate method of trying to rent that short term.

What analysis has this minister and the ministry done to ensure that these types of more clandestine routes, I’m going to say, that people may take can be avoided and that the public safety is taken into account in this legislation?

Hon. R. Kahlon: Again, with this legislation, we’re not forcing people to rent their suites. If a person doesn’t want to, they don’t have to. There’s no requirement to anyone.

Of course, we hear stories in the media. I, as Minister of Housing, hear stories about some renters who are problematic. I hear stories about some landlords who are problematic. But the majority of the people are in between, have good relationships with their tenants, and there are no concerns. I think it’s important to highlight that.

It’s also important to highlight that by bringing more housing back onto the market for people to have long-term rentals available, it helps more people who would be vulnerable in an environment where there’s not enough housing available to them.

That’s why, in part 4, in sections 19 to 32, when we talk about enforcement, you’ll see the measures we’re taking to be able to enforce the rules to ensure that if anyone tries to do this illegally — through Facebook, etc. — we’re working to build mechanisms to capture who they are and ensure that they have proper regulations in place, that they follow the local regulations.

That is a fundamental challenge we have right now. We have people renting and not following local government bylaws. Again, part 4, sections 19 to 32 is where we talk about enforcement. I’m happy to talk about that in greater detail in that section.

Now, I see, Chair, that you would like me to move that the committee rise, report progress and ask leave to sit again.

Motion approved.

The Chair: We are receiving a report from Section C, so we will be coming back.

The committee rose at 3:23 p.m.

The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.

Committee of the Whole (Section B), having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.

Report and
Third Reading of Bills

BILL 32 — PROVINCIAL SYMBOLS AND
HONOURS AMENDMENT ACT, 2023

Bill 32, Provincial Symbols and Honours Amendment Act, 2023, reported complete without amendment, read a third time and passed.

[3:25 p.m.]

Hon. R. Kahlon: I call Committee of the Whole on Bill 35, Short-Term Rental Act.

In Section C, I call Environmental Management Amendment Act, Bill 29.

Committee of the Whole House

BILL 35 — SHORT-TERM RENTAL
ACCOMMODATIONS ACT

(continued)

The House in Committee of the Whole (Section B) on Bill 35; S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.

The committee met at 3:27 p.m.

The Chair: All right, Members. Now that that’s dealt with, we’re back to clause 7.

Clauses 7 to 12 inclusive approved.

On clause 13.

K. Kirkpatrick: Who is responsible for authenticating registration and business licence numbers?

[J. Tegart in the chair.]

Hon. R. Kahlon: In this section, it’s the requirements, and in section 17, it’s how it will be validated. I think the member is asking a question about section 17, which links to this section.

[3:30 p.m.]

K. Kirkpatrick: I think this is relevant in either of those places, as this one is talking about the requirement of actually being registered and having the business licence.

If the minister would prefer that I defer this question until…. Okay. Thank you.

Hon. R. Kahlon: I wasn’t trying to say to the member that it’s actually in 17. I was saying that section 17 is where the language is around….

Fundamentally, to the member’s question, the host will be responsible for registering and the platforms for validating the numbers. That information will, obviously, be available both to local governments and to the platforms through the data-sharing agreement section.

K. Kirkpatrick: Thank you to the minister.

Then I actually will leave a couple of questions I have here. If I understand, the other piece is more compliance, and that’s where I can really get more into kind of who’s doing what.

Clause 13 approved.

On clause 14.

K. Kirkpatrick: I move the first amendment on clause 14 standing in my name on the order paper.

[CLAUSE 14,by deleting the text shown as struck out and adding the underlined text as shown:

Principal residence requirement

14 (1) Subject to the regulations, if short-term rental accommo­dation services are provided outside the exempt land in respect of a short-term rental offer, the short-term rental accommodation services must not be provided except in one or both of the following:

(a) in the property host’s principal residence;, or

(b) in not more than one of the following:

(i) a secondary suite or other accessory dwelling unit that is in a prescribed location in relation to the property host’s principal residence., or

(ii) a residential property that is not a primary residence.]

What we are doing is actually adding, so it is not just in the property host’s principal residence. We are adding the ability for one additional short-term rental to be owned that may be outside of that residence.

On the amendment.

K. Kirkpatrick: Thank you for the opportunity to speak to this amendment.

We felt this was an important amendment. We were surprised, actually, with the way that the legislation is written.

[3:35 p.m.]

If you think about it, government is, in this legislation, giving preference to those people who own their own home and who are in a position to afford a home where they have a secondary suite or they have an auxiliary building on their property.

What it is doing is actually hurting those people who may be renters in an apartment or owners in an apartment and who do not have the capacity to afford a house with a suite in it. They are being left out of this opportunity.

We’ve heard from many of these people who are renting. Their only ability to get into the housing market…. As we know, we’re in a housing crisis. The only way for them to attempt to get their, I guess the term is, foot in the door with respect to ownership is, as many have done in Victoria, the purpose-built short-term-rental units. They will purchase one of those, and that is their opportunity to start to build equity and participate in ownership.

One of the concerns that we wanted to flag, and one of the reasons we’re putting this amendment, is that we feel that it is unfair to those people who don’t have the luxury of actually having a single-family home with a suite.

Also concerned that now that the short-term rentals are coming off the market, which are outside of people’s principal residences, there will be pressure or opportunity for more owners to rent out their secondary suites now as short-term rentals and displace long-term renters who are currently in those spaces. This to me sounds like it could potentially, if there wasn’t some flexibility here, have the opposite impact as to what government is intending to do.

The purpose of this legislation is to try and balance the playing field a bit, make it a bit more level for those people who don’t have the luxury of having a home with a suite in it, and also to take away the potential — which, I think, is a valid concern — that more people will then use their secondary suites for short-term rental, as opposed to using them for long-term rental.

Hon. R. Kahlon: As I shared with the member, I did appreciate the amendments being shared with us in advance, and I did share with the member that we didn’t support the amendment.

First, this suggestion that people can buy an investment property and use it for short-term rental is essentially the opposite of what we’re trying to do here. I did refer to it as a loophole. I’ll still refer to it as a loophole, which will allow investors to buy a property and put it on short-term rental, when we’re trying desperately to get more housing back into the housing market for long-term rental.

I do appreciate the member bringing this forward, but we disagree with the amendment.

E. Sturko: I would like to take an opportunity to speak to this amendment.

I just want to be really, really clear that I don’t think anyone is in denial about the fact that we’re in a tremendous housing crisis, an affordability crisis. You’d be scarce to find a single person in this House that would deny that we need to try and find ways of getting people who’ve never had an opportunity to own their own home into a home, people to be able to find affordable rentals, to make sure that students have places to live, to make sure that newcomers to our province have places to live.

One of the things that’s also concerning me, very much so, is with regard to that desperation that…. The minister just mentioned a desperation to try to get more homes released into the rental market and for sale. There’s another flip side of the desperation, as well, and it’s actually with regard to some of the families that we’re hearing from. These are not families who are…. I wouldn’t classify them as speculators. I wouldn’t say that they are even people who would have maybe, a few years ago, even thought about getting into having a short-term rental or a secondary property.

[3:40 p.m.]

Some of the families that we’re hearing from actually are doing this because without this opportunity, they wouldn’t be able to afford what they have. They wouldn’t be able to afford to have any income. Some of them have bought these very small, 200-square-foot little bachelor pads that they use for short-term rental while they themselves might be either renting or living with their family members.

In my community, it’s not uncommon for people to live in multigenerational housing, some of it because they wish to and some of it because they really just don’t have any place to go. While their growing family is staying with their family members, they have this small income that they’re able to generate that might help them to actually be able to afford a down payment on an appropriate accommodation.

What’s actually really disturbing to me is when we hear from families that are using the money that they might be generating from short-term rentals and from renting out things like their cottages because they needed to pay for services that are currently not being covered by the government. I myself am a parent of a child with autism, and not all of the services that my own child needs are covered by this government. It’s a struggle. It’s a struggle to get things like diagnoses.

The reality is that many families who will be im­pacted…. We’re talking about families. We are not talking about people who…. Of course, you know what? I think it’s sick. I think a lot of people would agree that it’s sick that you would have someone who would buy out an entire apartment and use it as a hotel. But I think that’s not what we’re even discussing here. I don’t think there’s been any argument on behalf of the official opposition to say that we’re not for curtailing abuses of these types of systems.

What we’re talking about is supporting families. Particularly the worry that myself and some of my other members that I serve with here on this side have discussed and received multiple communiqués from people in our constituencies is that it’s going to have a detrimental impact on families who are without these incomes that are really not scraping by very well. They’re not able to make ends meet.

I also have some significant concerns, too, about the government’s ability actually to enforce. I understand that some more details on enforcement are coming, but I just wanted to…. I’m sad that the amendments that my colleague, the member for West Vancouver–Capilano, has brought forward…. I think they’re reasonable amendments, and this is where…. People can make performative speeches. When you’re dealing with a government that is a majority, even voting may not make the difference.

Where we can actually make a difference to make legislation, even contentious legislation where, at the root of it, we all agree that we want to make sure that people can find a place to live…. Then we need to be able to find those balanced approaches to make sure that people who are being benefited to be able to survive in Canada’s most expensive cities are not being harmed, that there are no unintentional consequences.

The best way to do that is by being in this place and bringing forward amendments that are in good faith, ones that are meant to serve the interests of our constituents and your constituents, because I’m sure that even on the government side, there are people who may be harmed by the unintended consequences of this legislation.

In terms of the ability for this government to track down those that would abuse the system, even after the legislation comes in, I want to remind people of what happened in 2020.

There was a woman in North Vancouver. She was operating a five-story condominium, a townhouse. She had 15 rooms. She was operating as Oasis Hotel. To get this individual to stop doing what she was doing, her illegal short-term rentals, her flophouse that she was doing…. It took literally years in court — years in court, tens of thousands of dollars in fees to try to stop this individual from running this illegal short-term rental hotel. It took dozens of hours of court time. The individual dragged this court proceeding out for years.

[3:45 p.m.]

People will probably remember it from the media. I believe that this is still a case before the courts, because they’re going to try to now seize this individual’s home to try to get compliance.

This is just one individual. When we’re talking about looking after an entire province of individuals who…. Not necessarily even because they’re evil or bad people but because desperation breeds, sometimes, desperate actions by individuals. We can see examples of that all the time — like I said, people who wouldn’t necessarily enter into this type of business arrangement.

They wouldn’t necessarily have considered having a short-term rental, but their ability to save up, for example, a down payment for a family home that has the appropriate amount of bedrooms, that’s bigger than a “200 square foot with a hot plate”–type deal….

People who are looking to have to supplement health care for family members because of our health care crisis. People who may be trying to afford things like getting treatment and recovery through private providers because it’s not provided free by this government for some reason. But I digress. However, there are multiple reasons why people in this province might need that supplemental income.

I think that this amendment that the member for West Vancouver–Capilano has put forward is not outrageous. I don’t consider it a loophole. Loopholes are things that are to be taken advantage of. That’s the whole idea behind the concept of a loophole. It’s a little tiny sliver that, you know, the evildoer can slide through and take advantage of a system.

But what my colleague is proposing is that this government take a more balanced approach to looking at individuals who may, for example, dwell in apartment complexes, townhome complexes where they may not have the same opportunity as people that live in a house with a coach house out back. That doesn’t create an even playing field, and it actually disproportionately is impacting people who may be in lower income brackets because….

I mean, in my community right now, the townhouse complex that I live in — and honestly, a family of five is squeezed into this sucker — is a million dollars. I do not know…. I’m not disagreeing with this government in terms of our need to be able to find housing. But there’s been every opportunity over the last near-seven years now for things to be done, for opportunities to move housing forward, to make housing less expensive, that did not also come at the rights of property owners who were law-abiding, who followed the rules.

Regardless of whether we think it’s ethical or not to own multiple units, people didn’t break the law by doing that. Whether it’s a moral question of hoarding housing for a business opportunity during a housing crisis, well, that’s another question that can be debated. But they didn’t do anything illegal. They followed the law. They purchased and legally acquired property that would have to be compliant with zoning and have to be compliant with its intended use — obtain licences, go through processes that would require them to meet certain specifications.

Then, now, as a result of this government’s inaction on housing for the last seven years, people are going to be hurt. Because there are people for whom…. Now that the bottom will fall out, essentially, of the short-term rental market, their properties may not be worth what they owe. That’s a huge part of the communications that we’re getting from people who are writing in to the constits. They don’t even disagree that: “Oh, it’d be great. We need more housing for people.” They’re not greedy people. They’re people that are just like…. Now they’re freaking out. They’re worried, and I share their concern.

What if now they have to sell a condo because, without that short-term rental, they cannot afford it, even though they’re living with their parents? And this short-term rental was helping them save for their down payment for their own place. Now they’re going to have to get rid of it, and it could come at a loss because — guess what — the bottom fell out of their ability to market it as a short-term rental.

Who’s going to pay if they lose $100,000 on that? Is it going to come out of the pockets of people that work in the Ministry of Housing? No.

[3:50 p.m.]

It’s going to come out of the pockets and the futures of people who were law-abiding. They did everything right. They saved up. They scraped together what they could so that they could build something for themselves, a little nest egg, to help build them up.

Property ownership — you don’t often start off by buying a massive mansion. You start off…. Many people, including myself…. I started off with a house that was $50,000. I had to live in Winnipeg to get it, but you know, that’s another story. You start small. You build that equity. For a number of people who are writing into our constituencies, that ability to build that equity is being taken away. Worse than that, they’re seeing now that any equity or savings that they had been able to build up are going to disappear.

I want to make sure that I’m clear. In no way is the message that I’m delivering to this government one that says that I want to see people hoarding housing and profiteering off of the shortage of housing so that people suffer and become homeless. Absolutely not. That’s the opposite. I want people to get housing.

I also have a responsibility to the people in my community who are involved in short-term rentals and are not asking to be able to have tens and 20 — have this, like, Oasis hotel with five floors and 15 illegal suites in it. They’re talking about people that live on a farm with their parents. They want to be able to afford to buy their own townhouse. Like I said, in my community, a townhouse with three bedrooms is $1 million. How do you save even a down payment for that? It’d take you 38 years, according to the Bank of Canada. Honestly, they’re just looking for an opportunity.

I’m not here defending people that would take advantage of the system. I’m here talking about the everyday person who now is extremely worried. I hope that the minister will, please, take a look at this amendment proposed by the member for West Vancouver–Capilano. I think it’s reasonable. It is meant to even the playing field. It is meant to help protect those families with that one unit so that they can build that equity and have an opportunity to participate in our housing ecosystem.

You know, I would say that, as I mentioned earlier, the best we can do when we’re facing a majority government that has the ability to, regardless of looking at amendments, ram through legislation, regardless of the concerns of our constituents.

Our work to make sure that British Columbians are represented fairly is by introducing fair and reasonable amendments to legislation to make sure that the best interests of all British Columbians are taken into account — those that are struggling to find housing and those that are trying to build up equity and who are, through no fault of their own, being penalized after legally acquiring a suite to be able to do better for themselves and their family.

Thanks for the time.

A. Walker: I think I surprise my colleagues here by speaking to this amendment. I just want to say that, while I don’t support the amendment, I do very much appreciate that the member for West Vancouver–Capilano brought this forward.

The concerns that we’re hearing from constituents who own one other unit in buildings that are designated, through their local government, for short-term rentals, that have invested a significant amount of their equity into that, a unit that if it is converted into a multifamily residential unit probably won’t contribute to rental stock or new housing stock…. These units that I’m hearing about, the same emails that members are hearing about, are not suitable generally for people to live in year-round.

I will be very brief, but I just wanted to…. While I don’t support the amendment, I think that this is a way of having a conversation to address some of the concerns that we’ve heard. I just want to commend the opposition for bringing this forward so that this discussion could take place.

N. Letnick: First of all, I’d like to say that I do support the amendment. I think it’s a very, very good amendment. My conversation with the minister will be in a series of questions. I will be asking questions, and hopefully the minister will answer those questions.

[3:55 p.m.]

This is not just a 15-minute debate speech on my part, so I just want to clarify with you. As is the case with the committee stage, may I ask questions of the minister, or am I just expected to talk for as long as I want and then sit down, with no response from the minister?

The Chair: You can ask questions, yes.

N. Letnick: I can ask questions. All right. Well, I’ll ask those questions, and I hope that the minister will respond as I ask the questions. He doesn’t have to, of course, but I just want to frame it that way. I’m not trying to make a filibuster speech and then sit down. I would like to actually get into the question-and-answer piece.

My first question is this, because this amendment will actually address some of the issues that are happening in my riding of Kelowna–Lake Country. UBC Okanagan is in my riding. I’ve received a lot of letters, both for the proposed legislation that the government has brought in and opposed, also some offering some suggestions.

In this particular case, with this amendment, I think it would address this particular issue, which is that a lot of students are saying that this is the only way they can afford housing, whereby they are in their apartments for eight months of the year while they’re going to university. Then the owners of the apartments are then renting out those apartments for the four months on some kind of social platform like Airbnb or some of the other ones. By doing so, they’re able to keep the rents for the students as low as possible.

Clearly, if a unit became available to the full-time rental market year-round, those landlords would not be able to encourage the tenants to leave in time for the students to come in the unit. Basically, they would be removed from the marketplace for those students, and those students would have nowhere to go.

My first question to the minister is: what do we do about this unintended consequence? This is a real consequence, because a lot of the buildings around UBC Okanagan were built specifically with this model in mind, that the students would occupy them during the school year, and then for the rest of those summer months, they’d be occupied by short-term rentals. What do we do? What do we tell those students? That’s my first question.

The Chair: Member.

N. Letnick: I didn’t get an answer to the question, so I’ll go on to the next question. Then I’ll sit down and wait for another answer. Every time I do that, the clock will start over at 15 minutes, so I can actually be here for hours. I think it’d be better if…. But, anyway, that’s up to the minister to decide how he wants to answer those questions.

My second question is to deal with these units that are actually very, very small. They were designed with students in mind, designed so that they are only maybe 250 to 300 square feet. There’s no way that anybody else, any family, would want to move into these units on a full-time basis. Since they don’t want to move into these units on a full-time basis, they will sit practically empty most of the time, if not forever.

Obviously, people who have built these units or purchased these units will be faced with some decisions, either to leave them empty, hoping for a change in policy down the road, or sell them, of course, at a loss.

Again, my second question to the minister is: how do we make sure…? This amendment would address that, by allowing for people to have more than their own home. They can actually go out and get a unit. What would the minister say to those owners that now have an empty unit or have to take a loss on those units because the students, when they move out, the people who move in just can’t live in such a small place on a year-round basis?

The Chair: Member.

N. Letnick: We’ll start the clock again. This is an interesting process.

My third question is to do with tourism. We have many, many situations in Kelowna where we invite people to hold conventions, and we don’t have enough hotel accommodation. Since the pandemic, the hotel accommodation prices have been very, very high.

So what do we do with all these events that are coming, or are hoped that we can get them to our location, if we tell the existing owners on Airbnb and other similar platforms that they’re going to have to basically sell their units or convert them to full-time year-round rental housing.

[4:00 p.m.]

In that case, we’ll lose the capacity to provide those people that are coming to the central Okanagan, in particular my riding, with an opportunity to have accommodation while they’re coming to the unit.

I would suggest to the minister that this amendment would actually address that quite well. This amendment would then allow people who aren’t in the business of using Airbnb as an investment tool or who have six or ten of these units, but just a ma and pa or the young student who’s trying to get a leg up and get into the market themselves of owning a home or being able to subsidize their income a little bit… This would also address not only their needs but also address the needs of the community at large and the tourism community at large.

You don’t usually get a big announcement in the newspaper that says: “This exhibition has decided not to go to a place because they can’t find accommodation.” Usually, they just quietly go somewhere else. That somewhere else, I’m afraid, will be Alberta or any other jurisdiction that does provide an adequate inventory of short-term rentals.

Again, I would suggest that the amendment that’s on the floor would help to address that in giving people that opportunity to find accommodation.

Hon. R. Kahlon: I’m going to try to answer some of the questions the member raised.

First, the question was: what do we do for students? The answer is that you build student housing. I mean, we haven’t been building enough student housing in British Columbia. We have communities throughout the province where there’s a real shortage. We funded 220 beds at that campus that the member is talking about. We need, obviously, more opportunities there, in communities throughout the province.

Now, I said that this was a loophole, and I’ll mention again why it’s a loophole. We have a building a few blocks from here that has 121 units, and 90 units of that are estimated to be short-term rentals. If 90 of these units are short-term rentals, all 90 people could make the argument that this is their one investment property.

Our goal is to try to bring more housing back to the long-term market. So the reason why this is a loophole is that everyone will have one investment property they want for short-term rentals, and it doesn’t get us the amount of housing we need back that we desperately need in our community. That’s why I was referring to this as a loophole. That’s why we can’t support it. But for students, we need to build housing.

The member also made a comment about tourism. I’ll share with the member that the mayor of Kelowna said: “The need is great. As an example, we regularly hear from our tourism industry the challenges of their staff in finding housing. This will go a long way to change that situation and many similar housing challenges in our community.”

It’s responsive to the mayor and the concerns that he’s been hearing from the tourism industry. Again, short-term rentals will still be available for people, which I know is important for the tourism industry in Kelowna.

N. Letnick: Thank you to the minister for his answers through this process. I don’t, obviously, agree with the answers, but that’s the nature of the game.

The minister is the minister, and I won’t spend a lot of time to rebut what the minister has said other than just to focus his attention again on the issue of the existing housing that’s been built around UBC Okanagan. A lot of it is too small for long-term renters.

Yes, they can go and build more student housing. But that is not going to solve the issue of these particular units that are owned by other people unless, of course, the minister is proposing to purchase these units from the people that built them. If that’s the minister’s proposal, then we should hear about this grandfathering clause or this quasi-expropriation clause that the minister is referring to.

I don’t want to put words in the minister’s mouth. I have too much respect for every member of this House to do that. But, again, we are talking about a number of units that have been specifically built for students in mind and for short-term rentals when those students are not in those units.

They will not go on the long-term rental market for many reasons, one of which is that the Residential Tenancy Act will not allow the landlord to evict a tenant in the case of saying: “Well, now we need them for the fall and the winter session for our students.” That’s not going to work.

[4:05 p.m.]

I’m not suggesting we should give the landlord tenancy act that ability. I’m just saying that the way the law is right now, it is definitely not available to landlords who want to remove a tenant in many, many cases, and in this case as well, unless, of course, the minister is proposing to look at that part of the landlord tenancy act, but then that wouldn’t be fair to the people who buy these units and move into them, right?

Here we are in a situation where we have buildings that were specifically built with small units in mind, following all the rules of the day, paying all the proper fees, getting all the right zoning, were even encouraged by the city of Kelowna to build in this way, and now we come in and we say: “Well, too bad, so sad. You’re not going to have students in there anymore because you won’t be able to have Airbnb during the summer, and therefore you won’t be able to afford to have the lower rates for the students in the rest of the year.”

If the minister can specifically deal with this issue coming from some of my constituents, I would appreciate that. And then after that, I do have a few more questions for the minister.

Hon. R. Kahlon: Again, I’ve got a great deal of respect for the member, so I’ll stress a couple of points.

The vacancy rate in Kelowna is 0.9 percent, which is ridiculous. It’s a real challenge. West Kelowna and Kelowna have a principal residence requirement already. So anyone that is renting a property in Kelowna or West Kelowna that is not their principal residence wouldn’t be following the law, because the law there is principal residence.

I appreciate the member has been getting correspondence. I’ve been tagged on a lot of the correspondence. In fact, I’ve got correspondence here from a person who said…. It was addressed to us both. I won’t say the name, but you’ll know once I read it to you.

It says: “We are so grateful for your support for this bill. We realize you’ll hear from many angry investors and just wanted to provide you with an account of how this has impacted our family. We don’t need more Airbnbs, we need more housing for families like ours who work hard and just want a place to call home.”

That’s what we’re fundamentally trying do. We’re trying to get more housing for people in our communities. I respect that we’re not going to agree on this, but I hope we can agree that getting more housing back on the market for people in our communities is a good thing.

N. Letnick: Thank you to the minister for his answer.

Since he did bring in a letter that was sent to both of us, and I know we all have received letters, usually addressed to every member of the House, I’d like to read part of a letter that I and everybody else received — it’s not in the record — just to bring home the point of how this legislation, if the amendment isn’t accepted, will impact real people in our province.

“Good morning. My name is…. My journey to acquire my first condo was long and a challenging one. At that time, I had the option to choose a more affordable condo priced at X number of dollars, but I had bigger aspirations. I attribute my inspiration to my family, who had operated a bed and breakfast for over 25 years.

“When my mother finally retired, platforms like Airbnb were just beginning to emerge and gain popularity. As a millennial with a fresh perspective, I began to explore unconventional possibilities, and through the beginning stages of looking at properties, I started learning more about Victoria’s legal non-conforming buildings.

“As I continued to learn, it became increasingly evident that this path could not only allow me to carry on the family legacy but also embark on my own entrepreneurial journey. Even though my family, who had endured the relentless demands of the tourism industry, initially struggled to comprehend my vision and attempted to discourage me, I remained steadfast in my conviction. I knew in my gut that this innovative platform, coupled with technological advancements, would offer me a level of flexibility that, unfortunately, they had never had, and in the end, I was proven right.

“However, purchasing a condo in these buildings came at a premium, a cost I was more than willing to pay, acquiring the zoning necessary to realize my vision. During the time of purchase, I was also in the middle of finishing my degree. It was during this period that another idea struck me. Given that I had purchased a property in a zoned building, I thought about the financial benefit of living six months at my mom’s place during the peak season and utilizing it as an Airbnb rental during this time.

[4:10 p.m.]

“It allowed me to pay for my mortgage while also completing my university degree with minimal debt. I felt a sense of pride in my accomplishments, and I could see things were finally going to start paying off.

“Bill 35 threatens everything I have worked for, worked hard for. This past week, I find myself on the verge of tears and, ultimately, hopelessness. All I want to do is share my story. However, I’m hesitant because of how the media and the majority of the government has portrayed us. Despite the ugly descriptions, I am not a wealthy investor with an expansive real estate portfolio, nor am I someone who doesn’t care about the housing crisis. What I am is a millennial, and this property is my only asset, an asset that took years of self-discipline and self-sacrifice to acquire.

“It’s an understatement to say that living in today’s world is expensive, with inflation and astronomical mortgage rates without any foreseeable relief in sight. I’d like to reiterate that I purchased my property at a premium price. What was once affordable quickly turned, and these days I’m just trying to keep my head above water.

“My one saving grace is the fact that my partner graciously shares his space with me, allowing me to utilize my property as an Airbnb. I can’t stress enough how crucial it is for me to maintain this income source. I’ve never been deeply involved in Canadian politics, but now it consumes my every thought.

“STR owners with grandfathered transient zoning in legal non-conforming buildings should not be punished for following the law. The majority of us are local, love tourism and are vested in our cities. If I had known that my property rights would be taken away, I would have chosen a much more affordable condo to begin with, saving many tireless years, and avoided this predicament entirely. As you know, punishing those who follow the law and revoking the rights of those who have acted within the legal framework sets a dangerous precedent.”

She goes on to say other things that may disclose who she is, so I won’t read those out. There are other letters, many other letters.

Of all the other amendments that we’ve proposed, this amendment would help to address the issues that are a lot being created through this legislation — unintended issues. I’ve seen many, many laws come through this place over the years, and everybody tries to do the same thing: reduce the unintended consequences. Reduce the unintended consequences, because it’s so easy in this place to think about a law and think about how it’s going to help people and not think about the ways it’s going to hurt.

There’s a lot of hurt in this bill. And this amendment would address most of that hurt. Therefore, I would urge the minister and all of my colleagues in this House, on both sides of the House, to support the amendment and reduce the unintended consequences.

P. Milobar: I rise to speak to the amendment on clause 14. I’d just like to raise some points around this because I think what’s getting lost in this conversation around this amendment, specifically, is…. We heard the Premier today talking, characterizing….

Trying to look out for big investors that have, you know, 50, 60, 100 Airbnbs — well, this amendment doesn’t do that. This amendment says that you’re allowed one unit in addition to your principal residence. So that takes that whole boogeyman kind of narrative out of the equation.

It’s important, I think…. The minister may say: “Well, it would be very hard to track.” Well, this government has implemented so many different layers of rules and regulations and laws on people on how you have to register your property that the cross-reference check, in this day and age of AI, really wouldn’t be that hard to track because of all the registrations that we’ve had to do, in terms of our tax forms and the shifting of the homeowner’s grant and everything else and all the information government is starting to collect around homeownership and who owns a property.

They have actually gone out of their way to collect this massive amount of data, so let’s use it for something that actually won’t be too punitive for people that simply would like to have that second unit.

[4:15 p.m.]

The minister talks about students and how this will actually benefit students. Well, it won’t benefit students, because as we’ve heard, if a student leaves in May or June when their courses end and they’re not coming back till September, that landlord will no longer have the ability because somebody will move in in June. Unless the tenant, by choice, decides to leave in September, the landlord legally will not be allowed to have that tenant leave.

Yes, somebody else that is looking for a long-term rental will benefit, absolutely. But students will also feel the pain of this, because it’s the law of unintended consequences. You can see that because, when you layer this with the rental tenancy branch and their rules, it doesn’t create the situation the minister is talking about. It simply can’t. It would be illegal.

That’s a problem. Then you look at how…. With this wording of this existing bill, who does this actually benefit?

The government is saying two things. If you’re a large, multinational hotel corporation, we’ve set up a set of rules for you that you’re going to love. If you own a single-family home on a detached lot, you’re going to love these new Airbnb short-term rental rules. But if you live in a condo…. If you live in an apartment-style condo building, you’re SOL for an STR.

Even if you want to buy the unit right next door to you, it will have two separate deeds, two separate titles. You won’t be allowed, if you live in an apartment-style condo building, to buy the condo right next door to you even if the building was willing to allow unlimited rentals and have an Airbnb concierge. Kind of like the Juliet in Victoria, the building the Premier used to own a building in and marketed it as such when he sold it in 2019.

I would point out this government in 2019 was already engaged with the UBCM around developing rules for short-term rentals. That had started back in 2018. That report on how to deal with short-term rentals actually came forward to government in 2021 when the Premier was actually the Housing Minister.

That report sat and collected dust with government for two years because the Premier decided to get in the middle of a leadership race. For two years, the government sat on that report watching the housing crisis get worse and worse and worse. And then we’re left here today with Bill 35, and another finger-pointing exercise by the government instead of taking responsibility for them sitting on their own hands.

We have created a situation with this government’s piece of legislation that says if you own a freestanding single-family home, you will be the only ones allowed to have Airbnbs. You can build a carriage house on your property or you can have a basement suite.

Basement suites, which are typically the lower-cost housing accommodation for people that are on a monthly long-term rental.

But the pressure for those suites to turn into short-term rentals is going to skyrocket, because people will realize they won’t be tied to the rules of the rental tenancy branch for a longer-term tenant. They can make the same, if not significantly more, by going into the nightly rental market and going through the process over the next five or six months as this becomes law in May.

Our lower-cost basement suites will no longer be for long-term rents, which pushes people to the apartment-style condo of previous Airbnb rentals. The sheer economics of those are going to mean people will now be facing $3,000 and $4,000 and $5,000 monthly rents after being evicted out of their basement suites because of this legislation.

Again, the government is deciding that if you live in a single-family detached home…. The same people, renters and others, are saying: “You bought your house in 1969” — you see all the memes — “for seven almonds and a pack of tic tacs, and now it’s worth $2½ million.”

[4:20 p.m.]

This government is now saying: “Oh, by the way, you can also be the only people that can have short-term rentals anymore in this province.”

Our amendment is just trying to make that equal. We’re saying that if the single-family homeowner is allowed to have one short-term rental on their property, why should the apartment-style condo owner not be entitled to have one unit for a short-term rental somewhere?

Not ten, not 50, not like the union pension funds that likely have banks of short-term rentals in their real estate portfolios, because that’s their responsibility — to find a good rate of return of other investments for their pension fund holders. I don’t begrudge them doing that. But they own apartment buildings. They own lots of real estate, as do all pension funds, because that’s what they’re supposed to do. So they’re doing their fiduciary duties.

I’m not worried that they might have to recalibrate their business plan. I understand that. But to not see the flaw in this legislation that is saying if you live in a multi-million-dollar single-family home, you have now been conferred the exclusive right by this government to have a short-term rental, but if you live in an entry-level apartment-style condo and want to buy the entry-level apartment-style condo next door to you to try to get ahead a little bit so you might be able to eventually afford a freestanding home, you’re not allowed to do that. Government knows best.

Then the minister was talking about Kelowna and the tourism industry having a shortage of space for workers to live. I totally agree. He’s 100 percent right. Then why, in this legislation, did they remove resort communities from short-term rental restrictions? Resort communities are all based on tourism. All have massive shortages for housing for their workers. All of them do.

And yes, the housing in those areas is incredibly expensive and owned by very wealthy people — absolutely. But the workers there are getting paid workers’ wages, and that’s why they have struggles finding housing in those areas.

The minister has already recognized that there’s a need for larger numbers of short-term rentals, but not if you’re a resort worker, not if you live in a town that’s 10,000 people or less where there are still housing shortages and very expensive rents. That’s okay. Not if you live in the unincorporated areas, as the member from Parksville pointed out yesterday, that surround cities, and outside of Metro Vancouver, there are a lot of those areas.

Just outside of Kamloops…. You can drive longer inside the city boundaries in Kamloops, neighbourhood to neighbourhood, to get downtown than it would take you to drive from the outskirts of town, where they’re still in the unincorporated areas, large nodes of population. They’re all okay, but the urban area is not, or the suburban area in those cities is not.

That’s the fundamental flaw with this legislation. It’s not going to actually solve what the government is marketing, because if it did, ask yourself why they are going to sit on this for the next — what is it? — eight months before it’s implemented.

They started doing a report in 2018. It got finalized in 2021 when the now Premier was the Housing Minister, with UBCM. No action taken for two years. Now it comes forward two years later. “Oh, and let’s sit on the implementation for another eight months.”

[4:25 p.m.]

From the time the report was finalized, when the Premier was the Housing Minister, to the implementation of this will be almost three years. But this is going to solve the housing affordability crisis for people, according to the minister and this government.

That’s why they’re going to sit for another eight months to implementation. Convenient, when the writ will be dropped in about another ten months or so, 10½ months. Very convenient timing to talk about how this is going to transform housing in British Columbia. Very little time for the public to actually understand and see it in practice — be it for medical travel, as we’ve talked about; special events, as we will be talking about.

To bring forward an amendment like we have that simply says the style of housing that your primary residence is should not dictate whether you have the legal right to have a second area that is considered short-term rental…. That’s essentially what our amendment says. It says that if you live in an apartment-style condo, you have the same right to one short-term rental space; the same as if you live on a piece of free title freehold land — single-family dwelling, detached home.

It’s shocking, after seven years of this government characterizing people that have had the audacity to live in a freestanding single-family home in this province, that this bill will now confer the ultimate privilege to somebody that lives in that style of housing while punishing anyone else that wants to literally have the same mix within their real estate holdings.

I say holdings, because those pension funds I talked about — they’re highly unlikely to mass sell off any Air­bnbs they have. They’ll just roll those to long-term rentals. Absolutely. That’s not a bad thing. That will put some units back on the market. It will address some of the problems around people that have hundreds or 30 or 40 Airbnb units, but that’s not what our amendment is trying to do.

Our amendment is not trying to confer a benefit to them. Our amendment is trying to rebalance the benefit and the privilege this government is trying to extend to people that live on single family lots at the expense of everyone else that lives in an apartment-style condo building who will no longer have the ability to do as a citizen and as a taxpayer in British Columbia. It’s fundamentally wrong.

That’s why the government needs to admit they erred, support the amendment and bring some semblance of fairness to a very flawed piece of legislation to begin with. While they’re at it, they could consider maybe not taking eight months to implement, if they actually pass, this piece of legislation.

E. Ross: I’ve been watching the debate on Bill 35, the Short-Term Rental Accommodation Act, but I’ve been watching the debate for the last six years in terms of the housing crisis that we have been experienced in B.C.

Not quite sure, in terms of the progress that we’ve made across the board in terms of addressing the housing issue here in B.C. We keep hearing the terms of the highest rental rates in Canada and the highest housing costs in North America. I do understand what this side of the House has been saying for the last six years — that you have to address supply. You have to address it, but I think what we’re talking about on this side of the House is that you’ve got to build that supply.

Because really, a lot of the speeches I’ve heard in this House is actually not talking about building per se, but talking about trying to change the nature of existing structures to provide more housing, which I can understand as well.

[4:30 p.m.]

But it’s actually put a lot of pressure, undue pressure for that matter, on citizens that have been following the rules and following the laws of B.C. and Canada up to now. It was a freedom of homeowners and property owners to do what they would with the properties that they invested in.

Now, I understand the nature of Bill 35 is to achieve more accommodations, but there’s a difference of opinion on whether or not Bill 35 will accomplish that.

[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]

The one thing that I’ll point out is that we will not know what type of an impact Bill 35 will have on the housing crisis in B.C. because, like other bills, it’s a delayed impact. This won’t be implemented until May. So if it’s a crisis…. We still have to wait till 2024 for implementation, and then maybe we’ll need another six months to maybe a year to see the effects, right?

Interjection.

E. Ross: Or an election, yes. Hmm. Good timing.

But in the meantime, there are a lot of questions that are being asked by people that were not trying to find loopholes. They were not trying to skirt the system. They were basically just regular property owners that, by the way, were fulfilling a need in B.C.

I was watching the very impassioned speeches by the member for West Vancouver–Capilano. The urban ridings, right? The Big Smoke.

You know, there are certain regions of the province that have more to lose with Bill 35 in terms of this legislation, which will basically restrict the ability of people to operate bed-and-breakfasts. There are certain areas, for example, in the urban setting. But there are also places in rural B.C. that use it as part of their strategy for tourism, for example.

I do agree with the member from Capilano, as well as the previous speaker, talking about the hardship that it puts on rural people. Coming from Skeena — meaning the people living in Terrace, Kitimat, Nisg̱a’a, Kitamaat Village, Kitsumkalum, Kitselas — we are already at a disadvantage in terms of being located so far away from specialized services.

I understand it’s just the nature of how we’re set up here in terms of services, specifically medical services. But it’s a cost that a lot of our constituents can’t maintain, especially when you consider somebody from our riding coming from Terrace, puts their life on hold, books….

The Chair: Sorry, Member. Can the member help the Chair understand the connection to the proposed amendment?

E. Ross: Yes. In terms of the restrictions of Bill 35, in terms of the secondary suite that the member from Vancouver-Capilano is proposing, that would help people from rural settings when they’re coming down.

I do understand, in this House, that the other amendments were struck down. But I think what we’re really getting at is that we do need these purpose-built B and Bs, purpose-serving B and Bs for specific purposes.

We’ve gone over this already in terms of people that use B and Bs for medical treatments because nobody can afford a hotel. I still think that this is relevant in terms of the proposed bill that was put together by the member from Vancouver-Capilano.

[4:35 p.m.]

In fact, to be clear, the amendment that we’re proposing, because the other amendments have failed…. The other amendments were voted down by the majority of the people in this House, meaning the government. But this latest amendment is still trying to look out not only for property owners but also for the people that utilize B and Bs for different purposes other than just trying to make a buck. I don’t see the connection and where specifically the B and B owners are responsible for the housing crisis. I don’t see it.

The proposed amendment to Bill 35 is specific to clause 14, “by deleting the text shown as struck out and adding the underlined text as shown.” The principal residence requirement: “14(1) Subject to the regulations, if short-term rental accommodation services are provided outside the exempt land in respect of a short-term rental offer, the short-term rental accommodation services must not be provided except….” and then the proposed amendment is saying to cross out “in one or both of the following.”

Subsection 14(1)(a) is: “in the property host’s principal residence” or “(b) in not more than one…” The addition is: one “of the following.” Then “(i) a secondary suite or other accessory dwelling unit that is in a prescribed location in relation to the property host’s principal residence…” That’s existing language in Bill 35. The additional language is: “or a residential property that is not a primary residence.”

I think what we’re trying to get at on this side of the House is that B and Bs serve a specific purpose that a lot of people utilize that is not being addressed fully by Bill 35. Like a lot of the other bills that have been approved in this House in the last six years, people will get a wake-up call probably six months later, after May, when this bill is approved.

I have no doubt that this amendment is going to fail. I don’t see anybody from government getting up to speak to the amendment, to the benefits of the amendment, whether there are pros and cons to it, or even trying to debate some of the issues that this side of the House has been trying to advocate for on behalf of residents of B.C., as well as property owners and B and B operators.

I do believe that the intention is good in terms of Bill 35 — the intention. Whether or not it will achieve the objectives that the government is talking about, we won’t know for another year, a year and a half. But in saying that, the amendments that have been put forward already by the member from Vancouver-Capilano, they’re well-intentioned as well.

We’re trying to achieve a balance. We’re trying to achieve some fairness. We’re trying to achieve some level of recognition that says there is a purpose, a well-meaning purpose, for B and Bs that is not really, truly being entertained in this House. I think that’s really why the member from Vancouver-Capilano is pushing so hard for these amendments.

I will be voting in favour of the amendment to proposed Bill 35, specifically the proposal in terms of the amendment put forward by the member from Vancouver-Capilano.

T. Shypitka: I’d like to talk to the amendment that’s proposed here in Bill 35. It’s a reasonable amendment.

[4:40 p.m.]

We’ve already seen a couple come and go that were equally as reasonable. I think that’s kind of going to be the theme on this one. What we’re saying on this side of the House is we’re looking for something that’s reasonable, something that’s responsible and something that we will get results from. I think that’s what the people of British Columbia want, and this is what the proposal is right now in front of us.

It kind of blows me away, the fact that we are in a crisis. We are in a housing crisis. Everybody in this House agrees with this.

But we’re only seeing a one-sided debate here on something that’s absolutely critical, and we’re trying to find that answer. I think this government’s looking towards this bill, Bill 35, as some sort of a silver bullet, something that’s going to solve all the world’s problems.

We, on this side, contest that. We say: “No, this is a very complex issue. It’s not just a one-size-fits-all kind of solution here that’s going to solve all the world’s problems.” I’ll give government credit. I don’t think they believe in that either.

With that understanding that we both have, we have to put something forward that’s reasonable that addresses this complex issue. I don’t think any government in the world gets it right when they put legislation like this through, because there are so many moving parts to this. We’ll speak to some of those moving parts.

But with this bill, what it does is it gives homeowners an option. It gives them an option to capture a niche in what is a complex issue in housing, and that’s short-term rentals versus long-term units.

On the short-term rental side, there is a need. There is an absolute need. The minister said: “We’re not stopping…. You know, there are exemptions.”

We’re offering another tool here with this amendment. That’s all this is. It’s a reasonable, responsible amendment that will give property owners rights to have an additional unit. And also to those people that don’t actually have the land, perhaps, such as an apartment — it gives them, people that own apartments or condos, an option as well.

I don’t think this government has anything to grind against people that own apartments or condos. But it comes off that way because they will not be able to participate with the bill that’s in front of us, Bill 35.

The niches that I look at, I look at them firsthand because I happen to live next to a hospital in Cranbrook, which will be affected by this bill. It’s over 10,000 people. The house that’s next to mine is a short-term rental for doctors and locums and nurses.

It’s a really good location. It’s attractive for doctors to come. That’s half the battle right now with our doctor crisis — attracting, retaining. And it’s attractive for them. It provides accommodations. It provides a kitchen, food, other than staying in a hotel. Who wouldn’t want that? And at a reasonable rate, I might add. It’s cost-effective.

This amendment speaks to that reasonable option that we have. I don’t know what the push-back is, quite honestly. Is government so indignant that they’re just going to cross their arms and say: “No, we’ve done this. We’ve done our homework. We’ve done all the checking that we need to do, and we’re not going to hear from anybody”?

We’re trying to have some kind of collaboration here in this House to say: “Hey, we’ve got a couple of good ideas too, you know. Here’s a good one.”

Quite honestly, the two amendments before this were equally as good, reducing from 90 days to 30 days.

The Chair: Of course, Member, we’re speaking to the current amendment.

T. Shypitka: I know. I’m tying in what this amendment does to this legislation and the effort that this side of the House is trying to put forward to this committee to say: “Hey, let’s bring it all together. We’re all in this together.” We hear that all the time. But when we’re in the House, it doesn’t seem that way half the time.

[4:45 p.m.]

The minister spoke briefly on why he doesn’t support this, but it’s very unclear. It’s mixed messaging, in my opinion.

Sadly to say, I’ve got a family member that’s going through cancer right now. In the remote area that I live in, Kootenay East, we have been given…. The only option to receive radiation treatment is, in some cases, 1,000 kilometres away, six mountain passes. You’ve heard the spiel before, Chair. It doesn’t seem to resonate too much, though, because, well….

No, not to you. I’m saying generally, Chair, not to you directly. Sorry. Apologies.

It doesn’t seem to resonate — the issues that rural British Columbians have. We’ve been essentially cut off access to health care in Alberta. We can no longer go there. That’s another topic for another day, and I’ll stay within the amendment.

What it does do. These short-term rentals provide that financial relief for a person to go from Cranbrook or Sparwood or Elkford or Fernie or Invermere or any other place in the East Kootenays — that long nine-hour trek, for six weeks at a time, perhaps maybe even two months — a little refuge financially to say: “Okay, we don’t have to spend $400 a night in a hotel for the next six weeks.”

That’s crippling. That is absolutely crippling for anybody. Quite honestly, a lot of people don’t do it. That’s a sad conversation around the dinner table, to say: “Hey, guess what? It’s not in the family budget for dad to go get radiation treatment because we just simply can’t afford it. We don’t have the funds.”

That quality of life that we’re kind of hoping for that would come out of radiation treatment is now gone, because there’s a bit of a guilt factor there. Myself, I wouldn’t want to burden my family, go into debt to give me an extra six months or a year, perhaps. It’s a big discussion. These short-term rentals identify that. They….

And, you know, I take offence. I said it before; I’ll say it again. I take offence by the minister referring to this as a loophole. That is not a loophole for people that want a better quality of life. It’s insulting.

I can’t even imagine going to the person in my family to say: “I understand you need a short-term rental up in Kelowna to look after your cancer treatment, but you’re exposing a loophole here. It’s not really something…. It’s kind of frowned on.” That’s what government is saying. They’re frowning on folks that have this type of situation.

Industry workers. We had industry workers that came in, in Cranbrook over the summer months, putting in a lifeline, a gas line — keeping people warm, keeping businesses open. It’s absolutely critical that we had that in. We had people come in over the summertime.

These single units that owners could have, which are identified by this amendment, would provide relief for those workers and would bring costs down on projects such as that. If you can imagine, the contractor has to bid this out and says: “Well, we have to spend X millions of dollars on accommodations because everybody’s going in hotels, or there is actually an option. If we went to short-term rentals, it probably cost our bills…. It’d probably cost us half the price, or a quarter of the price.” That goes onto the taxpayer.

These are reasonable. Why doesn’t government support them? That’s the thing.

This is seven years in. This housing crisis just didn’t start today. It’s been ramping up for the last four or five years. This could have come in at any time, and it doesn’t come into effect until May. So even if this passes tomorrow, we’re not going to see this come in…. So why this delay?

[4:50 p.m.]

This is desperation legislation, in my opinion. This is panic time from a government that knows their housing plan has failed. They’re looking to find anything or anyone to bring in to bump their numbers up.

I’m going to guarantee you…. I’m not a betting man so much, but I’m going to guess — well, so much — that once this legislation passes, every short-term rental that’s registered in this province will now be credited to the government for housing. I’m almost going to guarantee it. At least we’ll find out the number, right? That’s disingenuous. I hope I’m wrong, but we’ll find out, I guess, on royal assent.

I support the amendment 100 percent. It’s a brilliant amendment. It’s a reasonable, responsible thing to do. We’re trying to come together. We’re trying to collaborate with government. They have crossed arms. We don’t hear anybody on the other side speaking to it, which really shocks me. We all understand it’s a critical issue, yet we hear nothing on the other side. It’s amazing.

Well, I mean, we don’t have as large of a caucus as we’d like to, and we’re going to try to change that, but we’ve got you outnumbered probably six to one on debate on this issue at least. That’s a concern. We need to find some middle ground on this. We’ve given you reasonable amendments. The government keeps pushing back and crossing their arms. I’m saddened by that, and I’m sad for all the people this is going to affect, because this will pass.

This will pass in the House, and those options will be gone. Those little niche markets that we need, that build all these wheels, these moving parts in the housing crisis that we have, are now going to be extinguished.

I hope the minister can reconsider. We still have time to do that. We can still do that right here today if the minister agrees to these amendments. Then I would be the first guy to give him a standing ovation. I would. I know that’s on his bucket list, Mr. Chair. I know he has dreams of that.

In all seriousness, this is a serious issue, and we need to come together on this. This amendment to this bill does that. With that, I support the amendment, and I’ll take my place.

The Chair: Of course, we are here talking about a proposed amendment from the member for West Vancouver–Capilano to clause 14.

D. Davies: Certainly, pleased to stand here and support my colleague from Vancouver Capilano and….

Interjection.

D. Davies: Oh, sorry. Sorry. West Vancouver–Capilano — I’m going to write this down right now, so I don’t say it wrong again here. West Vancouver — there we are. It’s like the Peace River North, Peace River South mixup, right?

Certainly want to support my colleague’s amendment — and have supported the others that, unfortunately, were not supported by government over the last bit of this debate. Really what are in this, quite frankly, flawed legislation were recommendations to improve this piece of legislation, improve what we see.

We all recognize there are issues. We recognize there are issues with housing. I think we need to recognize that the issues with housing go back some time, but I’m going to focus on, certainly, the last number of years that this government has been in power to try and create some housing numbers.

We keep hearing these housing numbers. My colleague from the Kootenays there had mentioned that these numbers, whatever numbers come in from closing down the Airbnbs, are going to be counted now as units that the NDP government have created. I think the line that was just used, desperation legislation — I quite like that, because I really do feel that this builds on the back of six years of failure.

Amendments like have been proposed, which we’re talking about right now, are to try and make this legislation better, to try and undo some of these issues that we’ve been seeing grow over the last number of years, the shortage of housing and the housing crisis in general, which is really, quite frankly, out of control right now.

[4:55 p.m.]

It is for a lack of action by this government that has got us to this point. There has really been no significant amount of units built in this province, affordable units built, that are going to be supporting what is indeed needed. Again, as desperation legislation, this is a great way we can say: “Hey, we just freed up all these numbers. Look at what we’ve done.”

The Chair: If I might remind the member, it is to the proposed amendment. It’s not a second reading.

D. Davies: Thanks, hon. Chair. To the proposed amendment, I think this amendment allows homeowners to actually have a second property that they can fulfil a need, a need that is absolutely missing. I’m going to talk a little bit about that need that this amendment provides for.

That need is that in many cases, constituents that live in my riding, constituents that down for cancer treatment into the larger centres across the province, certainly into the Lower Mainland — cardiac care. We don’t have a cardiac unit in Fort St. John, and many people have to come down and seek treatment. Many times the treatment they’re down for is weeks.

The Airbnb or these…. I shouldn’t use the word Airbnb. The short-term rentals offer a viable alternative, especially when you’re talking to people that have already had a significant impact to their financials on fighting this medical concern. This amendment is just one piece that will help to ensure that this need is in fact being filled.

I think of the folks from Fort Nelson, for instance. There has not been a baby born in Fort Nelson for ten years. Anybody that is pregnant has to go to another city that provides maternity services, and many of them are going to the larger centres. They’re recommended to go 30 days prior to their due date. Well, 30 days, if you can imagine, in a hotel would be…. Well, it wouldn’t be great, not only the environment of it, but the sheer cost that you would be downloading on a person who is just trying to grow their family, have their first child, have their second child, become a family.

This amendment at least keeps some of that alive, at least keeps some of these units in these larger centres, where there are medical facilities that people then can access. This proposed legislation isn’t favouring that, isn’t doing that.

I only have to think just back to the residents that live in my riding, or smaller ridings, where they have to travel to seek medical assistance. Whether it be even just to go for a specialist, knee or hip or eye, nose and throat doctor. We don’t have those services in our community.

Almost anybody that seeks any kind of specialist in a smaller, rural area has to travel to a larger centre to seek these services. If that’s in the summer…. I don’t know if you’ve ever tried getting a hotel in Vancouver in the summer. You can’t. In fact, it’s even hard to get a short-term rental. But it is something that is required.

I think this is going to be one of those unintended consequences. Certainly, by not looking at the other amendments, that happened, but this amendment that we’re talking to right now, by not allowing it to happen, really does create a significant issue for allowing people to have access to these. That is going to be one of the unintended consequences that were in there.

Again — I go back to — we’re only in this position because of the failures of this government — the failures to actually create more housing, building more. That has not happened.

I have a handful of emails here, and I know we were all on the distribution lists for many of these emails that have come in. The government has somehow vilified people that have a secondary residence that are trying to, in many cases…. Again, I know the members across have received the exact same emails.

[5:00 p.m.]

You know, these are people trying to get into their first-time home where they are utilizing the short-term rentals to help offset the costs, so that they can have that something that they can provide for their future or provide for their family.

I’m just going to read one email. I’m going to read it because it is a short one. I’ll talk about it after, here.

“I’m writing you to consider the impact of the new legislation regarding non-legal-conforming short-term rentals. I know of young people who are trying to get ahead in these tough times. With rising interest rates and costs of living going up, how can they get ahead? I fear that they will lose their investment. They are investing for their retirement.

Will these changes help solve that problem? They are paying their license fees. They’re paying their taxes for short-term rentals in zones that the government has approved at the time of their purchase. I fear that their property rights are being stripped away from them. Am I next? Please listen to their stories.”

That’s Debbie, who has, again, sent this email out to all of us. She brings up a couple of really interesting points. “Am I next?” What is next? We’ve seen a whittling down of property rights already under this government, whether we’re talking changes that have happened in the ALR…. Now we’re seeing this. We’ve seen others. What is next?

I was joking with the House Leader of the Third Party just a second ago, and I’ve heard this before. Are we going to be going into people’s houses next and demanding an inventory in their homes about what rooms are available? Is this the level of government overreach that we are moving toward?

Where are the people’s rights that individually own these homes and have made a choice under what is allowed by this government? To all of a sudden now be villainized and say: “You’re bad, because you’re trying to plan for your retirement….” This amendment that has been proposed is one step to help make this legislation a little bit better, and we’re not seeing that.

A few of the emails that we’ve seen are…. In one instance, I think one of the units is around 350 square feet. It’s tiny. The person has bought this in hopes that they can one day move out of their rental and move into the smaller suite.

This is not something that you’re going to be out there trying to get large families into. This is a small one-bedroom apartment, a studio, that someone is paying approximately — well, in this one email from one individual that, again, everybody in here has received — $3,700 per month for. That’s what their costs are. So $3,700 per month between their mortgage and their utilities.

I mean, I can’t imagine putting that on the market for a long-term rental. I can just imagine the advertisement right now: “Got an apartment for rent. It’s not much bigger than a big, giant doghouse. 3,700 bucks. Views? Well, no view. Well, it might have a view.” This absolutely does not make sense, this legislation, the level of overreach that it’s going to have on people just trying to get ahead. Even just allowing this amendment will make a significant change that will help some of these people get ahead and possibly have a future for themselves.

Again, that first email I read, she was actually not even an owner. She was just concerned for young people in our province, as I am and as we are in this side — people trying to get ahead right now in the world of, let’s say, unaffordability. This is some people’s only way that they’re going to be seeing themselves get into the market.

[5:05 p.m.]

We’ve even seen folks on the other side that have said that ownership for young people is just not going to happen. It’s out of reach. We’ve heard that from members on that side. Well, we don’t believe in that. Little things like this are something that is bringing home ownership into reality. But if you’re going to take that away, I have grave concerns for our young people in where they’re going to go. Again, this has only been caused by inaction, poor action and bad action by the NDP government over the last seven years.

Investor confidence. Who’s going to build anything right now in British Columbia? I could talk about this with any industry, whether it’s the housing market or the resource sector. It’s a challenge.

With the proposed amendment, I wholeheartedly support this. Sadly, I don’t believe that the government will support this. I’m already seeing heads shaking. To allow people to get ahead, to allow young people….

We heard, earlier, hope. This, actually, does give hope, because it allows people to actually move forward and show that they might be able to get into the owner’s market without having to leave the province. We’re already seeing record people leaving to Alberta right now, record numbers of people moving because opportunities are better there.

The Chair: I’m not sure this is the amendment.

D. Davies: It’s sad that this is just one more piece that is going to turn that around, and I really encourage everybody in the House to support our amendment to this flawed piece of legislation to ensure that we are filling those needs for rural British Columbia, filling those needs for urban British Columbia that is an absolute…. Well, we’ve already seen it. It’s a hole that needs to be filled right now, and this is one way that’ll help doing that.

With that, I’ll take my place.

M. Bernier: Thanks to my colleague from Peace River North for his comments and to the Chair for allowing me the opportunity to speak to the amendment that’s on the floor here today.

I think what’s really important, first of all, when we look at not only this amendment but the piece of legislation in front of us…. I want to thank our shadow minister for Housing for her diligence and her thoughtfulness on bringing forward these amendments. We’re doing this because, unlike what the minister says — that it’s looking for loopholes…. In fact, we’re trying to help this government make the legislation stronger, make it better.

It’s actually unfortunate, when we look at the legislative program system that we have here in front of us, that before we even have a chance to really state our case, the members opposite are already shaking their heads saying they’re not going to support it. It’s unfortunate, because the way this system works is…. When you have an opposition….

And I get it. Government doesn’t necessarily want to listen to opposition. Fair enough. But we have constituents. We have people that we’re speaking on behalf of, stories that we’re bringing forward that are actually very applicable to what we’re talking about in this House, which is why we’re bringing forward these amendments, like this amendment right here, which is about trying to strengthen this piece of legislation.

It’s very thoughtful. I would say it’s a reasonable amendment that has been brought forward, and we’ve done that because we’re trying to make sure we’re helping the people in the province of British Columbia — the families, the people that are trying to get into the housing market, maybe the people who are already in, who are actually bringing forward opportunities for people.

Now let me say why I’m in support of this amendment to this bill. It’s because we’re trying again to look at opportunities to make sure we’re bridging that gap to help people.

I’ll give an example. I’ve got somebody — many people — in my riding that shared with me, just this morning, an example. They are fortunate enough to live in a House in Dawson Creek, and they also were looking, down the road, for their family member that might want to be going to university down in the Interior. So what did they do? They bought a condo in Kelowna, but they have been short-term renting to students that are going to university right now.

[5:10 p.m.]

It has been very successful for them, because they have family members that have been using the condo in the off-season, and there have been short-term rentals to students when they’re going to university. It has been a win-win right now, I would say, for everybody.

It’s fulfilling a need because these students are unable to afford the hotels right now, especially in that time of year, in the hot market of Kelowna. I had a child who was living in Kelowna for a while and was really struggling because of the high costs in the hotels and even in some of the rental markets. For the short terms, for the stays that they needed, these situations worked very well.

I also talked to this couple in Dawson Creek as well as many others that have been sharing stories with me to…. Unlike what the minister is saying, there is no way that it’s going to go onto the rental market if they’re pushed in this position. They will leave it vacant. So now everybody’s losing.

The reason why they’ll do that is because of all of the struggles they’re having right now in the tenancy branch. More importantly, they also want to have the opportunity for their family — their loved ones and their children, when they grow up — to be able to utilize that facility when they go to university.

The unintended consequences, as my colleague from Peace River North was saying…. We’re trying to bring these issues to the attention of the government and the minister. It’s unfortunate that they won’t even be considered. Maybe the minister will say, “Oh, we consider; we’re just not agreeing,” and that’s fair enough. But before we even get to those conversations, members of the NDP, even though we tried to be thoughtful and reasonable and give advance notice and an explanation of why, are actually just pushing our amendments to the side.

I want them to remember that they’re not pushing the opposition to the side. They’re actually pushing aside people in the province of British Columbia by not even considering the message that we’re trying to bring forward. I know the minister knows this. I know his colleagues know this.

There is example after example, story after story where people have been in the unfortunate situation…. We talked about one of the amendments — around some of the health concerns where, maybe, somebody that’s pregnant has to go into another jurisdiction.

In my community of Dawson Creek, we have a lot of short-term rentals. I guess, understanding this bill, it might not apply, possibly, in my region, but it does apply for people in my region that have properties outside of Dawson Creek. And they’ve been able to fulfil a need when somebody in my region has a heart attack and has to go down.

I don’t think yesterday the minister quite understood the examples we were trying to raise, because he said that these people don’t have to go to a short-term. But having the opportunity for people to have a secondary suite, a secondary unit that they can rent out….

We’re not trying to say that we’re supporting large conglomerates. I’ll give an example. Just a couple of weeks ago, on our break week, I had the…. I don’t want to say “fortune” because it was for a funeral, but going back east. And I was looking into this exact situation because this….

We’re seeing some of these challenges, and I understand why the government wants to bring forward some legislation around this.

There was a complex in the one community I visited on the east coast that had 300 townhomes that were built, and one investor came in and bought all 300 of them, every single one of them, and actually used them all for short-term rentals. In fact, I stayed in one of them. That’s how I knew about it. That’s not what we’re talking about.

We’re not talking about a large pension fund or corporation that’s buying out all these rental stocks and using them for an Airbnb or a short-term rental. What we’re talking about is the mom-and-pops. We’re talking about, maybe, a young person who’s trying to get into the markets and looking for different opportunities. That’s what we’re trying to bring forward as examples to this minister and to this government: that they are going to be excluding — in fact, penalizing — a lot of people.

[5:15 p.m.]

Nowhere in this legislation does it say “going forward.” It’s actually retroactive. So what they’re saying is that people who have made those investments in good faith…. Maybe somebody who bought a condominium here in Victoria from a now Premier in good faith, thinking that they could use it as a short-term rental, is now going to be told: “No, you can’t.”

These are the examples we’re trying to bring forward for the minister to consider. This amendment that was put forward is trying to fix and enhance and make better a piece of legislation to try to fill some of the gaps that we see, because we’re hearing them from people.

This isn’t us in the back room just coming up with ideas. This is us actually saying: “We are hearing from people. We’re hearing from families. We’re hearing from homeowners that this piece of legislation is flawed.” On behalf of them, we’re trying to bring forward thoughtful amendments to make it better, to try to find a win-win compromise, a way that we can say: “Look, if the government was willing to put forward these amendments, it’s something that now we can support, because we’re knowing that it’s going to make it better for the people of British Columbia.”

All we’re asking is that the minister not just keep pushing it to the side without consideration — and by consideration, I mean real consideration. Maybe take this legislation…. If he wants to reword it, make it his own, put it in there, we’re happy with that. He can take credit for it. I don’t care. We’re not asking for political credit. We’re asking for government to make the legislation better for people.

Interjection.

M. Bernier: Well, we’ll take credit anyway, I think my colleague said. Don’t be surprised, if he did this, that I’d still tweet out and say: “Thanks, it was our idea.”

But I do, in all seriousness…. This is not trying to be gotcha moments. This is actually about doing the right thing.

We know that there are people out there that this is benefiting. We know, with these changes that government is trying to put forward, it’s actually not going to be the silver bullet.

I sure hope that there’s another piece of legislation coming forward for housing this session. I’m not sure if we’re going to see that, because…. The minister is giving me the thumbs up, so…. Hopefully it’s a heck of a lot better than this one, because this year is not going to be doing much.

Interjection.

M. Bernier: The minister says the next one’s better, but I know that what we know is the devil is always in the details. With this government, they always try to say, “Leave everything to regulation, and we’ll see it later on,” and this legislation is a lot like that.

It’s unfortunate that they put forward this piece of legislation — the Chair is looking at me — which is why we’re making these amendments. I always have to bring it back to that.

I just want to end by saying again to the minister that I think it’s important that we be looking at these in all seriousness. We’ve had two amendments brought forward right now so far that the government has voted against. We’re going to keep trying, because it’s the right thing to do.

Normally, in opposition, you would just critique it and vote against everything. We’re actually trying to make this piece of legislation better, because we know we’re in a housing crisis right now in the province of British Columbia. I won’t get into the full political commentary of who caused that, because we know for the last seven years…. I’ve got lots of ammunition against the minister of what this government hasn’t done, but that’s for a later date.

On this amendment, I just want to say it’s something I support. I think it’s reasonable. It’s thoughtful. I want to, again, thank our shadow minister for the due diligence work she’s done on behalf of the people of British Columbia to bring this forward to try to help families.

B. Stewart: I don’t know if that indicates that this amendment has maybe got some traction. No.

Well, I wanted to, first of all, just address the House in terms of…. I know this conundrum that the province finds itself in, in dealing with short-term rentals, in terms of the law that is being proposed here to deal with residential tenants, etc., or people that are renting on a short-term basis.

[5:20 p.m.]

I look at my community. I know that there have been examples cited by other members in this House, but I do have to say that there are, specifically, issues and pressures.

We had the good fortune, in 2005, of having UBC Okanagan developed and brought to the Okanagan. It started off with a very modest amount of on-site accommodation, which had been identified as being one of the drawbacks of UBC Okanagan. We needed to add more.

I know that I’ve been there with the former Minister of Advanced Education, opening up Skeena House, and other ones have been announced. However, the student population was originally forecast to get to about 7,500. It is a destination institution, and currently there’s a big gap between what is available for those students.

Whether they’re coming in for the full semesters that are there for their university education…. More importantly, this gap is growing. The 7,500 was the target population back in 2005. It’s now over 13,000 and growing rapidly. It’s considered one of the best small universities in Canada. I’m sure that that’s up for debate, but I do want to tell you that it has been very successful. The students love it, and the students that come there often do depend on this.

During COVID, we had many challenges because there were a lot of these students that couldn’t get that accommodation working with the rules around that.

What I would say is that bus rapid transit came to the Okanagan early in my tenure as an elected MLA. Bus rapid transit goes from West Kelowna all the way to UBC. This is taking, literally, hundreds of students back and forth to UBC. It’s not the only place, but on bus rapid transit, I know we’ve talked about the whole idea about having densification around that.

What I do want to speak to is the amendment, the fact that we’re talking about whether secondary or short-term rentals are something that actually works in a community.

Just to kind of put it into perspective, in that period of time from 2005 until today, Okanagan College, which was downsized to about 3,000 or 3,500 students after the split of the university programs to UBC Okanagan, is now also at around 13,000. The two institutions are massively successful, and one is in trades, obviously, in health and other matters like that.

I think that if these accommodations…. There are two different types of people that are there — apprentices and other things like that. On the other hand, there are technician jobs, etc., which we desperately need.

The Chair: If I could…. Back to the amendment.

B. Stewart: Going back to the accommodation part and the need for it, what we’re doing…. The city of Kelowna — this was just Monday — had a regular council meeting, because MLAs Merrifield and Letnick….

The Chair: No names, Member.

B. Stewart: Sorry. The MLAs for Kelowna-Mission and Kelowna–Lake Country and myself met with the mayor of Kelowna. What we were trying to establish is what the options were that may exist for a city like Kelowna and the other surrounding communities They very specifically went out of their way in trying to deal with the dilemma of short-term rentals and vacation rentals by creating buildings and zones where these would be, specifically, set up.

Now, I can give you examples. A constituent of mine — his name is Steven Gilroy; I can use his name, I’m assuming — has bought into one of these, as an investment. He’s a modest merchant that is across the road from my constituency office. As soon as this happened, he came in. He’s wondering what he has to do because the building was specifically set up with short-term rentals in mind.

He has his own home. He’s not somebody that owns dozens or whatever. He doesn’t meet the criterion of having this at his principal residence. He’s an example of somebody that has invested in areas that are zoned properly in the city of Kelowna to develop short-term rentals. By this amendment, what I’m suggesting is that there are, very specifically, exemptions that allow for ownership, besides a principal residence, to have a secondary unit, suite or short-term rental that is not disqualified.

I’ll give you another example: a fellow in Vancouver whose name is Colin Metcalfe. It’s the same thing. He invested in a building called Brooklyn, right in my riding, in downtown Kelowna, with the idea that it would meet the demand, and they do stay there.

[5:25 p.m.]

I have to say: this is the problem. The dilemma is that we have rules in place to try to create rules around short-term rentals in the city of Kelowna. Now what is happening is that there’s no allowance for that.

This amendment for Bill 35 addresses the whole idea that there should be exemptions or an ability for these people to be enabled to have this type of investment, not being, as the former speaker from Peace River South described it, 300 units in one building. That’s a lot different than one, having an individual….

Anyway, I think that these people are finding it not only perplexing, but as a form of expropriation. They’re sitting there, and all of a sudden, they’re being either forced to do something…. I mean, I say that…. “Expropriation” is a word that is used to describe when you have something and it’s taken away through a means.

I’d say that these rules…. This gives some relief and, I think, shows that the government is not trying to do that. It shows that people that have maybe chosen to invest in this as a longer-term investment, but not necessarily trying to become a hotel or something like that…. They’re in the business of having a single unit that meets the current zoning and which was intended for that.

I do think that that’s one of the things that we should be considering. The second thing: if we go back to 2018, the former Finance Minister, from Victoria–Beacon Hill, introduced the speculation tax. The speculation tax was intended to take the speculation on homes that were bought up, etc. and not available for rent…. Very clearly, if you have a home and you meet the requirements for making that available, it would mean that it’s not a property that should be charged speculation tax.

I think that the situation with the speculation tax is that it was intended to do something. I know the government speaks often about the fact that it has created some 19,000-plus available units. But what I really want to go to is that you put in a set of rules to kind of attack what people would call second homes. We have a lot of those in the Okanagan. I mean, some people are not happily paying, but they’re paying the speculation tax.

When it comes to this amendment, what we’re talking about is the fact that under the rules of the speculation tax, the law says that if you follow this and you rent it out…. I’m not certain if short-term rentals fit into that. The situation is that we’re trying to create options for people that are both there on a temporary basis, whether it’s school or, as we’ve heard about, the fact that there are locums, other reasons why professionals might be in the community.

I can give you a really good example. We heard from the member for Kootenay East, and he was talking about people from his riding. Thirty years ago, I was one of the people that worked on the campaign to build a cancer centre in Kelowna. It was to encompass an area from the Alberta border all the way through to Hope and make certain that people could come there. I know that he’s visited the cancer centre in Kelowna.

Many of these people come there. As a matter of fact, the former member for that particular riding was here with his wife last year, staying in a short-term rental, to get exactly that: to get treatment. It happened to be over the summer. I’m sure it wasn’t inexpensive, but it was a better option than trying to find a hotel in peak season in the Okanagan.

It’s beyond me why this type of amendment…. This would give the option — if there was a secondary suite or another accessory dwelling unit in a prescribed location in relation to the property’s host principal residence or residential property that is not a primary residence — that it would be exempt, under this particular amendment.

I’m speaking in favour of that, because I see that there are a lot of flaws in this broad-based approach of assuming that all the issues around short-term rentals are that these have corporate ownership, that they’re people that are immensely wealthy. I know that Steven and his wife have a good business, but I don’t see Steven as being somebody that could afford to, all of a sudden, be forced out of a secondary unit that was intended for this purpose.

With that, I’d like to conclude and make certain that the House knows that I will be supporting this amendment.

[5:30 p.m.]

The Chair: Seeing no further speakers, the question is the proposed amendment as moved by the member for West Vancouver–Capilano relating to clause 14….

Interjection.

The Chair: Sorry. Does the member for Prince George–​Mackenzie want to address this particular amendment?

M. Morris: Yes, if I could, Mr. Speaker.

The Chair: Okay. We’re speaking to the proposed amendment to clause 14, specifically.

M. Morris: I appreciate that. A bit of technical difficulty signing on from up here this afternoon.

I’m speaking in support of this amendment.

Prince George is not unique from many other communities across British Columbia, but we are the only health authority in British Columbia that doesn’t have cardiac services here in Prince George. A lot of people have to travel to Kelowna or to the Lower Mainland for cardiac services.

When families are involved, it’s an expensive proposition to look at something like this. Airbnbs have filled a void and have assisted significantly in helping these families meet that need when they have to travel for cardiac services. My family was involved with that a couple of years ago.

The services that Airbnb provides in many of these communities is invaluable. The entrepreneurs that have ventured into Airbnbs, based on the existing rules of the day, have invested significant amounts of money, time and effort. As everybody knows, being an entrepreneur is not for the faint of heart at the best of times.

But when government changes the rules so quickly, after significant investments have gone into these kinds of things, I think it places a burden on them that a lot of them probably won’t be able to survive if this goes through. That’s one of the other issues.

Airbnbs provide a service in areas like Prince George and throughout British Columbia in a number of factors. When we consider one of the consequences that has occurred with the province’s approach on social housing, for an example, in eliminating…. They brought up a lot of the motels and travel lodges and whatnot that we have throughout the province here.

One of the results of that decision by government has been to eliminate that market in many of these communities that we have. It’s impacted the number of hotel spaces and motel spaces that the travelling public have available to them.

It doesn’t take long in a small community and medium-sized communities, like Prince George, where you eliminate two, three, four or five of those types of facilities in a community and somebody has to take up the slack. And, you know, we don’t have enough hotel spaces in many of these communities.

That’s one of the things that I think government hasn’t really put their mind to, to look at the impact of some of the things that have resulted from their decision to go in that direction. I’m certainly not criticizing them for going in that direction. But there are consequences to that, and there’s a gap that needs to be filled.

These entrepreneurs have stepped up to the plate. They have filled that gap, and they provided that level of service in these communities that were left void as a result of that decision. So that needs to be looked at.

The other factor is that major events take place in all these communities. But we don’t have major events in Prince George that require hundreds of thousands of rooms, like perhaps Vancouver would have. But we do have major events in Prince George where every hotel room is occupied and every available space is occupied.

Airbnbs fill that void. Every single one of them in Prince George here during the Natural Resources Forum, as an example, are filled.

This amendment speaks to a lot of the different issues that Airbnbs are facing that are going to eliminate those opportunities for the travelling public and for a lot of government workers to stay when they come to Prince George for these kinds of major events.

[5:35 p.m.]

It doesn’t take an event. If you get 200 people converging on Prince George, or 300 people converging on Prince George, for an event, it really stresses the existing accommodation structure that we have. Airbnbs step up to the plate and provide that level of service for us.

A lot of the individuals that are involved in Airbnbs that I’m aware of are younger. They have invested in it as an entrepreneur. Like I said, they followed all the rules that were in existence when they applied. They got their permits. They did their building or their renovations, or whatever the case might be, in order to provide this level of service. They’ve invested a lot of time and energy into it with a long-term vision of a return on their investment and building their capacity as a business person over the coming years, and this is going to be taken away from them.

When you look at the added income, the taxes that are paid, the revenue that comes into a community like Prince George or any other community in B.C. from the B and Bs themselves and the tourists that are coming in and spending money or the government workers that are coming in and spending money, the doctors that are coming into a community to provide locum services or specialized services, the engineers that are coming into the community to provide the level of services that they provide….

There are a lot of professionals that do travel into places like Prince George and provide that level of service, and they are frequent flyers. I know a couple of Airbnbs in the area here where people have enjoyed the accommodation and the level of service and the proximity to wherever they need to be, and they come back on a regular basis for whatever business or profession they’re engaged in.

The other part of this…. We see the transition of workforces over time, where people might live or choose to live in the southern part of British Columbia, on Vancouver Island or in the Lower Mainland or in the Okanagan, because they like living in those areas, but they work in the northern Interior or the central Interior of the province. So they will be travelling back and forth, staying in B and Bs or Airbnbs and conducting their business up here. Then they fly home and stay with their family. Conversely, they keep doing that on a routine, regular basis.

Where are they going to stay once these accommodations are gone? You know, they’ve built it into their business plan. They made family decisions to move to wherever they’re going to move and work from remote locations like this.

So there are a number of factors I don’t think government has really considered in implementing this particular bill. Hopefully, they’ll consider this amendment moving forward here.

We do have to provide the flexibility for people, for professionals to do what they want to do, to live where they want to live, but provide those services for communities like Prince George and the northern Interior.

We would love to have engineers move to Prince George and live here on a permanent basis. We would love to have the health professionals move here on a permanent basis and provide that level of service for the community, but they have opted not to. And Airbnbs are one of the solutions that they use for accommodating their interests when they come up here.

Some of them may have purchased these Airbnbs on their own. They will stay in that Airbnb when they come here to do their work, and when they leave, it’s rented out for short-term rentals.

This is going to be a fly in the ointment for a lot of these individuals that have gone into this with their eyes wide open, knowing full well what the rules were, the rules of engagement. They invested heavily into whatever structures or facilities they have here in order to do this, and all of a sudden, the dial is turned and they no longer have these options available for them. They’re going to be scrambling to figure out how they’re going to be working through this down the road here.

This is an amendment that I fully support along with my colleagues, and I hope that government reconsiders their position on this. I’m not down there to look at the faces across the way and see what kind of reaction we’ve been getting, but I do hope that government reconsiders the direction they’re going in this particular bill.

[5:40 p.m.]

We have a lot of people, we have a lot of families that have invested in this, and I would hate to see them not only face the financial losses but the added stress that this is going to cause hundreds and thousands of families across the province here as they adjust to this drastic measure that government is trying to impose with Bill 35. So I will be supporting the amendment, moving forward.

K. Kirkpatrick: Just to wrap up our conversation about this. Something I think is really important here. What we’re talking about is….

There are unintended consequences. They’re not the bad guys, those people who purchase these, particularly the purpose-built short-term rentals, and they have one of them.

Ten percent of the Airbnbs in B.C.… Those are people who own multiple, multiple units. In Vancouver, 12 investors have 30 listings or more, and one investor has 123 separate listings. Now, that’s where we want to focus this. It’s not on the small family or the renter that lives in Beacon Hill who I heard from that purchased in the purpose-built rental.

Just to, again, remind government. We are trying to propose something that’s going to equal the playing field between those who live in large houses and can afford that secondary suite and those who are trying to get a foot into the housing market and trying to build themselves up. They have one unit outside of the rental that they’re living in or the condo that they’re living in.

I thank you for hearing us. I’ll take my seat.

The Chair: Seeing no further speakers, we will be holding the vote now on the proposed amendment to clause 14. To be clear, it’s the proposed amendment.

Division has been called.

[5:45 p.m. - 5:50 p.m.]

We’re here for the proposed amendment moved by the member for West Vancouver–Capilano to make an amendment to clause 14.

Amendment negatived on the following division:

YEAS — 26

Ashton

Banman

Bernier

Bond

Davies

de Jong

Doerkson

Falcon

Halford

Kirkpatrick

Kyllo

Lee

Letnick

Merrifield

Milobar

Morris

Oakes

Paton

Rustad

Shypitka

Stewart

Stone

Sturdy

Sturko

Tegart

 

Wat

NAYS — 52

Anderson

Babchuk

Bains

Beare

Begg

Brar

Chant

Chen

Chow

Conroy

Coulter

Cullen

Dean

D’Eith

Dix

Donnelly

Eby

Elmore

Farnworth

Fleming

Glumac

Greene

Heyman

Kahlon

Kang

Leonard

Lore

Ma

Malcolmson

Mercier

Olsen

Paddon

Parmar

Phillip

Popham

Ralston

Rankin

Rice

Robinson

Routledge

Routley

Russell

Sandhu

Sharma

Simons

Sims

A. Singh

R. Singh

Starchuk

Walker

Whiteside

 

Yao

 

Hon. R. Kahlon: Should we have a short break, Chair?

The Chair: We will take a short recess. Thank you, Members.

The committee recessed from 5:55 p.m. to 6:02 p.m.

[J. Tegart in the chair.]

The Chair: We’ll call the committee back to order.

We’re on Bill 35.

Shall clause 14 pass?

P. Milobar: I just want to get a couple of clarification questions on 14 with the minister.

As I read this, the principal residency requirement, if somebody owns a freestanding home on a single-family lot, say in Delta or in Surrey or in Langley…. It could be a 6,000 square foot home. They’re empty nesters. Their kids have all moved out. They decide: “You know what? I would like to have a short-term rental based on this principal residency requirement.”

They’re able to, if they can afford it or if they want to go to the bank and get a mortgage, renovate their three-car garage, put a carriage house above the garage, assuming all local government permits are pulled, use the bank financing and then use the revenue from a short-term rental on the new suite built above their three-car garage while they still live in their 6,000 square foot home on their single-family lot, that is what is actually being enabled by clause 14?

Hon. R. Kahlon: That was a very detailed question. There are a lot of things about applying for what they can do in garages, etc. I can’t get into that. Every community has got their own rules around what it requires to have a legalized suite.

To the member’s core question, I think, that if a person has a basement suite, they are allowed to have short-term rental there.

[6:05 p.m.]

P. Milobar: Well, thank you. I thought it was a pretty straightforward question, because in the media that the minister did after this bill was introduced, the government was very clear that, in fact, carriage houses or laneway houses would be applicable.

In the scenario I laid out, it was empty-nesters in a 6,000-square-foot house on a single-family lot with a three-car garage. They decide to go take out a loan and finance that loan by single short-term rentals over above the renovation that they do above their three-car garage. That would be a laneway house or a carriage house — however you would like to characterize it. Would that not qualify based on this legislation?

Hon. R. Kahlon: Yes. If a person has a laneway home or an ADU in their backyard, yes, they can use that for short-term rental.

P. Milobar: Then just to clarify further with the principal residence designation in clause 14, if I own a 400-​square-foot, one-bedroom, apartment-style condo, say in a building like the Juliet in Victoria, and the neighbour’s 400-square-foot or 350-square-foot one-bedroom apartment-style condo comes up for sale…. If I bought that, I would have to use it as a long-term rental. I would not have the ability to use that as a short-term rental. Is that correct?

Hon. R. Kahlon: If that is your principal residence, that unit in the Janion, and that’s where you primarily reside, and you choose to use it for short-term rental, you still can do that.

P. Milobar: Well I wasn’t talking about inside of my 400-square-foot Juliet apartment, that I would have somebody using the living room as a short-term rental.

The question was around if you would have the ability, if that’s your primary residence under clause 14, to buy right next door that comes up for sale, the same 400-square-foot unit or 350-square-foot unit, and use that as a short-term rental or if it has to be a long term rental.

Hon. R. Kahlon: So a secondary suite or accessory dwelling unit in the prescribed location in relation to the property host’s principal residence. I think the member is getting into one of the pieces that will be coming through regulation.

Our intention is that if it’s your primary residence, you would be allowed to rent it for short-term rental. But if it’s…. I assume he’s saying if you have one condo in a building and you buy another condo in the building. Through regulations, we want to ensure that if it’s a primary residence, you can rent it, but if you buy another condo unit within that building, that is not considered something that can be available for short-term rental.

P. Milobar: Okay, one last summary, just to make sure I do have this completely correct then.

Single-family detached homes have the ability, essentially, for short-term rentals, and anyone in a multi-unit building, unless it’s within the 400-square-feet or so of that unit that they live in, would not have the opportunity to have a short-term rental unless they want someone sleeping in their living room.

Hon. R. Kahlon: The answer is the same as the answer I just gave previously.

K. Kirkpatrick: Are tenants and owners treated the same in this section?

[6:10 p.m.]

Hon. R. Kahlon: Yes, as the member described, it is correct.

K. Kirkpatrick: In the case of a tenant infraction of the primary residence rule, who then becomes liable under the act — the tenant or the landlord?

Hon. R. Kahlon: The tenant.

K. Kirkpatrick: How are multiple bedrooms in a single dwelling treated with regards to the single-unit limitation?

Interjection.

K. Kirkpatrick: Sorry. What section I’m…?

Hon. R. Kahlon: No. Sorry. Could you say the question again?

K. Kirkpatrick: Oh, say the question again. Okay. All right. Thank you.

How many multiple bedrooms in a single-unit dwelling…? How are they treated with regards to the single-unit limitation?

Hon. R. Kahlon: There’s no limit to the bedrooms, as long as it goes with the definition under section 1 for dwelling units (a) and (b).

I can read it out for the member. It says: “‘dwelling unit’ means a building, or a part of a building, that (a) is a self-contained residential accommodation unit, and (b) usually has cooking, eating, living, sleeping and bathroom facilities.”

K. Kirkpatrick: Thank you to the minister. Just for clarification, I guess, if somebody is in an individual apartment, and they have three bedrooms…. I know we’ve established that, but if that’s three listings on Airbnb or VRBO…? Can they have three listings if each of those is going to be an independent rental?

[6:15 p.m.]

Hon. R. Kahlon: If someone owns a four-bedroom space, it’s their primary residence, and they have three bedrooms that they would like to go on short-term rental, they can do that.

K. Kirkpatrick: Thank you to the minister. Is the minister able to tell us…? Of the Airbnb listings….We can either do the Airbnb listings or all the short-term rental listings. I’m not sure , when you’ve talked about numbers and 16,000, whatever metric you’re using for that.

How many of those are in residences now, so would very likely be able to qualify to be short-term rentals, and how many are not? How many are outside of somebody’s residence?

Hon. R. Kahlon: Well, there are some studies that show that up to 16,000 complete homes are used in short-term rentals in British Columbia.

You know, even for Vancouver, where they have access to data, it would be hard to know exactly, partly because many people have been skirting the rules. As the member will know, we’ve been getting emails from people saying, “I’ve been doing this in Vancouver,” while they’ve had a primary residence requirement, so they’ve been going past the rules.

So it’s hard to know exactly. But now with the data-sharing agreement that we have in part of the legislation and that we’re going to have to sign with these host platforms, we’ll be able to have very accurate data, both…. It’s something that local governments have been asking for, but I think it’s also important for us as well.

K. Kirkpatrick: I’m very concerned about that answer. The reason I’m very concerned is: how on earth can any estimations be made in terms of units that are going to be returned to the market if government is saying, “You can still have short-term rentals in residences, but you can’t outside the residence”?

How does government have any idea, then, how many are actually going to be able to be used for long-term rental if government doesn’t know the division between those two?

Hon. R. Kahlon: Again, there are studies that have pointed that 16,000 complete homes are available through short-term rentals. So our answer — on the day of the announcement and now — is that even if half of those come back, that’s significant, considering that we build 14,000 purpose-built rental units a year.

It is a challenge that’s been highlighted by UBCM, by all our local government partners, which is…. All of them had a real challenge, because they don’t know exactly how many units, but they know that it’s increasing dramatically. That’s, again, just the ones who actually follow the rules, because we know there are many that didn’t.

Clause 14 approved.

On clause 15.

K. Kirkpatrick: Clause 15 deals with the government’s request for exemption or inclusion. Can I ask the minister, has the minister received any requests for inclusion already, and from what areas?

[6:20 p.m.]

Hon. R. Kahlon: I’m not aware of any requests yet.

K. Kirkpatrick: Thank you to the minister. Can the minister explain…? Now I don’t have the wording in front of me. In clause 15, there is the ability for an exclusion, if I understand correctly. If there is a community that is over 10,000 and that is subject to this, there is an ability, in 15(1), to change the exempt land or remove or add the geographic area of the local government.

Am I misunderstanding that? Can a community ask to be exempted from this legislation?

Hon. R. Kahlon: You’re correct in that. If a community has a vacancy rate higher than 3 percent, which CMHC deems a healthy vacancy rate, then they can request to opt out.

K. Kirkpatrick: Will that process be set out, then, in regulation, in terms of what is felt to be a healthy market rate?

Hon. R. Kahlon: Yes, that’s correct.

K. Kirkpatrick: Does the minister have any forecasts — we bounced this around a little bit yesterday, but it’s relevant here — related to demand for major events like FIFA 2026?

I may have…. I don’t think I said it wrong. Does the minister have any forecasts related to the demand for major events like FIFA?

Hon. R. Kahlon: We canvassed this yesterday. Certainly, it will vary on a whole host of different things. It will vary on how many games we get, what teams there are.

There are some preliminary estimates being put together. Tourism, Arts and Culture leads that work, but I don’t have that information with me right now.

A. Walker: I heard the minister mention that no community will be considered to be allowed to request an exempt area unless their vacancy rate is below 3 percent. Are there any communities in British Columbia with a vacancy rate below 3 percent?

[6:25 p.m.]

Hon. R. Kahlon: A majority of the communities in British Columbia are below 3 percent. So maybe I’ll flip the answer the other way because it’ll be easier.

If the member wants to know which communities have vacancy rates higher than 3 percent, which are captured by this legislation…. It would be easier for me, because it’s a shorter list. I can share with the member that Prince George, Mission, Fort St. John, Central Saanich, Williams Lake, Prince Rupert and Dawson Creek are the communities.

A. Walker: I guess living in a community that has had such a low vacancy rate for so long…. We sort of think that this is an experience that others across the province face.

What other criteria would be, potentially, considered? Obviously, I don’t want to get into regulation. As this legislation was drafted…. What other considerations could be considered to be factored in as far as whether a community would be allowed to request a land exemption?

Hon. R. Kahlon: The member is correct. This will come in regulations.

I will share with the member that our primary concern is around vacancy rates. So that will be one of the key things when considering a community opting out.

A. Walker: Thank you, Minister.

I’m just wondering, on subclause 15(2), if the minister could explain, in layman’s terms, what this could mean?

Hon. R. Kahlon: It, essentially, means that after the regulations come out…. If a community meets the criteria that we’ve set out in regulation, they would have to pass a motion in council for us to opt them out.

A. Walker: Makes sense.

Last question I have with this process. Understanding and recognizing that some of the interactions between local governments and ministries can take some time, I’m just wondering if there’s a desired length of time or a limit for these exemptions to be considered. More specifically, is there a time frame that the minister would hope to have these considered and back to local governments following the adoption of a resolution?

Hon. R. Kahlon: There will be a start point and an end point for local governments. It’s going to be in regulations. It will be yearly. So there will be an opportunity yearly.

One of the key considerations for us is…. The data I shared with you about communities that are above a 3 percent vacancy rate is 2022 data. We expect 2023 data to come out, I believe, in January. The window will come, through regulations, after we have the 2023 data.

A. Walker: Thank you to the minister. That has, actually, answered a couple of other questions I have.

I guess the last question, just in consideration of a tourism-dependent community like mine, Parksville-Qualicum, and some of the surrounding areas…. Our vacancy rate has been near zero or, essentially, zero. In some arguments…. Some could argue it’s actually below zero, with couch-surfing and whatnot.

It sounds like there will be zero opportunity for a community like mine to designate tourist zones where this type of activity could take place. I guess just a confirmation that if the community of Qualicum Beach and Parksville, which has relied heavily on tourism…. That is designated in their official community plans, long-term planning. We’ve got some tourism accommodations that have, literally, taken 20 years to get to the point where they are.

[6:30 p.m.]

Just for clarity, does that mean that unless the vacancy rate can be adopted, these tourism-dependent communities can never expect to have tourism areas exempted?

Hon. R. Kahlon: When a community gets to the vacancy rate we’ve set that is healthy for a community, at 3 percent, then they can be considered to opt out. That will be coming in regulation. That is the moment for communities to be able to opt out. When people in the community have access to the housing they need, then there’ll be ability to have more housing opportunities for others.

I do also want to re-emphasize that short-term rentals are still available in communities. What we’re saying with this legislation is that we have communities that are struggling, and we need to make sure that people in the communities have housing.

A. Walker: I do support regulating short-term rentals. I think this is a significant problem across this province. We are in the midst of a housing crisis, and there should be no making light of that.

I recognize that there will be some short-term rentals in laneway suites or inside people’s homes. That will exist, ongoing; that’s fine. The concern is that I just don’t know if the minister fully recognizes the impact that this will have, to not be able to exempt tourism zones. I’m thinking of along Parksville, where we’ve got — I don’t know if I should name resorts — beautiful Tigh-Na-Mara and some restaurants and hotels that have established over the years, anchored with Rathtrevor Provincial Park at one end.

These are areas that have not ever been considered as zones for places for people to live. The lack of tourism accommodation in these spaces will have a significant economic impact not just on nearby tourism accommodations and nearby tourism businesses but on the community more broadly.

I’m just hoping, yet again, if there’s some advice that the minister can provide to a community like mine that is dependent on these tourism zones, to try to protect those investments and that long-term planning that we’ve seen in our community.

Hon. R. Kahlon: If communities want to zone for hotels or time-shares, they certainly can do that and can continue to see units come on. I can share with the member that I’ve spoken to folks that represent the tourism sector and talked about the member’s region and about the vacancy rate being so low that they can’t actually find any affordable housing for the workforce that they need.

I appreciate the member’s question, but my answer is the same as I previously shared with him.

Clause 15 approved.

K. Kirkpatrick: I propose to add a new clause, 15.1, standing in my name on the order paper.

[CLAUSE 15, by adding the following clause:

Major Events Exemption

15.1 (1) In this section, has the same meaning as the Provincial Sales Tax Act.

(2) Subject to the regulations, the Lieutenant Governor in Council may, by regulation, change the exempt land to remove the geographic area of a designated major event accommodation area.

(3) The Lieutenant Governor in Council may, by regulation, prescribe dates and periods of time for the purposes of subsection (2).

(4) This section does not limit the authority to make regulations under section 38 [regulations of the Lieutenant Governor in Council].]

On the amendment.

S. Bond: I appreciate the opportunity to make a few remarks in support of the amendment, although if we look at the pattern over the last couple of days, I think all of us recognize the fate of the fourth amendment that our party has introduced. For the NDP MLAs and ministers that are busily out on social media talking about the fact that the B.C. United party is standing up in the Legislature and asking questions about a bill that is flawed — you bet we are.

In fact, that is the purpose of debate in this Legislature. We believe this bill is flawed. This amendment speaks to the issue of capacity. Members on the opposite side obviously believe that no matter where you live in British Columbia, you can simply accommodate people, particularly in the event of special events. That’s what this amendment speaks to.

I look forward to the NDP government explaining to British Columbians how, when hotels are full and people are making a decision or being forced to make a decision to travel to another community for things like medical care, for special events, for hockey tournaments, for conferences — you name it — there is no extra capacity.

[6:35 p.m.]

This amendment speaks to the ability to deal with surge capacity. I can hardly wait to hear how the minister and all of the members opposite are going to explain how we’re going to accommodate the thousands of people that will arrive for FIFA, for example, or for large concerts or for anything that requires additional capacity in communities.

Capacity is an issue, whether you live in Prince George, Dawson Creek or Kamloops. I don’t know how members on the opposite benches simply, with a stroke of a pen, create this kind of legislation that creates significant changes regarding capacity in communities. That is what this amendment is about. It is about saying that we do not have capacity, in many communities, to accommodate people who have to go to another city, for lots of reasons.

Some of them include tourism. Imagine that: strengthening the tourism economy in British Columbia. Imagine sporting events. Think about medical care. Those things that we have raised repeatedly in this Legislature are all to be dismissed. With a stroke of a pen, this government intends to simply dismiss the concerns of hundreds and thousands of British Columbians. Short-term rentals play an important role in smaller communities as well.

From our perspective, it is time for the government…. They repeatedly speak about how good ideas are welcome, wherever they come from. Well, apparently not in the Legislature of British Columbia, because four of them have been brought, one after another, to try to improve flawed legislation. It is hilarious to look at the antics on the other side when it comes to the fact that we actually allowed the bill to move to committee stage. That’s the process in the Legislature.

When we talk about capacity — which this amendment speaks directly to — it is an issue not only in large cities but in communities across the province. How on earth will there be surge capacity in communities across this province, including Vancouver — which, by the way, has a record of hosting large events? Where do we think those people are going to go? There is simply not enough hotel capacity. “But let’s, just with a stroke of the pen, remove one of the options.”

This amendment also speaks to the ability, when people come to British Columbia, to Vancouver for a major event of some sort, to have a choice about where they find accommodation. Not only is it an issue of capacity; it is an issue of the choice that people have around the world. Oh, but not in British Columbia. There are capacity issues; there are issues related to choice.

It’s not just people who choose to stay in short-term rental accommodation. It’s about the people who own property and homes, and the ability for them to make choices about what they get to do in British Columbia — but not according to the NDP. In fact, we actually had one of them suggest that we were stalling.

Well, I’d like to clarify the record. This is the place for debate. This is the place that we get to ask questions on behalf of the hundreds and thousands of British Columbians who undoubtedly are filling mailboxes on the other side of the Legislature as well. It is our job. We’re going to do that, and we’re going to do that without apology.

I can tell you that there has been lots of feedback in every single community, to every MLA in this chamber. I’ve heard about the concerns from people in Prince George, wondering, when they come to our city from other parts of the region, when hotels are full to capacity…. Has anyone tried to attend the Natural Resources Forum in Prince George?

Interjection.

S. Bond: As my colleague would know well, you cannot get a hotel room. Does that mean we should cancel the Natural Resources Forum in Prince George? No. It means we need to have a series of options that include Airbnb, for people who want to make that choice. It is a necessity in a community like mine. It helps to grow the economy. It helps to give people choice. They add capacity.

[6:40 p.m.]

No one has suggested, on this side of the Legislature, that we do not need to deal with the issues related to compliance. We understand that. But I can assure you that the very small number of people that fail to comply…. Let’s deal with them instead of, with the stroke of a pen, removing an option for British Columbians, for people who are coming to British Columbia. The simplistic view that this is going to solve all the housing issues in British Columbia is simply not credible.

We know that this government has talked about adding capacity, has promised the moon — in fact, 114,000 units they have failed to deliver. This flawed legislation is not about changing capacity. It’s about adding numbers to their already failed housing policy. They should be honest about that. Some members on that side of the Legislature should actually get up and defend this bill instead of spending their time on Twitter complaining about the legislative process.

To be clear, this amendment speaks to capacity when there are large events, major events. Let’s have the minister describe for us what a major event looks like. What does it mean in Prince George when there is the Natural Resources Forum or Kamloops hosts the World Junior Hockey tournament or we have all of those circumstances that occur in Vancouver?

This is about looking at how we fix what we consider to be flawed legislation. Frankly, we have pretty much given up hope that the government will even consider what have been reasonable, thoughtful and practical amendments, including this one.

I very much appreciate the opportunity to have participated. I would hope that we, as MLAs bringing differing views to this House, respect and honour the legislative process that takes place.

The members opposite don’t have to like what we have to say. They don’t even have to agree with what we say, and that’s been very obvious since we’ve watched amendment after amendment defeated. But it certainly does not mean that….

There need to be changes made to the legislation. It is flawed. It is going to have a significant impact in communities like mine and across British Columbia.

With that, I wanted to make sure that I was clearly on the record on behalf of constituents in my constituency and others in our region in support of the amendment that has been brought by my colleague.

Hon. R. Kahlon: I appreciate the member’s, across the way, comments.

First point I’ll make is that this legislation is being heralded as the gold standard on how to address short-term rentals across the country. This is being discussed at the federal level. It’s being discussed by other provinces. Other provinces have reached out to say: “Can we talk about what you’re doing so we can look at what we can do for us?” That’s the first comment.

The second. The member says “flawed legislation.” This is a flawed recommendation here, this amendment. I mean, you’re going to exempt certain areas for prescribed dates and periods of time for a purpose of the subsection. What are you going to do? Are you going to evict people because you want to have hotel capacity for the World Cup?

“Exempt land to remove the geographic area of a designated major event accommodation….” “By regulation, prescribe dates and periods of time for the purpose of subsection….”

The member….

Interjection.

Hon. R. Kahlon: I respectfully listened to the member, and I would appreciate the same, which is that the member has called the legislation “flawed” multiple times.

What I’m saying is that this is flawed right here. Think about that. How would the community react if this were to be passed, where there would be massive evictions of people because they wanted, for a period of time, to have short-term rentals available? Perhaps that wasn’t the intention. But that’s what this amendment says.

Now, the member says in her community of Prince George…. Listen, I just shared a moment ago that Prince George has a vacancy rate higher than 3 percent. If the member feels strongly that this is something that is not right for their community, then certainly, I think — more than willing to go speak to their mayor and council and make the case in their community that they should be exempted from this.

The last thing I’ll say on this is that what we have seen in other jurisdictions….

[6:45 p.m.]

First off, short-term rentals are not banned. There are short-term rentals available even after this legislation passes. We know there are 1,100 units that are in the pipeline, according to the city of Vancouver, for hotel capacity. I suspect we’ll see more once there is more certainty around folks that want to make investments.

What we’ve also seen in other jurisdictions is that folks, when there’s a major competition, see an opportunity within their primary residence to say: “It’s too busy in town. I want to get out of town for the games. I’ll find a way to put it on short-term rentals, etc.” We’ve seen it in communities. I suspect we’re going to see a combination of all these things to address the need for accommodation.

This flawed amendment, the suggestion that for a period of time folks can evict their tenants because it gives them a period of time to do short-term rentals, is simply not the solution.

The Chair: Shall the amendment pass?

Division has been called.

[6:50 p.m. - 6:55 p.m.]

Amendment negatived on the following division:

YEAS — 25

Ashton

Banman

Bernier

Bond

Davies

de Jong

Doerkson

Falcon

Halford

Kirkpatrick

Kyllo

Lee

Letnick

Merrifield

Milobar

Morris

Oakes

Paton

Rustad

Shypitka

Stewart

Stone

Sturdy

Sturko

 

Walker

 

NAYS — 49

Anderson

Babchuk

Bains

Beare

Begg

Brar

Chant

Chen

Chow

Conroy

Coulter

Cullen

Dean

D’Eith

Dix

Donnelly

Elmore

Farnworth

Fleming

Glumac

Greene

Heyman

Kahlon

Kang

Leonard

Lore

Ma

Malcolmson

Mercier

Paddon

Parmar

Phillip

Popham

Ralston

Rankin

Rice

Robinson

Routledge

Routley

Russell

Sandhu

Sharma

Simons

Sims

A. Singh

R. Singh

Starchuk

Whiteside

 

Yao

 

Hon. R. Kahlon: I move that the committee rise and report progress and ask leave to sit again.

Motion approved.

The committee rose at 7 p.m.

The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.

Committee of the Whole (Section B), having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.

Committee of the Whole (Section A), having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.

Committee of the Whole (Section C), having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.

Hon. R. Kahlon moved adjournment of the House.

Motion approved.

Mr. Speaker: This House stands adjourned until 10 a.m. tomorrow.

The House adjourned at 7:02 p.m.


PROCEEDINGS IN THE
DOUGLAS FIR ROOM

Committee of the Whole House

BILL 31 — EMERGENCY AND DISASTER
MANAGEMENT ACT

(continued)

The House in Committee of the Whole (Section A) on Bill 31; K. Greene in the chair.

The committee met at 2:57 p.m.

On clause 33 (continued).

The Chair: Good afternoon, Members. I call Committee of the Whole on Bill 31, Emergency and Disaster Management Act, to order. We are on clause 33.

M. Lee: I just wanted to bring us back to the definition “statutory power agreement.” The minister provided a response to one of my questions in relation to that type of agreement as contemplated under this Bill 31.

In terms of the reference to section 1 of the Judicial Review Procedure Act and what’s set out as the definition of “statutory power” there…. We recognize in this bill that, for example, as we’ve covered to date, there isn’t a requirement that an order or emergency instrument made under the act apply to an Indigenous governing body unless the Indigenous governing body consents. Also, that, again, a minister may not make an order under the section in relation to the powers and duties of Nisg̱a’a Nation or treaty First Nations under this act.

There is certainly a level of consent required here for the Indigenous governing body or treaty nation as to the application of this act, respective of those nations. So in terms of exercise of statutory powers here, can the minister provide an example whereby a statutory power agreement would be entered into, as defined, which would relate to a power under this bill in respect of an Indigenous governing body?

[3:00 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: For greater clarity, section 1(2) is about requiring consent of an Indigenous governing body before an order can be made to apply to the Indigenous governing body itself as an entity, whereas the statutory power agreements are available in recognition that there is a broader range of impacts that could affect Indigenous peoples. So it provides an avenue for First Nations to enter into a full agreement under section 6 of the Declaration Act, which would require a broader range of decisions to be made jointly or by consent.

By way of providing a specific example, the province could enter into a consent-based decision-making agreement with an Indigenous governing body that sets out that the Indigenous governing body must consent before the minister exercises the power to prohibit the carrying on of a type of business in a localized area. That’s one example.

M. Lee: To have the minister elaborate further on the example…. I appreciate that we’re doing it in the context of the definition. We certainly will have an opportunity again to walk through this when we get to clause 37. While we have the point here, the minister is giving an example where, in an Indigenous governing body, the consent of that IGB would be required in respect of the carrying on of a business. That’s obviously in the case of some sort of emergency or some other mandate by the ministry under this bill.

Presumably, in an emergency-type situation — where there’s an emergency management plan that has a particular action that needs to be taken by the provincial administrator, for example — before that provincial administrator exercises the duty or responsibility contemplated under this bill, the statutory power of agreement would contemplate that the consent of the Indigenous governing body must be obtained prior to the exercise of that statutory power by the provincial administrator. Is that correct?

[3:05 p.m. - 3:10 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: A section 6 agreement or — I have to make sure I get those two phrases right — statutory power agreement can involve any statutory power provided within the EDMA.

Clause 33 approved.

On clause 34.

M. Lee: When we were discussing the definitions under clause 1, we had some discussion utilizing examples around an Indigenous governing body. As the minister might recall, we had some discussion, by way of example, of a tribal council that might be recognized by the government as being an Indigenous governing body — recognizing, again, the minister clearly indicated that it is up to the nation, Indigenous community, to determine that.

When it comes to coordination agreements in clause 34 — for example, sub-subclause 34(1)(a)(ii), “the exercise of the inherent right of self-government by the Indigenous governing body in responding to or recovering from an emergency….”

When we’re talking about the Indigenous governing body here entering into a coordination agreement, and where you have a tribal council representing separate First Nations which themselves are Indigenous governing bodies, to what degree does this coordination agreement that the minister would enter into under this clause need to ensure that there is direct accountability, transparency to those individual First Nations as represented by the tribal council?

[3:15 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: If a First Nation or a number of First Nations were to identify to us that a certain tribal council was their Indigenous government body for the purposes of emergency management or components of emergency management, however they indicate that to us — it could be through a letter or another format — we would take that at face value. The relationship, then, between the First Nation and the IGB for those purposes would be more of an internal matter for the First Nation and their identified Indigenous governing body. We would not interfere in that relationship.

Having said that, it is entirely possible that in indicating to us that a tribal council is the Indigenous governing body for a First Nation for the purposes of emergency management, they may also indicate that they would like to be kept in the loop directly by us. That’s completely available as well. It depends on what the First Nation has communicated to us is their preferred contact point for the Indigenous governing body.

I’ll give an example of something that has happened already, recognizing that the concept of Indigenous governing body in legislation is new to EDMA. We have had situations where the First Nation has clearly identified to us that they wish for the tribal council to be our point of contact for emergency management purposes.

Under certain leadership, they’ve actually not been interested in speaking directly with us as a First Nation. Rather, they prefer all communications to go through the tribal council. But there may also be other First Nations that identify a tribal council but also indicate that they would like to continue to receive certain types of information directly. We accommodate both of those scenarios.

M. Lee: Really, the conversation that we’ve been having in respect of this particular item and what the minister has responded to just now are certainly consistent with her previous responses in respect to the definitions.

It’s just an area around governance between tribal councils and First Nations. I appreciate the respect or sensitivity in terms of the government’s view on how First Nations may indicate their wish that a tribal council represent underlying nations in respect of emergency management in the course of this bill.

Checks and balances, perhaps, is one way of saying it, in terms of the internal arrangements between the tribal council. The First Nation will be something, also, to be considered. That may well be the matter, as the minister suggests, for the individual First Nation and the tribal council themselves.

I would just say that when we go back to the Indigenous governing body definition that’s brought into this bill, it certainly speaks to the entity that is authorized to act on behalf of Indigenous peoples that hold rights recognized and affirmed by section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982. Generally speaking, that, first and foremost, would speak to the rights and title holders of nations in our province — the 204 that are recognized as such.

The role that a tribal council plays may have some authority as designated by those rights and title holders, as do other governing bodies. The bodies that have been consulted with in our province, which this ministry has consulted with, for example, have some level of delegated authority from those rights and title holders. But ultimately, it’s the rights and titleholders themselves, of course, that are the entities that are authorized to act on behalf of Indigenous peoples that hold the rights.

[3:20 p.m.]

The Indigenous peoples themselves, of course, are members of those individual nations on a distinct basis. So, as we go forward, and we find ourselves in situations where members of a First Nation, like the Lytton First Nation, for example, that have expressed concerns about a lack of involvement or understanding as to what the emergency response or recovery phase of Lytton has been, this is where the responsibility comes to the Lytton First Nation as an Indigenous governing body.

Now I appreciate the example the minister provided, which is consistent with the approach that I’ve been also trying to take for many items under this bill — to review them without necessarily talking about specific examples with specific nations in mind. I think that that is a constructive way of asking and responding to questions.

I also think, as I indicated on day two of this committee stage…. As the member from Cariboo Chilcotin asked about at the beginning of our committee stage, what lessons were learned in Lytton? But also, what lessons were learned from other situations of wildfires and disasters in our province? It is also helpful to speak about specific examples, because this is a highly technical framework–type bill.

I do think that given the nature of part 3, the highly technical interpretations relating to the different forms of agreements…. I do think that…. Certainly myself, I hear from members of First Nations, including in Lytton, about their own concerns to ensure that their concerns about recovery and response to what happened in Lytton is ongoing.

I believe, certainly, it’s the responsibility of the government to ensure that when it is entering into coordination agreements as proposed by this clause 34, there ought to be some level of accountability review done. Perhaps that’s one way of asking the question here, which is….

When I look at these provisions that describe what a coordination agreement does, I don’t actually see any levels of reporting or accountability measures back to the Indigenous peoples on behalf of whom an Indigenous governing body is representing or acting. When I focus again on the definition of “Indigenous governing body” under DRIPA, there is a responsibility by an Indigenous governing body to act on behalf of Indigenous peoples that hold those rights.

It’s certainly my view that this government needs to ensure that an Indigenous governing body is acting responsibly. I appreciate, again, the respect. I appreciate that since this bill, and I mean DRIPA, was presented four years ago, it was always about, by this government’s interpretation, that we need to have the First Nation or Indigenous nation itself define what it means.

But I can tell you that when I’m getting contacted by members of Indigenous communities, including in Lytton, about a lack of transparency and accountability by the Indigenous governing body that is representing them, I do think that there need to be components in this bill, even in a coordination agreement, that have some level of transparency and accountability to those members.

So again to the minister, why are there no provisions dealing with accountability measures or transparency measures to Indigenous peoples represented by these Indigenous governing bodies as part of these coordination agreements?

[3:25 p.m. - 3:30 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: Off the top, I will note that subsection 34(7) does require that each coordination agreement be published and any amendments to each agreement be published so that there is some reporting and, I guess, public sharing of those coordination agreements.

While the EDMA does not legislate duties and obligations on Indigenous governing bodies, does not include specific reporting or communication requirements between Indigenous governing bodies and their membership, certainly it is possible for those aspects to be included in a coordination agreement. During the collaborative development process, where we worked closely with First Nations partners on the development of EDMA, we heard a very strong desire that the requirements for agreements not be overly prescriptive in the EDMA, in order to provide maximum flexibility for how those agreements are structured.

Certainly, in terms of accountability between the Indigenous governing body, the First Nation that has assigned them and the membership of the First Nation, it really is for those community members to decide whether their First Nation or the subsequent Indigenous governing body that is being appointed to serve as the Indigenous governing body on behalf of the First Nation in the context of emergency management is communicating and doing the job that they expect.

It’s an important part of self-determination that the Indigenous peoples are able to identify their own First Nations governments. We would not interfere with that process.

E. Ross: I seek leave to make an introduction.

Leave granted.

Introductions by Members

E. Ross: The mayor of Terrace is here today. I did introduce him during question period in the big House, but the mayor of Terrace has taken an interest in the Emergency and Disaster Management Act as it relates to municipalities, especially Terrace, in our region of Skeena.

Would the little House please make welcome the mayor of Terrace.

Debate Continued

M. Lee: I appreciate my colleague the member for Skeena introducing the mayor of Terrace. Hopefully, the mayor of Terrace has a little more time, because we’re going to be at part 3 for a bit here, which does relate to Indigenous governing bodies. Certainly, to the extent….

As we come into areas around agreements with the Nisg̱a’a Nation or treaty First Nations, because they’re also defined and viewed as a local authority under this bill, there may be some learnings there of interest to the mayor of Terrace.

I want to just come back to the minister’s response, which does suggest that in the form of coordination agreement, there may be some requirements relating to accountability and transparency. I’ll just park that for a moment.

The minister also indicated, though, that they would be published. So let me just ask that smaller question first.

The requirements under section 7 of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act…. At least in the case of decision-making agreements, it does require that an agreement that is entered into under section 7 of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act be published in the Gazette. Is that where the coordination agreement will be published?

[3:35 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: The term “publish” is defined in section 1 in a way that allows greater flexibility for how these agreements might be published. It could be the Gazette. It could also be an additional website or additional formats.

We are working with the Ministry of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation to determine the best way to ensure that these coordination agreements are published in a way that is as accessible as possible.

M. Lee: I see that the definition of “publish,” certainly, as the minister points out, is in accordance with the regulations, which are to be determined.

It’s just of interest to me, of course, that in DRIPA…. When this government brought it forward, it was clearly spelled out that it would be in the Gazette. It’s not to be spelled out by regulation.

I think it’s just a small example of the lack of clarity in this bill. The definition of “publish”…. For something as important as a coordination agreement, I…. If we’re talking about how emergency response, provincial response, recovery phase, local authority response and recovery phase….

Certainly, the mayor of Terrace is here to hear about how coordination agreements will be entered into. Where does the mayor of Terrace need to go to find these agreements? Are they buried on some website?

I think, obviously, given the nature of this agreement with an Indigenous governing body, it should be by way of the Gazette. That was the standard that was set out in the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act.

Again, why is it that with the standard that was set of high disclosure under the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act, when it comes to entering into a decision-making agreement with an Indigenous governing body in this province, the agreement is not published in the Gazette?

[3:40 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: The member might have misspoken. I think I heard the publishing of decision-making agreements. I assume, given that we’re on section 34, that the member meant coordination agreements and the publishing of coordination agreements. So that’s what we’re referring to right now.

Certainly, I hear the member’s feedback on the value of publishing coordination agreements in the Gazette. We can certainly get there through the regulation. That being said, part 1 of the Gazette publishes weekly, and part 2 of the Gazette publishes biweekly — which, I think, for most purposes, is frequent enough.

[3:45 p.m.]

Most coordination agreements we anticipate being entered into in advance of an emergency situation. However, it is possible for a coordination agreement to be entered into during an emergency situation, where weekly or biweekly publishing is actually not responsive enough for our ability to get coordination agreements out when time is of the essence.

The use of the term “publish” under subsection 34(7), in reference to the definition under section 1, was in relation to that, I guess, scenario that was contemplated — that there may be situations where a coordination agreement is being entered into very rapidly. This definition provides greater flexibility around how the primary publishing mechanism can be.

Having said that, I do hear the member’s feedback on the value of the Gazette for most cases.

M. Lee: Just to clarify, I was certainly referring to decision-making agreements as contemplated under publication requirement under the DRIPA act, the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act, as it might apply as a standard of its disclosure or publication for coordination agreements under Bill 31.

I appreciate the response from the minister. It just raises another question for me, which is: what parties or other individuals, community members, in the minister’s view, need to be aware of the terms of a coordination agreement?

[3:50 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: We would consider all decision-makers that have powers, duties or obligations in response and recovery to emergency management within the geographic area that the coordination agreement applies as well as all Indigenous and non-Indigenous members of the public that may be affected.

I guess this also speaks to the value of having greater flexibility around the requirement to publish, in terms of format and place, given that most members of the public don’t frequent the Gazette. It is a very useful publication, but we anticipate a need to publish more broadly than that.

M. Lee: In terms of what might be dealt with under a coordination agreement, are there any funding resources from the government to an Indigenous governing body that might be contemplated under a coordination agreement?

Hon. B. Ma: As expected, the EDMA itself does not legislate funding or resourcing, as those kinds of decisions go through the Treasury Board process and the budgeting and estimates process. However, we are mindful that there may be resource requirements to support the development of coordination agreements, yes.

M. Lee: The resources that an Indigenous governing body may require in order to develop a coordination agreement would come with Treasury Board approval. Is that correct?

Hon. B. Ma: Certainly, any kind of provincial spending above and beyond what is already allocated in our budget would have to go through a Treasury Board process. We have the annual budget process and the estimates process as well. It would follow that usual process for obtaining financial resources for government.

M. Lee: Is it the intention with this bill that the ministry would develop a budget allocation for this ministry in order to enter into coordination agreements with Indigenous governing bodies in this province? And if that’s the case, what would be the approach by the ministry to determine how many Indigenous governing bodies this ministry would attempt to enter into these types of coordination agreements with?

[3:55 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: This is a bit of a challenging question for me to answer right now. It would require me to almost anticipate the outcomes of Treasury Board processes before they have been confirmed and approved.

[F. Donnelly in the chair.]

What I can say is…. We are acutely aware of what we have been hearing from emergency management partners, local governments, regional districts and First Nations about potential resourcing requirements to support the implementation of EDMA. Certainly, it is our intention to seek financial supports, as appropriate, and to provide that support to the greatest level possible.

[4:00 p.m.]

We are currently in conversations with several potential Indigenous governing bodies who have indicated a high level of interest in entering into coordination agreements. Those kinds of conversations will help inform what kinds of supports might be required for the development of coordination agreements. That information helps inform the kinds of requests that we will be making to the treasury.

M. Lee: We obviously haven’t gotten to part 5, “Provincial response and recovery phases,” but it’s contemplated under this clause 34 that there be coordination agreements relating to “…the exercise of a power or performance of a duty under Part 5….”

In respect of recovery as contemplated under part 5, anticipating what a coordination agreement might pertain to, can the minister give an example as to what we mean when we say that a coordination agreement would set out, with an Indigenous governing body, terms that govern the coordination in respect of “the exercise of the inherent right of self-government by the Indigenous governing body in responding to or recovering from an emergency”? What would be an example of that?

[4:05 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: Coordination agreements are intended to support the coordination of the exercise of a power or performance of a duty between the province and/or a local authority, and the exercise of that power or similar power by the Indigenous governing body in order to try to ensure that there’s coordination and no gaps or conflicts.

An example of a response-related power that might be coordinated could be evacuation orders. Which entity is responsible for issuing evacuation orders within a certain geographic area?

An example of a recovery power can be found in subsection 89(2), where it states that “the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council may, by regulation, prohibit the entry into any structure or onto any land, by any person and for any purpose related to (a) protecting the health, safety or well-being of persons, or the safety of property or of objects or sites of heritage value.”

So a coordination agreement could be created in relation to the exercise of that power by the province and be coordinated in relation to the exercise of a similar power by the IGB.

M. Lee: As the minister cites, by way of an example…. Of course, as we’ve been saying here, it is helpful to address examples, because it brings these technical frameworks to light. I appreciate the minister’s efforts to do that, because I think they’re meaningful examples to consider.

The second example the minister cited in respect of sub 89(2) is, certainly, a direct application of a certain power or performance of a duty under “Part 5 — Provincial Response and Recovery Phases.” In terms of that coordination, it would have the exercise of that power coordinated with the exercise of the inherent right of self-governance by the Indigenous governing body.

Therefore, I would expect the minister to be saying that it would then harmonize those, both the power under this act — in terms of limiting or prohibiting entry for the purpose of, for example, protecting objects or sites of heritage value — as well as the Indigenous self-governance right of the Indigenous governing body.

[4:10 p.m.]

In that level of coordination, when we’re talking about the word “coordination,” and not in the way that we’re talking about it in terms of a decision-making agreement or a statutory power agreement — which is different from a coordination agreement, as we established before — who has the ultimate decision-making authority here in determining that exercise of that recovery power? Is it the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council, or is it the Indigenous governing body?

Hon. B. Ma: The distinction between a coordination agreement is…. What’s worth noting about a coordination agreement is that, unlike a decision-making agreement, a coordination agreement does not change who the decision-maker is. Rather, it affects how the decision-maker is making those decisions.

This is different from a decision-making agreement where, under a decision-making agreement, agreements can be made jointly or by consent. Under a coordination agreement, it’s about…. As an example….

It’s probably better to use examples. A coordination agreement may require that a minister refrain from exercising certain response powers within a geographic area in order to make space for the Indigenous governing body’s inherent right to make those decisions in that space.

The EDMA does not…. It’s about how a local government, the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council or a minister exercises our powers. It does not speak to the exercise of an Indigenous governing body’s power. So it’s about changing the way that we exercise our powers to create the space required for the inherent powers of an Indigenous governing body to take place without creating a conflict.

M. Lee: I appreciate the response.

Certainly, the use of the term “space” by the minister is also consistent with the responses that the former Minister of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation gave when we were considering the adoption of DRIPA four years ago in this chamber. So I appreciate the minister’s recognition of the importance of space from a legislative duty point of view.

I would just say, in considering that…. Does the minister, though…?

[4:15 p.m.]

I do agree again with the minister that it is very helpful to use examples. Just reading through the language of sub 89(2), when we’re talking about protecting objects or sites of heritage value…. The Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council has responsibility in the province, under the Heritage Conservation Act, for example, for objects or sites of heritage value.

What happens when there’s overlapping jurisdiction? When the coordination of spaces actually overlaps in respect of ensuring, in one case, the Indigenous governing body having the inherent right of self-government, which…. I’m sure an Indigenous governing body may point to a particular article of UNDRIP to perhaps demonstrate that — meaning in respect of objects or sites or heritage value, I mean.

What happens when there’s overlap between those two authorities or jurisdictions?

The Chair: The committee will just go into a ten-minute recess.

When we come back, Minister, you can respond to the question.

We’ll come back at 4:25.

The committee recessed from 4:16 p.m. to 4:26 p.m.

[F. Donnelly in the chair.]

The Chair: All right, committee. We’ll call the meeting back to order.

We’re on Bill 31, clause 34. The question has been asked. We will give the minister time to respond.

Hon. B. Ma: For greater clarity, a coordination agreement under the EDMA would only apply to powers provided to the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council minister or local authority through the EDMA. So a coordination agreement created under the EDMA would not speak to any other acts. The Heritage Conservation Act would, therefore, be out of scope for a coordination agreement.

That being said, it’s also worth noting…. When we’re talking about protecting objects or sites of heritage value, it could include contemporary structures as well. An Indigenous governing body identifies an arbour. It could identify a traditional fishing area. It doesn’t necessarily have to be a person-made structure either.

By way of providing a more specific example of how an agreement could apply to the exercise of subsection 89(2)…. A coordination agreement could place a requirement that if the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council is going to restrict entry onto land to protect the heritage site, Indigenous guardians can still access the site to maintain it. That could be an example of an adjustment to how the exercise of that power could be impacted by a coordination agreement.

M. Lee: I just wanted to turn now to clause 34(2). There’s language in this clause that says that a coordination agreement made with an Indigenous governing body may relate to all or part of the traditional territory. Then it says the words “or treaty area of the Indigenous people on whose behalf the Indigenous governing body acts.”

“Traditional territory” we certainly did speak to in terms of the definitions, and “treaty” we did cover, in part, in talking about Nisg̱a’a and Indigenous governing body and treaty nations. But in terms of treaty area here…. How is this term “treaty area” being applied here, alongside of “Indigenous governing body”? Really, when we look at sub (3), we have language that a person might expect, which is “relates to an area that is within Nisg̱a’a Lands or treaty lands of a treaty first nation.”

Are there treaty areas of Indigenous governing bodies?

[4:30 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: The phrase “treaty area” here and throughout the act is used to describe an area that is broader than treaty lands, where the Indigenous governing body of their treaty nation may still have treaty rights.

M. Lee: In terms of an Indigenous governing body, there was a distinction made, separate from Nisg̱a’a and treaty nations. It’s not intended that these treaty areas, for example…. These treaty areas, though, are subject to a jurisdiction, let’s say, that is not of a treaty First Nation. Is that correct?

[4:35 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: When we’re talking about treaty areas, those are areas of the Nisg̱a’a Nation or of a treaty First Nation, which are also Indigenous governing bodies.

M. Lee: The distinction that’s made here by the minister…. We can review the transcript of what has been stated before, but I am under the recollection that there was some sort of division within this bill between an Indigenous governing body and Nisg̱a’a and treaty First Nations.

I am unclear about how…. The way that this bill is drafted, for example, my understanding was that the “local authority” definition included the Nisg̱a’a Nation and treaty First Nation. That is different from how and the reason why there are specific provisions that deal with Indigenous governing bodies.

Just for the minister to clarify again, for “Indigenous governing body” though, it’s intended, then, when we read that term in this bill, that it also captures and is meant to include the Nisg̱a’a Nation and treaty First Nations. Is that correct?

Hon. B. Ma: Yes. For the utmost clarity, the Nisg̱a’a Nation or treaty First Nations are IGBs under this act.

M. Lee: In terms of “treaty area” again, as a term…. Well, is it a term? It is defined in clause 1: “‘treaty area’, in relation to the Nisg̱a’a Nation or a treaty first nation, means a prescribed area.”

[4:40 p.m.]

For treaty area here, we have a definition in this bill that only is defined in one way. That is, if you’re talking about Nisg̱a’a Nation or a treaty First Nation, it means a prescribed area. But if you’re not talking about Nisg̱a’a Nation or a treaty First Nation, it’s not defined. Is that correct?

Hon. B. Ma: The term “treaty area” only has application to the Nisg̱a’a Nation and treaty First Nations. For all other IGBs that are not treaty First Nations or the Nisg̱a’a Nation, the phrase “traditional territory” applies.

M. Lee: I just wanted to clarify the last part of the minister’s response, if she could just repeat that last part. Is she suggesting that for all other nations, it’s traditional territory? If that’s the case, then why is the wording here “traditional territory or treaty area”?

Hon. B. Ma: Subsection (2) reads that “a coordination agreement made with an Indigenous governing body may relate to all or part of the traditional territory or treaty area of the Indigenous people on whose behalf the Indigenous governing body acts.”

[4:45 p.m.]

Recognizing that Indigenous governing bodies include modern treaty nations, like Nisg̱a’a Nation and treaty First Nations, as well as non-treaty nations or other First Nations, the phrase “treaty area” would apply in relation to a coordination agreement made by the Nisg̱a’a Nation or treaty First Nation, and the term “traditional territory” would apply within a coordination agreement with other Indigenous governing bodies.

M. Lee: I take from the minister’s response that the way that this clause is drafted is fairly broadly to encompass the possibilities that the minister just summarized. I will just move on from getting clarity on the record as to that provision. I believe, at least from the minister’s perspective, she’s provided that clarity.

I would just like to turn to 34(4)(b)(ii). It refers to the minister having to consider the rights of the Indigenous peoples on whose behalf the Nisg̱a’a Nation or the treaty First Nation acts. When in the context of entering into a coordination agreement, the minster needs to consider the rights of the Indigenous peoples. Can the minister elaborate on what responsibility the minister will have when it talks about considering the rights. Are we talking about the rights of Indigenous peoples in respect of the nature of this bill, or are we talking about greater rights than just that?

Hon. B. Ma: Under this clause, we would be referring to their section 35 rights.

M. Lee: The next clause may be of interest to our guest the mayor from Terrace, just to the extent that I can point out any particular provision that might be of interest.

It does refer that a coordination agreement may include one or more of the following as parties to the agreement: a local authority, which is defined as including a municipality like the city of Terrace; another Indigenous governing body; a participating authority; the government of Canada; and the government of another jurisdiction of Canada.

This just raises the question around, in both cases…. We did cover yesterday in committee that, generally speaking, a coordination agreement relates to the exercise of powers in a traditional territory or geographic area of common interest to avoid the overlapping exercise of powers in the same area. This is one of the reasons why the coordination agreement is occurring.

When we’re talking about a coordination agreement with one Indigenous governing body and then having another Indigenous governing body join the coordination agreement, presumably the circumstances under which another Indigenous governing body would be invited to enter into that same coordination agreement would suggest that there are overlapping claims of traditional territories or land entitlements between the two Indigenous governing bodies. Is that correct?

[4:50 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: Yes. A coordination agreement can only be entered into in relation to a traditional territory or a treaty area — in which case, in order for multiple Indigenous governing bodies to enter into the same coordination agreement, there would be a territorial overlap.

M. Lee: There are areas of the province where there is significant territorial overlap, using the words the minister just utilized, or at least assertions of territorial overlap between First Nations. For coordination agreements and the effectiveness of the use of these agreements, particularly when you’re a local authority or a participating authority, what efforts will the ministry be making in order to ensure that the parties that are needed to be part of this coordination agreement are actually part of the agreement when it comes to Indigenous governing bodies with overlapping territorial claims?

Hon. B. Ma: Certainly, we would want these coordination agreements to be as effective as possible. In order for coordination agreements to be as effective as possible, all of the right parties would need to be a party to that coordination agreement. It would be our intent to work with Indigenous governing bodies with overlapping territories and that may be interested in a coordination agreement, to bring those parties together into a single agreement.

M. Lee: This may well be a question that the member for Cariboo-Chilcotin may want to pursue — and already has raised in terms of the federal jurisdiction — when we look at coordination agreements, including the possibility that the government of Canada may be a party to the coordination agreement. Knowing of the minister’s review and looking at the mechanism, the importance of these coordination agreements, is it not the case that the government of Canada…?

Well, let’s just ask the question this way. How often does the minister expect that the government of Canada would need to be a party to a coordination agreement in order for it to be effective?

[4:55 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: Coordination agreements are created to achieve two outcomes, one being the coordination of the exercise of a power, performance or duty within the EDMA. Those powers are held either by the provincial government through the minister, Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council or a local authority, and coordinating that with the inherent powers of an IGB.

For that outcome to be effective within a coordination agreement, it is not necessary for other parties to be a part of it, aside from…. Sorry. It is not necessary for the government of Canada, as an example, to be a part of that coordination agreement to achieve that outcome.

Under subsection 34(1)(b), that outcome, which I’ll read out, “to harmonize and coordinate plans, policies and programs in relation to the response and recovery phases….” I would say that ideally, we would be harmonized across all levels of government, including the federal government. However, that being said, it is not necessary for the federal government to be part of a coordination agreement for us to still have a useful agreement in place.

Clause 34 approved.

On clause 35.

M. Lee: Just looking at sub-subclause 35(2)(e), there’s a requirement for “…the Lieutenant Governor in Council, the minister, a local authority or a participating authority to consult and cooperate…with an Indigenous governing body that is a party to the agreement in exercising the power or performing the duty.”

Just in terms of the standard that is to be applied here, so that the…. A local authority like the city of Terrace, for example, would need to know what manner consultation and cooperation….

I appreciate that it does say “in accordance with the agreement,” but as we utilize the terms “consult and cooperate,” what does it mean in the context of this provision in Bill 31?

[5:00 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: Consultation and cooperation requirements do show up in part 5 and part 6 of the bill, and there are specific clauses where consultation and cooperation are identified. This particular section, subsection 35(2)(e), this particular clause, refers to additional consultation and cooperation requirements that might be set out in an agreement, in addition to those that are set out in part 5 and part 6.

Because those consultation and cooperation requirements would be set out by agreement, so would the mechanism or the format of what consultation and cooperation mean for those elements. It will likely depend on the significance of the thing that is being put into the agreement around consultation and cooperation.

What consultation and cooperation could look like, really, would fall on the spectrum. It could be some examples requiring a meeting of technical staff prior to decisions being made. Or it could be as simple as a government-to-government phone call with leadership to have a conversation prior to a decision being made.

Clauses 35 and 36 approved.

On clause 37.

M. Lee: We were having a discussion in relation to coordination agreements, about accountability, transparency and governance. The same question would certainly apply to the entry into decision-making agreements and statutory power agreements. I’m sure the minister would give the same response, so I’m just going to note that the minister has responded in respect of the recognition and respect for Indigenous governing bodies as representative of Indigenous peoples and what that might look like.

[5:05 p.m.]

I would like to ask, though…. As this government continues to utilize greater arrangements around decision-making and statutory power agreements in the manner that is set out in Bill 31 and as we’ve looked at in the definitions as well, has the government considered the level of governance standard and accountability that government may look to for Indigenous governing bodies in the sense of the types of standards and guidance and assistance that has been there from organizations like the First Nations Financial Management Board — which, as I understand it, has helped to guide the government’s processes for Indigenous governing bodies in this province, at least in the case of 80 or more First Nations in British Columbia?

Hon. B. Ma: The answer is yes, government has considered the conditions under which a section 7 agreement would be authorized to take place. Certainly, in order for a minister to be authorized to enter into a section 7 agreement, it would have to be approved by Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council.

M. Lee: I appreciate the response from the minister.

The determination around section 7 agreements…. Section 7 agreements, certainly, both in the case of a decision-making agreement and the statutory power agreement, involve the authorization by Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council.

In terms of the considerations as to whether a minister, under this bill, would be authorized on behalf of government to enter into a section 7 agreement — meaning, in this case, a decision-making agreement or statutory power agreement…. What types of considerations go into that determination as to whether that authorization would be provided to the minister, pursuant to Bill 31?

[5:10 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: I’m going to start off with some clarifying comments to make sure we’re on the same page.

Statutory power agreements are section 6 agreements, whereas decision-making agreements are section 7 agreements. Both section 6 and section 7 agreements will be subject to the same requirements in terms of authorization for the minister to enter into them.

The decision to authorize entering into a section 6 or a section 7 agreement is a cabinet decision, so I’m unable to speak to the kinds of factors that would be discussed around a cabinet table here. Certainly, I can say that it is likely to be highly case-specific and fact-dependent.

We would be conferring with the Ministry of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation as well as the Declaration Act Secretariat prior to seeking a cabinet mandate. Those conversations would most certainly include conversations around transparency and accountability.

[5:15 p.m.]

M. Lee: This clarifies…. I appreciate the response in terms of the substantive area of the response.

In terms of the continued discussion around section 6 and section 7 agreements, my only point is that when you look at statutory power agreements, they effectively bring in all the terms of section 7 of DRIPA. That’s still a discussion we’ve had back and forth.

With that, I have no further questions on clause 37.

Clause 37 approved.

On clause 38.

M. Lee: In terms of the language in sub 38(b), there’s a distinction being drawn here between statutory power of decision versus statutory power. In each case, it refers to section 1 of the Judicial Review Procedure Act.

Can the minister just walk us through the distinction that’s being drawn here, in respect of a statutory power versus a statutory power of decision?

[5:20 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: I was wondering if the member could maybe clarify his question. Is he asking for the definition of statutory power of decision versus statutory power? Or is he asking whether or not a distinction is being made between the two within this clause?

M. Lee: It’s really why this language is here. What’s the purpose of clause 38?

Hon. B. Ma: Subsection 38(b) is an interpretation clause to ensure that the agreements are effective in the context of the statute.

Clause 38 approved.

On clause 39.

L. Doerkson: Thank you for that engagement. We appreciate it. I definitely want to understand a little bit better. The province currently has a comprehensive emergency plan, and of course, in 39, we talk about the development of that. I’m wondering how 39 is going to change the scope of what we currently have in this province for a plan.

[5:25 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: As we may have discussed before around comprehensive emergency management plans, section 39 introduces a streamlined concept of a comprehensive emergency management plan for British Columbia. It is a plan that includes the emergency management plans of lead ministers and clarifies that the responsibility to lead the implementation of the comprehensive emergency management plan lies with Emergency Management and Climate Readiness.

The EDMA, overall, takes a more holistic approach to the development of emergency management plans that encompass all four phases: preparation, mitigation, response and recovery. That information is provided in sections 40 and 41 of the legislation. In compiling all of those different plans from different ministries, which are all more holistic, with four phases, we end up with a comprehensive emergency management plan that is also more holistic and takes a four-phase approach.

That would be, I guess, the update that is provided by the EDMA.

L. Doerkson: I can appreciate the complexities of what the new plan might look like, particularly when we bring all of this information together under this act, from hundreds of communities, regional districts, First Nations and everything else.

How often will this plan have to be reviewed?

[S. Chant in the chair.]

[5:30 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: To reiterate clarification that we had provided around the comprehensive emergency management plan during our conversations in section 1 of the legislation, the comprehensive emergency management plan is a compilation of all of the lead ministries’ emergency management plans. It does not include the hundreds of local governments and First Nations and other organizations — just for clarity.

That being said, to the member’s question around how often the comprehensive emergency management plan will be updated, as per section 39, it will be determined by regulation. It hasn’t been set out yet. However, I can share that one of the factors that we would certainly consider is the fact that emergency management plans really have to be iterative. They can’t be created once and sit on a shelf for 30 years, especially given the realities of climate change and how quickly that is changing the circumstances around various hazards.

The review of each lead ministry’s emergency management plan may be a continuous effort, depending on the hazard. So it really is hazard-dependent. That being said, I will also offer that in the public engagement for local government, local authorities regulation that is happening right now, one of the questions that we ask local authorities is their opinion on a regular update cycle. And certainly what we hear back from that public consultation will no doubt inform the kind of cycle that might be put upon the comprehensive emergency management plan required by the province of itself.

L. Doerkson: Thank you for the clarity around that.

I guess, then, that really creates one more question, and that is: why wouldn’t those plans be a part of it? I mean, there’s so much effort, I think, going to be involved in this. And the minister mentioned change. No question that the change that we’ve seen on the landscape, frankly, in even the last month or two has been incredible.

I guess that’s really the reason for my question. It just seems that we should have clarity around whether it’s a yearly check-in or whether it’s a monthly check-in. I just think that things are changing so quickly.

I guess two questions. Again, why wouldn’t this be a compilation of everything else, or why wouldn’t that be included in the plan? And then secondly, is there any indication of a timeline for review? I mean, I can appreciate that that may be at the minister’s discretion, and if that’s the case, then I’d like to hear that.

[5:35 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: The comprehensive emergency management plan is really a provincial emergency management plan, which is why it includes only provincial-level emergency management plans. Whereas for local authorities their plans will be focused on actions taken by a local authority at a more local level.

That being said, section 40 does require for the provincial administrator to consult and coordinate with local authorities in a prescribed class of local authorities and consider any comments received from a local authority consulted in accordance to paragraph 1 when developing a comprehensive emergency management plan. So even if we’re not actively collecting every single emergency management plan, we are certainly incorporating their feedback, their comments, in the development of the emergency management plan.

I apologize. I forgot the second part of your question. To answer the second part of your question, it will be a similar answer to the response I provided earlier, that the regulation hasn’t been set yet for the cycle in which the comprehensive emergency management plan would need to be updated. However, we would consider a number of factors that we had outlined before.

In terms of the cycle for local government, local authority emergency management plans, it’s one of the active questions within our public engagement with local authorities on the development of the regulation.

Clause 39 approved.

On section 40.

[5:40 p.m.]

L. Doerkson: Thanks for the answer that the minister just provided with respect to clause 39.

I don’t recall ever talking about the timeline for that. I can appreciate that the regulation is coming. I think I’ve noted my concern about that.

Under clause 40, just one quick question. I can appreciate that this consultation is referring to ongoing work and that type of thing. My question around this is….

I think the minister may have heard this. Some of the RDs and certainly the local governments have expressed some frustration around this topic, just the consultation piece in general. I’m wondering, I guess, if the minister has, perhaps, heard those same comments. If the minister has, are there any thoughts or anything being contemplated to improve that communication process?

Hon. B. Ma: If I can clarify. Is the question related specifically to the development of a comprehensive emergency management plan, or is that a broader question around communications?

L. Doerkson: Just in general terms. We’ve talked a lot about this in earlier clauses. It just struck me that I have had a few regional districts, frankly, that feel like they’ve been kind of disconnected from the process.

Now, I can appreciate that this is talking about building things as we go forward and that type of thing. I’m just wondering if the ministry has noted the same concerns that have been conveyed to me. If the ministry has, is there any conversation around improvements in the communications with these local governments, which will be imperative, of course, going forward?

[The bells were rung.]

The Chair: Members of the committee, a division has been called in the main House. We will recess until six o’clock. Thank you.

The committee recessed from 5:42 p.m. to 6 p.m.

[S. Chant in the chair.]

The Chair: I call the committee to order. We are on clause 40.

Hon. B. Ma: Certainly, we do recognize the importance of engaging with local authorities, local governments and regional districts, particularly given the types of regulations that we are working on developing. For the purposes of describing our engagement process moving forward, we have launched an engagement process on regulations for local authorities’ post-emergency financial assistance, as the member knows.

Two discussion papers, one on each, have been developed and released, with specific questions for regional districts as well as for local governments. The discussion papers, as well as invitations to virtual sessions, have been sent to regional district chairs and mayors, as well as to staff. We’re very hopeful that they’ll participate in those virtual sessions and provide feedback by the end of the year.

In regard to the legislation, I will note that section 40 is designed to facilitate communications with local authorities. It is our intention to always be improving in terms of how we engage with and communicate with local authorities.

L. Doerkson: I’ll just make, maybe, one last plea. It’s not a question but just a plea. You know, this is such an important topic. Local governments, all of them, really want a piece of this and to be involved in a big way. Anyhow, thank you very much for that.

Clause 40 approved.

On clause 41.

[6:05 p.m.]

M. Lee: The reference here…. I’m not going to necessarily take this in order just yet, but just jump to sub 41(1)(d). It says that in the case of an emergency management plan, the provincial administrator must make reasonable efforts to reach agreement respecting areas to be described in the plan for the purposes of section 90.

The reasonable effort standard. The question to the minister is: if the provincial administrator is not…? I appreciate that the obligation is to use reasonable efforts, but in the instance where an agreement is not reached, what happens then?

[6:10 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: Subsection 41(d) relates to section 90, which refers to provincial obligations to consult and coordinate when exercising specific response and recovery powers. If agreement is not reached under subsection (d) respecting areas to be described in the plan for the purposes of section 90, we would effectively be in the same situation that we are in right now. The way we currently operate is that we still attempt to consult, coordinate and communicate with the First Nations that we believe will be affected by the exercise of a response recovery power.

An example of how this is carried out…. We’ll go back to the travel restriction order, the travel order restricting non-essential travel for the purposes of occupying temporary accommodations order. Prior to the issuance of that order, I personally called the leadership of each First Nation who had communities within the areas we were contemplating for the order, to ask them whether they wanted to be a part of that order or not.

We do attempt to consult, cooperate, communicate with First Nations now, but with the provisions and duties and obligations introduced in the EDMA, we hope to be able to establish the understanding of the affected areas ahead of time so that we’re not guessing. I think that is an important improvement.

M. Lee: The specifics of the agreement, the nature of it, we can address further when we get to clause 90 of this bill.

Just coming back to the term “Indigenous knowledge” in sub 41(1)(c). When we’re talking about incorporating into the plan Indigenous knowledge, if available…. When we’re talking about “if available,” those two words at the tail end of that clause suggest if it’s made available by, presumably, the Indigenous governing body. Is that correct?

[6:15 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: Yes. If available being if it’s been provided by be it an Indigenous governing body or a First Nation or Indigenous peoples.

M. Lee: Clause 160 of this bill certainly contemplates the confidentiality restrictions around Indigenous knowledge, but it also does have the usual carve-out for confidentiality restrictions as it pertains to confidential information or knowledge not just specific even to Indigenous knowledge. That is without restriction if the Indigenous knowledge is publicly available.

In the case of this provision, if that Indigenous knowledge is already publicly available, then, presumably, there is no restriction on the ability of the plan — that is, in the preparation of the comprehensive emergency management plan or emergency management plan under section 39. That Indigenous knowledge would be incorporated as part of that plan. Is that correct?

Hon. B. Ma: That is correct. There is no restriction on the use of publicly available Indigenous knowledge, although we would endeavour to reach out to the First Nation or Indigenous governing body to consult with them on its use and relevance to the comprehensive emergency management plan and make sure that, I guess, there are no issues with incorporating that information into the plan.

M. Lee: In the incorporation of Indigenous knowledge into an emergency management plan as contemplated under section 39…. Depending on the type of Indigenous knowledge that we’re talking about, in many cases, let’s say, it’s entirely possible, of course, that that Indigenous knowledge is confidential to the nation itself. Is the incorporation of Indigenous knowledge, though, meant to help shape the emergency management plan in a way that…?

[6:20 p.m.]

In terms of transparency to local authorities or other local bodies that have interest in how the emergency management plan is shaping, is the minister comfortable in terms of how Indigenous knowledge of a confidential basis will potentially constrain the development or the transparency around the management plan itself?

Hon. B. Ma: Yes. We are confident in the protection of that confidential information, given the provisions of section 160.

Further to the member’s point, I think…. I definitely do acknowledge that Indigenous knowledge may come in the form of identifying specific sites of importance to First Nations or Indigenous governing bodies that they do not want to have publicly known. I can contemplate a number of ways that we can continue to incorporate that kind of information into emergency management plans.

One example is, perhaps, the identification of a broader area within which there may be a site of importance. Therefore, it acts as a flag for emergency managers that prior to taking an action within that area, they should reach out to the affected First Nation to consult and cooperate.

[6:25 p.m.]

We could also contemplate being told where specific sites are and having that influence the emergency management plan without necessarily disclosing what the specific Indigenous knowledge that informed that aspect of the emergency management plan is.

We would certainly look to Indigenous governing bodies and First Nations on how best to share or not to share that information. We would take guidance from them on that. The alternative would be for that kind of information to not be shared, and then it wouldn’t be incorporated into the emergency management plan. It would have no utility.

I think the short answer is yes. We are confident in our ability to incorporate that kind of information without breaking confidentiality of the manner in which the information is being provided to us.

L. Doerkson: The minister just touched on something that tweaked my mind to a question as well with respect to archaeology information. I know that we’re having some challenges on the land base because some of that is being kept private and, frankly, with the suggestion that we’re trying to protect those areas from people that might choose to just cause some destruction. My fear is what happens if we don’t know that information and what may happen to a site accidentally, if you will.

I wonder how the government may manage that or how you might approach that because I would hate to see a cat making a fireguard through something that would be noted as a sensitive area. I can appreciate completely the sensitivity around this, but I want to understand, if you wouldn’t mind, a bit more clearly how that might be protected.

Hon. B. Ma: I think the member’s question speaks to my previous answer on this, which is that by receiving that kind of Indigenous knowledge about sensitive areas, even if that information is kept confidential in a number of ways, we can still find ways to incorporate that information into our emergency management plan.

As an example, if the Indigenous governing body or the First Nation chooses to keep a site of archaeological importance private, they may provide us with a generic area within which they have areas that are sensitive. That would indicate to us, the province or B.C. Wildfire Service, that consultation needs to happen before we create a firebreak in the area. At that point, when we’re actually in an emergency situation, then I think the conversations may evolve to suit the circumstances.

For instance, an Indigenous governing body or a First Nation may not wish to disclose the exact location generally for an emergency management plan. But during an actual emergency, when a firebreak is actually being planned and may actually take place, those conversations may change.

Clauses 41 and 42 approved.

On clause 43.

L. Doerkson: This is along the same lines. I just have one question on this section and that is simply: who will have access to these continuity plans?

[6:30 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: The act does not require the publishing of business continuity plans, largely in recognition of the fact that not all aspects of a business continuity plan or not all business continuity plans you want to make public. It may constitute a security risk. Within the organizations that would have access to business continuity plans, it would be up to the organization to manage access within their own organization.

L. Doerkson: That’s exactly what I was sort of getting at. But are we confusing the continuity plan that the government will put together for the continuity of government with other business continuity plans? The reason I’m asking that is that I do have the same question, and if the minister chose to answer that now, we won’t have to ask it later.

That really is my concern: the security that the minister just mentioned. But also, with respect to business continuity plans for some of those critical infrastructure owners, they may not want to share some of these details, just for competitive reasons and other reasons. I also think that they do kind of expose themselves in a number of ways.

I can appreciate that the minister may say, “Let’s discuss that when we get there,” but we won’t have to if we answer it now.

[6:35 p.m.]

Hon. B. Ma: Yes, I can confirm that the response I provided under section 43 does apply to other business continuity plans as well, although I will note that under section 50, there is a provision that allows the provincial administrator to specifically request a copy of critical infrastructure owners’ risk assessments, emergency management plans and business continuity plans. But generally speaking, there’s no requirement to publish publicly those plans.

For greater assurance to the member, I’ll note that section 167 speaks to sensitive information of the nature that the member has raised. We can also work on that when we get there.

L. Doerkson: Thank you for that. I’ll pay a little more attention to 160 in a moment.

I can appreciate that the minister is in a position not to publish it. Is there an example of who might request this information or why the minister might…?

Maybe that’s the question. Why might the minister share this information, and who might it be shared with — under both, by the way: the government and also the business plans?

Hon. B. Ma: I believe the question was: under what circumstances might a business continuity plan be shared by the minister, or otherwise, publicly? I think an example might be through an FOI request, although there are, of course, provisions under a separate act that would protect sensitive information of any information that we were releasing.

Clauses 43 to 46 inclusive approved.

On clause 47.

L. Doerkson: I know we’ve discussed this situation much under definitions, and I know we’ve talked about it quite a bit. I have a couple of questions around timelines.

In 47(2), it does suggest that subject to regulations, “a local authority must,” and then, of course, it defines a couple of things that local authorities must do.

[6:40 p.m.]

One of the concerns that I’ve had — the minister, I’m sure, is clear on that by now — is about the regulations and the development of them. I guess what I’m trying to understand better in this clause is: on what sort of a timeline would the ministry expect to see these regulations developed? What would be the timeline for developing a plan — either (a) or (b), for instance — after those regulations are created?

Hon. B. Ma: In the discussion paper for the development of local authority regulations, it identifies an intention to complete the regulation in 2024. In terms of the timelines for bringing local authorities into compliance to that regulation, that’s one of the areas that we are actively consulting on right now.

All this said, I certainly did hear, from opposition members and the critic himself, a desire for greater line of sight into the development of regulations, given that there’s so much that is being developed outside of this particular debate process. We anticipate developing what-we-heard reports following the engagement session, not only for the development of a local authorities regulation but also for the post-disaster financial assistance regulation.

We’d be happy to set up a dedicated engagement for opposition members to support the development of that regulation through conversation. If the member believes that that would be helpful, we’d be happy to put that together, likely in early 2024, although the timelines will be based on, basically, when the what-we-heard report is developed.

Noting the hour, I move that the committee rise, report progress and ask leave to sit again.

Motion approved.

The committee rose at 6:45 p.m.


PROCEEDINGS IN THE
BIRCH ROOM

Committee of the Whole House

BILL 32 — PROVINCIAL SYMBOLS AND
HONOURS AMENDMENT ACT, 2023

The House in Committee of the Whole (Section C) on Bill 32; S. Chant in the chair.

The committee met at 2:57 p.m.

The Chair: Good afternoon, Members. I call Committee of the Whole on Bill 32, Provincial Symbols and Honours Amendment Act, 2023, to order.

On clause 1.

T. Wat: I would like to ask the minister: has the ministry consulted with diverse Indigenous groups in British Columbia about designating a fossil as the province’s emblem? If so, were there any concerns raised by those groups?

Hon. L. Popham: Yes, there was engagement with local First Nations where this fossil was discovered.

T. Wat: So there’s engagement with First Nation groups, right? Did I hear the minister right? Can the minister name who those First Nation groups are or any band that the minister can talk about?

Hon. L. Popham: The ones that I can let the member know about right now are the K’ómoks Nation, Wei Wai Kai and Wei Wai Kum. We can get a more fulsome list for the member, if she wants.

T. Wat: Thank you for the minister’s response. I’m kind of surprised why the minister has to get the list without having to respond right away if she has engaged in a fulsome kind of consultation with the First Nations.

[3:00 p.m.]

Hon. L. Popham: The consultation was done in 2018, while the vote was taking place. We have full records of those consultations. We don’t have them with us today, but we are happy to share them.

T. Wat: I’m quite surprised that the minister has made the decision to present the bill in the Legislature. This year is 2023, and the engagement, the consultation, was done in 2018, going back five years ago. So with five years, anything can happen.

I don’t understand why there wasn’t any up-to-date consultation with First Nation groups.

Hon. L. Popham: Our fossil management office has ongoing consultation with nations around fossils and the management of fossils.

The initial consultation specific to this fossil was started in 2018, but conversations continue along the way. I can tell the member that I visited the museum where the work on this fossil has been housed and led from. There was a representative from the K’ómoks Nation there, and there seemed to be a lot of happiness that this was moving forward.

As far as specific details around official consultation that has been documented, those records can be provided to the member.

T. Wat: Definitely, we would like to have the record. But I’m still a little bit bewildered that when the minister decided to present this bill…. When I first raised this question, the minister didn’t seem to remember whether there was an engagement. Has the minister read the record, the report about the engagement that was done in 2018?

As I said, five years have passed. I’m still surprised that there’s no consultation, up to date, with the First Nation concerning this fossil being proclaimed as the emblem.

Hon. L. Popham: I’m not sure where the confusion lies, but there was consultation done. Those records can be given to the member if she wants.

T. Wat: My confusion is that the minister cannot tell me the content of the consultation. I guess the consultation took place in 2018, five years ago. It looks like the minister hasn’t dug up the report. The staff hasn’t sent the report to the minister for her to read.

[3:05 p.m.]

Five years have passed. The whole political climate is different. I think we need to consult the First Nation by having the decision to proclaim this fossil…. I still cannot understand why there’s no up-to-date consultation with the First Nations group.

The Chair: Member, just to be aware, I believe the minister has in fact answered the question. If she chooses to answer again, that would be fine. But if you could move on to another line, that would be great. Thank you.

Hon. L. Popham: I think I have answered this question, but I’ll answer one more time.

There is ongoing engagement with First Nations in our fossil management office. There are visitations to sites done by this office and continuing conversations. So we feel that there was a consultation done, that there were opportunities for nations to raise concerns. No concerns were raised. In fact, the visit that I had in Comox just a month and a half ago seemed to be very positive.

There have been a lot of opportunities to raise issues if there were issues. We feel that nations are supporting this process moving forward.

T. Wat: I just would like to put on record that we would like to have the official consultation — as the minister said, 2018.

The minister stressed that the fossil management office also has ongoing discussion and engagement with all the First Nations groups. I’m sure there should be a record, and we would like to have the record of when it took place. Ongoing, meaning from 2018 all the way to before the bill was presented? What are the groups, and when did it happen? We would like to get that kind of information.

I would like the minister to tell us if were there any specific considerations regarding why this particular fossil was chosen over the other fossils.

Hon. L. Popham: It was an exciting process, actually, how this particular fossil was chosen.

There were seven different fossils that were put forward. Those were chosen by the B.C. Paleontological Alliance — those working with the province and the alliance. Those were the seven that went forward to a public vote.

[3:10 p.m.]

There was time — I think it was three months — where a public poll was posted on engage B.C. This was from August 15 to November 23. This was in 2018.

This resulted in approximately 5,000 votes cast. Out of the seven candidates, this particular fossil received 48 percent of the vote. The runner-up fossil only received 15 percent. It was an overwhelming vote for this fossil, and that’s how it was decided.

T. Wat: Thank you, Minister, for the detailed response. I will come back to this.

I just want to ask another question. Does the minister plan to use this new fossil emblem to boost the B.C. tourism industry?

Hon. L. Popham: Well, I guess the short answer is: of course. Canada is one of the top areas for fossils, and B.C. is quite an attraction for paleontologists from around the globe. Any chance we have to identify just another reason for people to come to British Columbia, we’ll do so.

This fossil is added to a list of emblems that are our official emblems in the province. We’re really proud to have this one. Kids, as we know, love fossils. This is perhaps just another campaign to attract people to learn more about our geological history.

T. Wat: Thank you, Minister. I’m so excited that the minister said yes.

Is there any plan for how to use this new fossil emblem to boost the tourism industry? Is there any budget allocated, or is there any detailed plan? How long will it take for whatever plan that you have?

Hon. L. Popham: I think our plan is to try to get this passed first, and then we can have those discussions. I feel like the opportunities are endless with something like this. I’m happy to start having those conversations, but it hasn’t passed yet.

T. Wat: It will, soon.

The minister just now was saying that the votes took place in 2018. I want to confirm that I heard it clearly — 2018, right? I wonder why it has taken so long for the ministry to present this bill to the House.

Hon. L. Popham: Yes, the vote started in 2018. As the member will know from having been in government, there is a lot of work to make sure that something moves through a legislative calendar. A reminder that this also started as a private member’s bill.

[3:15 p.m.]

Just as a side note, the work on this has been going on for a very long time, even under the member’s government, with the late minister, Stan Hagen. The community has been interested in this for a very long time, and we found a way to move it in as a government bill and fit it into the legislative calendar this fall.

As I think I stated in second reading, it does seem like it has taken a bit of time, but in fossil years, it’s not that long.

T. Wat: It takes millions, billions, right?

Since the minister mentioned the private member…. I just wonder: why did the government not support the private member’s bill when it was introduced by the member for Courtenay-Comox, especially considering all the significant resources invested in pursuing this as a bill introduced by the ministry?

Hon. L. Popham: When it was originally introduced, there was already a full legislative calendar and schedule. So this was our first opportunity.

Clauses 1 and 2 approved.

Title approved.

Hon. L. Popham: I move that the committee rise and report the bill complete without amendment.

Motion approved.

The Chair: This committee will rise while I go down and report, and we’ll reconvene in ten minutes, please.

The committee rose at 3:18 p.m.

Committee of the Whole House

BILL 29 — ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT
AMENDMENT ACT, 2023

The House in Committee of the Whole (Section C) on Bill 29; S. Chant in the chair.

The committee met at 3:30 p.m.

On clause 1.

The Chair: Members. I call Committee of the Whole on Bill 29, Environmental Management Amendment Act, 2023, to order.

The minister would like to make some remarks.

Hon. G. Heyman: I just want to introduce the two staff people who are supporting me today. On my left is Laurel Nash, assistant deputy minister, environmental protection division. On my right is Christa Zacharias-Homer, the director of the bonding strategy.

I would just say that I look forward to the four days of intense questioning that the opposition critic has promised me.

R. Merrifield: Thank you to the minister for the introduction and for the enthusiasm towards the next four days. I also just want to thank staff for the briefing call and to see you guys in person and not just on a video screen. Thanks so much for being here today.

I’ll start by just asking some more broad-based or general questions. Could the minister share who was consulted on this bill and over what time period?

Hon. G. Heyman: We have an extensive list here. Once we accepted the mandate, we undertook preliminary engagement with Indigenous peoples and key stakeholders. A broad engagement on our discussion paper took place April to May 2022. There were six virtual public engagement sessions and five virtual engagement sessions with First Nations and organizations that took place between April 20 and May 5, 2022.

We received responses from the Engage B.C. feedback form. There were 67 online entries and, through written submissions, 16 letters and five emails.

From December 2021 to March 2022, both Environment and Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation met with the following external organizations to introduce the project and identify next steps: the government of Alaska; the First Nations Energy and Mining Council; the Mining Association of British Columbia; the Council of Forest Industries executive; Teck Resources; the village of Port Alice, which is home to the Neucel legacy project that I referenced in second reading, where the people of B.C., through the government, have incurred substantial cleanup costs; the B.C. Business Council; Northern Confluence; MiningWatch Canada; West Coast Environmental Law; Skeena Wild Conservation Trust; Environmental Law Centre; the Ktunaxa Nation Council; the Montana Department of Environmental Quality; Coast Waste Management Association; and Washington state.

R. Merrifield: Thank you for the answer. I know the minister didn’t go through each of the individual responses, but I only noted one actual corporation. All the rest were associations. Was it only Teck Industries that was consulted, or were there other corporations or other individual companies that gave feedback?

[3:35 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: Thank you to the member for the question.

First of all, when we put out the call for submissions, any corporation or company that had expressed an interest to engage with us directly, that would have happened. We did engage with Rio Tinto directly.

In our engagement with the B.C. Business Council, they also identified that there were some corporations that formed a subcommittee that wanted to meet with us. We engaged with that committee, which included Paper Excellence and Rio Tinto, as well as the Teck smelter group, which is separate from the mining group.

As we develop implementation plans and regulations, we will continue to consult and engage.

R. Merrifield: From what I understand from the minister, there was a pretty wide-span engagement, which is great. Understanding also from the briefing that this is enabling legislation, so there’s still going to be ongoing consultation as we move through into regulation.

What will that consultation process be, going forward, as per the development of regulations?

[3:40 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: First of all, I would say that as we’re working on the implementation plans or the regulations, we will also use the Engage B.C. platform to give people who want to be engaged directly or consulted directly an opportunity to either give us feedback in writing or to request a meeting. As I’ve said previously, we will follow up on those specific requests.

In addition to that, of course, we will do consultation with Indigenous organizations and First Nations that are impacted. We will likely replicate some online webinars for groups of people. We will have targeted engagement with industry, particularly with larger corporations that have already expressed an interest. We will look for engagement with local governments, which definitely have an interest, likely through a webinar or, in some cases, directly — and similarly with environmental non-government organizations and public interest bodies.

R. Merrifield: Thanks, Minister, for the answer to the question.

I’m always terribly uncomfortable with enabling legislation without the regulations, so we can’t get into some of the nitty-gritty in this rigour with committee stage. I am a little bit uncomfortable with just leaving things to regulation and leaving so much to regulation. But I appreciate that through the consultative process and also through the minister’s indulgence, I’ll be able to weigh in on some of those regulations, as they move forward.

I’m changing gears. Sorry. My husband says I’m terrible at the transitions. In the news release, it states that the consultation “included a review of existing programs in other jurisdictions.” Could the minister let me know just what other jurisdictions were included in this review, and what was the assessment of each one?

Hon. G. Heyman: Thank you to the member for the question. While this is not an exhaustive list, we did look at a number of other jurisdictions that included the provinces of Ontario, Quebec, Saskatchewan. We looked at the state of Queensland in Australia. We decided that you couldn’t call any of them a gold standard. In some cases, they weren’t comparable situations to British Columbia. While there were things to learn from them, they weren’t necessarily appropriate for the B.C. situation.

I would say that we leaned on Saskatchewan’s legislation probably more than the others and borrowed a lot from that, in terms of decommissioning and closure plans.

[3:45 p.m.]

R. Merrifield: Thank you, Minister, for the answer. I’m curious. What exists inside of this legislation that was not found in the other plans?

Hon. G. Heyman: I would say the difference isn’t so much in the provisions in our bill, which I would say largely are similar to Saskatchewan’s. The primary difference is that legislation in other jurisdictions, like Quebec, for instance, is specific to mining. Saskatchewan is limited. The Environmental Management Act itself applies to a much broader spectrum of industrial operations, and because we’re making amendments to the Environmental Management Act, it also is broader in scope than these other sets of legislation.

However, it’s important to note that there are provisions through both the Mines Act and the act that governs the B.C. energy regulator that are already advanced over what was available through the Environmental Management Act. So in a sense, we’re bringing the Environmental Management Act up to a common standard.

R. Merrifield: In the press release, the minister also stated that this is to “ensure owners of high-risk industrial projects are responsible for the full cost of environmental cleanup if their projects are abandoned.”

Could the minister clarify: how is high risk defined under the current legislation, and what’s changing with this bill?

Hon. G. Heyman: Through this strategy, we are or will be applying a risk-based approach to prioritize which particular industrial operations will be required to have decommissioning and closure plans.

The risk rating will be determined as a function of a number of things — environmental liability and financial risk factors — the details of which will be determined through policy development and engagement with Indigenous peoples, industry and the public and introduction of new regulations. A specific answer will be available when we have the regulations following consultation.

[3:50 p.m.]

I would say that we found in the review of other jurisdictions that it’s common practice to require mandatory closure planning and financial assurance for industries that are generally recognized as high risk: for instance, industrial waste; mining; oil and gas; waste management facilities, specifically landfills; and hazardous waste facilities.

R. Merrifield: Thanks to the minister for the answer.

Who creates the risk matrix? The minister mentioned that that’s going to be done through regulation. Is that a third party? Is that being done inside of the ministry? And then who actually assesses that risk on the matrix? Or is it just identified with these different industries — waste management, mining, etc.?

Hon. G. Heyman: I’ve given, in the previous answer, the most obvious high-risk industrial operations that I think it’s safe to assume would fit in any matrix we developed and would fit the common public perception of high risk, as well as those industries where failure to properly close or decommission or prevent escape of toxins would have very, very significant financial impacts, as we’ve seen; for instance, with the abandoned New South site.

In terms of developing the risk matrix, we will, as I mentioned, do that through a process of consultation with all interested parties, as well as First Nations.

The development of the matrix is then done by staff in the environmental protection division in my ministry. It goes through the process of cabinet committees and cabinet approval before it is considered a finalized regulation. Then decisions about applying the matrix in accordance with the regulation will be made by statutory decision-makers in the division.

R. Merrifield: Could the minister describe what other industries might have a high-risk assessment that might not be in those top industries that were described?

Hon. G. Heyman: Well this won’t be a complete list, but the member asked what other industries might be considered; for instance: smelting, chemical manufacturing, commercial waste management, mining and non-metallic mineral industries, petroleum refining, pulp and paper mills.

R. Merrifield: Could the minister just describe what this legislation is in response to?

[3:55 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: I would say that while I had been thinking about the need for some sort of legislation that embodied the polluter-pay principle to protect the public interest, the culminating incident, for want of a better word, was the experience with Neucel, where it became obvious that the costs to the public were going to be substantial and ongoing.

Through discussions at Treasury Board, the issue came up about both our need to evaluate what our potential liabilities would be in other areas and to take some measures to protect taxpayers against having to assume that liability.

As a result of that, the process of making a commitment to the people of British Columbia to do this prior to the last election campaign and then beginning the process of consulting and developing legislation took place.

It was also apparent that when we looked at Neucel, the scope of the need to protect was greater than Neucel. It was greater than the pulp and paper industry. In fact, there were policy gaps in place in our legislation, and it was necessary to close them by putting in place proactive measures that required planning and bonding for the eventual closure.

There will, of course, be a second phase of the bonding strategy. We’re not here to talk about that today, because developing further elements of the bonding strategy against unforeseen or unplanned site closure, decommissioning and rehabilitation will be somewhat more complex, and we wanted to get the process started with phase 1.

R. Merrifield: The minister’s referred now, both in his opening comments in second reading as well as today a couple of times, just to Neucel and the cost to the public and the ongoing costs that that will be. Could the minister, not just using Neucel but all of the different liabilities that British Columbians have right now, give an idea of the scale of the liability — just even rough numbers or a general guess?

[4:00 p.m.]

[J. Sims in the chair.]

Hon. G. Heyman: As of October of this year, the amount of money the provincial government or taxpayers of B.C. spent on Neucel alone was $116 million. That was to prevent potential significant and catastrophic pollution of the waters in the surrounding area.

As of March 31, 2021, I think there was an overall provincial liability of about $485 million for contaminated sites throughout the province. But that provincial liability is an underestimation of the total cost that would be required to clean every brownfield site in British Columbia. Mostly, those sites get assessed and cleaned up when somebody has a proposal for development, either for new industry or for housing, and that is a significant inhibitor to further economic development or further development of housing.

Between the 15 years of 2005 to 2020, the province spent an average of $11.6 million per year on active cleanup, which is different from overall liability. During that 15-year period, the liability increased at an average of $17.9 million a year. All of this is to say there’s a good case to be made for requiring bonding at the front end, as well as planning by the proponents for what is required to properly and safely decommission and close an operation.

R. Merrifield: Just for clarification, from 2005 to 2020, $11.6 million a year. But the number of $116 million — that was for 2021. So that’s outside of that number? That would skew that number quite significantly. Am I accurate in my numbers?

Hon. G. Heyman: That is correct. Neucel is an active site, so it is not included in that average that I previously gave.

R. Merrifield: Thank you to the minister for the clarification. How is this legislation different than the one that was repealed in 2017 by the NDP?

[4:05 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: Thanks to the member for the question.

The regulation to which the member refers was the Spill Cost Recovery Regulation, which was repealed in 2017, to allow the province to introduce spills cost recovery provisions directly into the Environmental Management Act, which was the Spills Preparedness, Response and Recovery Regulation, introduced in 2018. This simplified the regulatory provisions and aligned with the cost recovery sections in the Environmental Management Act.

The step was necessary to ensure that the requirements listed in the repealed regulations captured the persons responsible for the spill, and not British Columbians or the government, to pay for environmental cleanup. The regulation introduced in 2018 and these amendments to the Environmental Management Act today will interact and support each other.

R. Merrifield: Could the minister tell me how many permits have been issued over the course of the last seven years without this particular legislation being applied?

Hon. G. Heyman: In addition to authorizations or permits that would be issued by the environmental protection division, there would also be permits and authorizations with respect to mines, with respect to the environmental assessment office and with respect to the B.C. Energy Regulator.

We simply don’t have an answer to that question today, but we can try to compile it. If the member wishes the answer, or if the member wants any more detail than what she outlined in the question, we’ll provide it at a later date.

R. Merrifield: Thank you, Minister, for the answer. You’re right. I was, maybe, a little bit too vague. What I’m trying to ascertain is: how many actual high-risk, as defined by the matrix, will be coming out in the next few months/year?

How many projects would fit into that matrix of high risk that have been initiated or commenced over the last seven years? I’m not asking just for an arbitrary number of all permitting in all jurisdictions under all. But how many of these high-risk would have been permitted over the last seven years?

Hon. G. Heyman: While that is a narrower scope, it’s still an answer I’m not prepared to or couldn’t give today, because it involves a number of ministries. We will gather that information.

R. Merrifield: I appreciate the minister’s willingness to give me that information, and I look forward to receiving it.

[4:10 p.m.]

Will this legislation be retroactive? Once the regulation is fully defined under the legislation, will there be an application to those that have gone without it to this date?

Hon. G. Heyman: The current part 4 of the Environmental Management Act applies to contaminated sites. These amendments to the Environmental Management Act will apply to existing sites and sites newly proposed.

R. Merrifield: Could the minister answer if there will be any grandfathering of any of the current, or will all of those be subject to the bonding that’s required for closure plans?

Hon. G. Heyman: As I said, previously abandoned projects are not in the scope of this work. Part 4 of the Environmental Management Act addresses that and allows the province to retroactively pursue past owners that have caused contamination, which is, as we’ve seen in the case of Neucel, not always easy.

[4:15 p.m.]

Existing operations and new sites that are required and will be determined to fit the risk matrix as it is developed through consultation will be required to work with us on decommissioning and closure plans, as well as to provide security where the potential environmental liability and financial risk fit the matrix.

R. Merrifield: So is the minister going to have a ranked priority list of the different high-risk projects? Is the ministry doing the actual ranking of these projects? Will the ministry be going out and seeking these? I can only imagine tens of thousands of different decommissioning and closure plans suddenly flooding the ministry and trying to get through that with a glut of different projects.

Could the minister just describe how this legislation is going to be retroactive to all the projects that are currently existing within the industries that were stated as well as all the additional ones that the ministry might decide are high risk?

Hon. G. Heyman: I’ll qualify my answer by saying that we have work to do and consultation to do on the risk matrix, how we define a high-risk site and what the screening criteria are for that. But it’s safe to say that, generally, those operations that are covered by the waste discharge regulation, which requires them to have permits if they’re going to discharge waste, would be those that would be considered in scope.

While this number may vary a little bit, the current assessment of how many fit that criteria today, i.e., operations that are in existence today, is about 177.

R. Merrifield: I’m understanding that, basically, there are 177 that would be immediately assessed and would have to come up with closure and decommissioning plans as well as security/bonding for those plans. Is that a correct understanding?

[4:20 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: Again, we’ll be developing the full matrix and consulting on that and then have an implementation period. But yes, they will be required to have a decommissioning and closure plan. Many of them already do, not all of them but many of them.

Even for new projects, the requirement of security is based on the potential financial risk. So not all of them have to post security; it’s a decision of the ministry after reviewing the decommissioning and closure plan and assessing the potential financial risk that determines whether we’ll call for a security or bonding of some financial security.

R. Merrifield: Could the minister describe when a security bond would not be necessary? Could the minister just give an example of one of those situations?

Hon. G. Heyman: I think it’s difficult and probably not appropriate for me to speculate on specific types of industry or industries. I would say that once the assessment of the environmental liability and the financial risk is done and there is a decommissioning and closure plan in place that is costed, there will be guidance from the Ministry of Finance about what is considered the right security to cover that.

[4:25 p.m.]

We expect some form of security at some level would be required of most of the projects, somewhere around or slightly higher than 90 percent, but the amount of financial risk and environmental liability will help determine the amount. So in some cases, the security may be very small, although some may be required. In other cases, it will be very high.

R. Merrifield: Will existing projects that already have a decommissioning and closure plan be grandfathered in, or will they have to resubmit under this new legislation?

Hon. G. Heyman: Well, the operations that have decommissioning and closure plans have plans that have been reviewed by the ministry already, but they may have to be reviewed in the context of any new requirements developed by regulation.

Even under the proposed legislation, and this will be addressed through regulation, we didn’t find any jurisdiction that didn’t have a requirement to review the decommissioning and closure plans periodically to ensure that they were up to date and appropriate. Some were three, some were five years, and we’ll choose a number as part of our consultation on the regulation.

R. Merrifield: Am I to understand correctly that there will be, under the regulation, a period of time that will be stipulated in which the decommissioning and closure plans will have to be reviewed every five years, every ten years? Is that what the minister was alluding to then? And then different security posted every five years or every increment of time that is given under the regulation to actually be reviewed?

Hon. G. Heyman: The answer to the first part of the question is yes, whatever the regulation states is the period of review.

The plans will need to be reviewed to ensure that they take into account any changes of any kind, as well as to ensure that the amount of security is adequate to the expected cost of implementing the decommissioning and closure plan at the time of the review. Could that result in further security being required? It could, if the difference was substantial enough to merit it.

R. Merrifield: So “substantial enough to merit it” would be determined by that process that the minister described earlier, where the ministry would go to the Finance Minister and seek advice on whether or not it was financially worthwhile to be bonded? Is that the process that I’m understanding?

[4:30 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: My reference to consulting with the Minister of Finance would be for a general framework to help us determine the appropriate amount of security to ask. Once that initial assistance of the framework is done, we wouldn’t go to the Ministry of Finance every time. The statutory decision–maker would then apply a common framework that is fair to make the determination of how much additional security, or how much security in the first place, is required.

It’s important to note…. I may be anticipating, to some extent, your next question. One of the principles that we’re building into this process is a principle of ensuring that our operations remain competitive. So we are looking at amounts of security required in other jurisdictions and how that works. But we don’t want to underwrite competitiveness at an inordinate expense to the taxpayers. So both of those things are significant factors.

My assumption is that large operations do take into account their potential for pollution. They deal with that by building in and designing in measures to mitigate that, as they will be doing in terms of their decommissioning and closure plans.

R. Merrifield: Hopefully I telegraphed fairly efficiently in second reading exactly what my concerns about the bill were.

Definitely, on the one hand, yes, the stewardship of the environment is so important. We need to keep that at the forefront. On the other, we need to keep our industries competitive and our economy moving forward. So definitely holding those intentions in balance and making sure that there’s the responsibility necessary. Yes, most definitely.

I want to also, though, just mention that the minister had mentioned in his speech in second reading about the pulp mill run by Paper Excellence. That’s the one in Powell River. I’ll quote: “Paper Excellence is the project owner and has conducted proactive environmental cleanup over recent years and is working to properly decommission the site to ensure that the environment and the people who live in that environment are protected.”

The minister also referenced that the amendment would not actually apply in this particular case. Could the minister just explain more about how that would not apply in this particular case, but would apply in others that are currently still ongoing?

[4:35 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: This relates to what I commented on earlier. That site is currently not active, in the sense that it’s not in operation. They are in the process of implementing a decommissioning and closure operation under the Waste Discharge Regulation. When that is complete, if contamination is found, that will be addressed under the existing part 4 of the Environmental Management Act.

The amendments we’re bringing in today apply to active or new sites. The site I referenced in second reading had ceased being active except for the closure activity, which is not what we mean by being active.

R. Merrifield: Thanks to the minister for clarification.

I commend the minister for drawing attention to really positive examples of where industry is doing a great job. I think we need to really acknowledge where industry is doing an excellent job of stewardship.

Additionally, though, I also want to see that extended to others that are doing that same job. I’m trying to figure out who this applies to and who it doesn’t apply to, so trying to draw some inference through what the minister has previously said.

Hopefully, these are a little bit shorter in answer. Is this legislation only for use in decommission and closure?

[4:40 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: I would say that this bill relates solely to decommissioning and closure plans, securities associated with them and information required and ordered by the ministry to assess the work on that.

R. Merrifield: So new regulations are to include a transition period. What kind of timeline is the minister considering before these amendments are truly in effect?

Hon. G. Heyman: Our intention…. You know, there’s a consultation, reg development discussion, consultation with First Nations and then information and education. And there are all the resources of the environmental protection division working on many things simultaneously. So we would expect to have the regulation in place in 2025, no later than the end of 2025.

The member asked about a transition period. I think the best way to approach it is to consider the period of time between now and the proclamation of the regulation to be the implementation period. Because we will be working with industry throughout the consultations as well as the reg development, they should have a pretty good idea of what’s coming.

R. Merrifield: I’ll ask just one final question before I’ll turn over the floor to my colleague and the amazing Leader of the Third Party.

I want to question something that the minister just said: that the notice period is the working period during which the regulation is being formed but that industry won’t actually know what the final regulation is until the end of 2025. But they should be somehow anticipating what that regulation is?

I’m going to, I guess, press on that a little bit, considering industry is…. In formulating a decommissioning and closure plan, to do so in a vacuum, even if it’s an informed vacuum, without knowing what the exact regulations are I think would be somewhat premature for any company to do pre-emptively before having the regulation.

Again, I’ll just ask the minister: would there not be a time frame given whereby they could come into compliance with this regulation? Surely the minister isn’t suggesting that they have to come into regulation immediately upon the regulation having been signed.

[4:45 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: First of all, I think industries will have a pretty good idea of what will be included in the regulation before proclamation, but the act will give the statutory decision–maker the ability to require a decommissioning and closure plan. Nobody is required to begin working on one until the requirement has been made by the SDM.

I think we can assume that the regulation will allow a period of time, upon issuing a notice of requirement, to create the decommissioning and closure plan. That, of course, will be developed through consultation on the regulation.

Chair, if we are about to change to questioning from the Leader of the Third Party, could I request a three- or five-minute recess?

The Chair: Thank you, Minister. Yes, I will call a recess for ten minutes.

The committee recessed from 4:47 p.m. to 4:59 p.m.

[J. Sims in the chair.]

The Chair: We’re going to…. Here we go.

S. Furstenau: Thanks for the opportunity to ask a few questions. I’m going to, much like the member for the official opposition, ask a few general questions.

[5:00 p.m.]

Does this legislation cover the liability and cleanup costs of a project that’s not necessarily at an industrial site? I’ll just give a specific for that. Say there’s a company that is tasked with removing….

The Chair: Member, can I just ask you to hold on a minute? We’re trying to get the sound adjusted, and then I’m going to have you start again.

Let’s try again.

S. Furstenau: Much like the member from the opposition, I’m just going to ask a couple of general questions. My first is about the nature of activities that would be covered by this legislation or these amendments.

Would, for example, a company that is tasked with removing hazardous or contaminated waste be required to put up a security or a bond in case their activities aren’t compliant with other legislation and they, for example, put that waste in a site that’s not appropriate for it?

Hon. G. Heyman: Thank you to the member for the question. The answer to her specific example…. First of all, I think, earlier, I ran through a list of the kinds of operations that would be covered by these amendments, and that would be in Hansard.

But for the specific example that was asked about, the answer is no. They would not be covered by these amendments. But they would be covered by the Hazardous Waste Regulation, which does require decommissioning and closure plans and securities.

S. Furstenau: Thanks to the minister for that answer.

In the case of somebody not using an appropriate site, and there isn’t a decommissioning plan, there is the option for applying a polluter-pay model to that sort of example. If, again, a company that is tasked with removing specific materials removes them to an inappropriate site and doesn’t have a decommissioning plan [audio interrupted] it wasn’t meant to go there.

These amendments, as I understand from what the minister just said, won’t cover that kind of scenario. But the hazardous waste legislation also seems to leave some gaps. Is there a way for those gaps to be closed with legislation like this or amendments like this?

[5:05 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: If somebody is required by the Hazardous Waste Regulation to have a decommissioning and closure plan and, perhaps, be required to post security and they haven’t done that, there are compliance options under that regulation.

If the operation falls under the threshold outlined in the regulation, which would be, I assume, what the member is referring to as a gap, that can be addressed currently under part 6 of EMA, the Environmental Management Act.

S. Furstenau: The official opposition critic brought up that in the minister’s second reading notes, he pointed to Paper Excellence as an example of…. I think what he said was that Paper Excellence is the project owner of the pulp mill in Powell River, has conducted proactive environmental cleanup over recent years and is working to properly decommission the site to ensure the environment and the people who live in that environment are protected.

Paper Excellence is getting a lot of attention in the news at the moment, not for particularly good reasons. In fact, NDP MP Charlie Angus has recently been quoted saying that everything Paper Excellence has said about being a good corporate citizen is blown out of the water after the CEO, Jackson Wijaya, refused to appear before a federal committee to answer questions about its corporate structure and business relations.

I’m curious why the minister chose to hold up Paper Excellence as an example in his comments. Further to that, has there been a comprehensive environmental assessment of the pulp mill site in Powell River?

Hon. G. Heyman: I’m going to answer the member’s question in reverse order. I’m assuming the member, by asking whether there’s an environmental assessment, is referring to an environmental assessment as required by the Environmental Assessment Act, which would not apply to the decommissioning and closure of a site that’s covered under the Environmental Management Act.

I think it’s important to look at my remarks in second reading in their context. I raised Paper Excellence because it was an example of a company that, prior to us introducing legislation, had proactively developed a decommissioning and closure plan and is in the process of implementing it. So that was the point I was trying to make.

[5:10 p.m.]

S. Furstenau: Thank you for that.

Under clause 1, if the minister could explain and provide an example of the substitution under clause (d) in regard to the effect of a suspended authorization, just for clarification on what that specifically means in (d) under clause 1.

Hon. G. Heyman: I hope this answers the member’s question. Subclause 1(d) repeals and replaces subsection 18(6) to reflect the changes that are made in subclause 1(a) of these amendments. What it does is it specifies that in the event of suspension of one or more authorizations within a permit or approval, the requirements that are within the permit or approval remain in effect. In other words, they are not suspended unless they are specifically suspended, and they can be amended using the authority in section 16 of the Environmental Management Act.

S. Furstenau: I think that helps. So just to be clear, the authorization in a permit or approval is suspended, as it says. That doesn’t remove the other requirements of the permit or approval. I think the minister can just confirm that those other requirements remain in place is the intention of that.

Hon. G. Heyman: That is correct.

S. Furstenau: If the Chair and perhaps the minister and staff will humour me a little bit, because as was pointed out by the member for Abbotsford South I think today, it’s a little hard with two-person caucuses to get around to everything. If I could ask some questions that go beyond clause 1, that would be really helpful.

In particular, I wanted to ask a question about third parties and what kinds of protections are afforded to third parties by these amendments. And if there aren’t protections, why was that decision made? For example, if we look back at historic examples, something like Mount Polley, where the impacts to the residents and tourism companies, fishing companies…. Those would be examples of third parties that are hurt by contamination caused by an industry.

Do these amendments create any protections for third parties?

The Chair: Member, we’re going to answer the part of the question that’s relevant to clause 1, and then I’m going to go back to the official opposition to finish questions on clause 1. Then we will move on to the other questions you have.

Hon. G. Heyman: I think the question relates to a different clause than 1.

The Chair: Thank you, Minister.

R. Merrifield: Okay. This is just a clarification on process. So we’re not able to answer the Leader of the Third Party’s question relating to a different clause unless we approve clause 1. Is that correct?

[5:15 p.m.]

The Chair: No, we are going to finish the questions on clause 1. Once we have finished, then we will move on to the next clause.

R. Merrifield: Okay, I think that that clarifies that we cannot move forward from clause 1 until clause 1 questions are completed. I’m willing to bounce around, but that’s okay.

I’ll try and get on the specific questions. In the proposed amendment to section 18 under the current act, in subsection (1), there is an addition of “authorization or requirement included in the permit or approval.”

Could the minister provide a few examples of what types of authorizations and requirements the minister or director may suspend?

Hon. G. Heyman: This section refers to permits under the waste discharge regulation and conditions in those permits, but it could be any condition in the permits. The reason for the amendment is to give clarity that particular conditions can be suspended rather than the whole permit having to be suspended.

R. Merrifield: Thank you, Minister, for the answer to the question. So do the minister and the director have equal authority here?

[5:20 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: The difference is…. They’re not exactly the same. The authorities of the minister are all authorities that the director has, with the exception of one thing. The minister has the ability to determine if the permit or approval is in the public interest. Then the director also has authority with respect to the decommissioning and closure plan specifics.

R. Merrifield: Under the proposed changes to subsection 18(4)(b), can the minister explain how it will be determined that a holder of a permit has failed to comply with an order related to decommissioning and closure plans, decommissioning and closure of specified facility or the security in relation? Is there a threshold or set criteria?

Hon. G. Heyman: First of all, I want to correct part of my previous answer. The minister also has additional authority under 18(3)(c), (d), (e) and (f), which are outlined in the bill.

[5:25 p.m.]

There are a couple of instances where there are default time limits for compliance outlined in the bill itself. In other cases, they may be outlined, or guidance may be given to the permit issuers by the regulations to be developed. But the short answer is you’re either in compliance or you’re out of compliance.

R. Merrifield: Is there an appeals process?

[H. Yao in the chair.]

Hon. G. Heyman: Yes, there is an appeal process. Someone who wishes to appeal can do so through the Environmental Appeal Board.

R. Merrifield: Would there be any type of public notice, then, regarding a failure to comply by the permit holder?

Hon. G. Heyman: The process of inspections and determinations of non-compliance generally adhere to principles of administrative fairness. When an inspection report is prepared, it is provided to the responsible party or corporation. They are given an opportunity to respond to the details in the inspection report, and that report is posted publicly on the ministry website.

R. Merrifield: Under the proposed changes to subsection 18(6), can the minister provide a situational example as to how this would function?

Hon. G. Heyman: I think I’ve answered the question, but the member may be asking to give a specific example. I don’t know that it’s helpful to. I think the section quite clearly states that if a condition or part of a permit is suspended, the rest of it remains in force and effect and may be amended. So it could be any condition.

R. Merrifield: I guess, just to the minister’s query, I’m actually asking…. In what situations would an authorization or requirement be cancelled but not the whole permit? In what situations could the permit be cancelled but not the requirements? I’m just asking for specifics as to what those could look like.

[5:30 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: I think the answer could be any requirement in a permit that is no longer relevant or no longer necessary, maybe applies to a section of the operation that has been already closed or is no longer in operation. It enables the permit to be up to date without suspending the entire permit.

R. Merrifield: Thank you to the minister for the answer to that question.

Is this only at government’s initiation, and I’m going back to the inspection reports, or are there provisions for complaints or for whistleblowers? Does that only go to the ministry and then the ministry that does the inspection report? What is the mechanism for these types of incidents to be reported?

Hon. G. Heyman: There are both random and planned inspections that occur periodically that could result in findings or orders. There are also opportunities for the public to make complaints directly to the ministry or, through the RAPP line, report a polluter or poacher — or poacher or polluter. It doesn’t much matter. They’re both Ps, and they’re both there.

In some cases, people will contact their MLA and ask them to look into it, and they’ll contact the ministry. Or sometimes, as I said, they’ll contact the ministry directly.

[5:35 p.m.]

In that case, unless we were pretty sure it was a frivolous or vexatious complaint, we would inspect. We’d go see for ourselves, and we probably wouldn’t give notice.

Clauses 1 and 2 approved.

On clause 3.

R. Merrifield: Starting under, not the definitions, the very first part here. My question is about the responsibilities of the director. What are the responsibilities of the director and the authority that’s given to the director, and is this authority binding?

Hon. G. Heyman: By responsibilities of the director, I’ll assume that the member means the authorities of the director.

Clause 3 authorizes a director to order an owner or operator of a specified facility to provide information about operations and activities taking place at the facility, substances present at the facility and the financial conditions of the owner or operator. That’s section 91.81.

Authorizes a director to order an owner or operator of a specified facility to prepare and submit a decommissioning and closure plan, to update the plan or to address deficiencies in the plan, section 91.82.

Authorizes the director to order an owner or operator to decommission and close a specified facility that has submitted a D and C plan after operations at the facility have ceased and authorizes the director to require an owner or operator to provide security in relation to decommissioning and closure obligations. Section 91.84.

Authorizes the minister to issue a stop-work order if a person fails to comply with an order of a director in relation to a decommissioning and closure plan or an order of a director to provide security in relation to a decommissioning and closure plan. That’s section 91.85.

[5:40 p.m.]

Authorizes the government to enter an abandoned facility and carry out decommissioning and closure and immunizes the government and its employees from liability in relation to government decommissioning and closure. That’s section 91.86.

Provides for the recovery by the government of costs incurred to decommission and close an abandoned facility. Section 91.87.

The last three, obviously, are minister or government powers. The further responsibility or authority of the director is to make statutory decisions related to any of the above.

R. Merrifield: Thank you to the minister.

I do read. My question was, actually, not just what the bill allows for but more specifics as to what that would look like.

For instance, the bill facilitates and authorizes the minister to issue a stop-work order. Does the director inform the minister and then the minister makes that judgment? What is the appeal process? What happens if an organization disagrees with the director’s findings, etc.? What if the director wasn’t necessarily as thorough as they should have been? What is the appeal process? What is the…?

I guess, maybe, that’s why I asked for responsibilities rather than just the authorities. I can read the bill for the authorities.

[The bells were rung.]

Hon. G. Heyman: I should be able to get this answer in.

The director, as all public servants do, has a duty of due diligence as well as due process and administrative fairness. The director might make a recommendation, with supporting documents, to the minister to issue a stop-work order. Generally, that would have been preceded by briefings, if they’re available, on activities that had or hadn’t taken place leading up to that.

The minister may become aware of a situation and ask for a report from staff and the director on the basis of which the minister might make a decision. At that point, the party may appeal to the Environmental Appeal Board. It has its own procedures and standards, including deciding whether the stop-work order should stand until the appeal is heard or whether it should be stayed until the appeal is heard.

With that, Chair….

The Chair: Thank you, everyone. I’m calling a recess.

The committee recessed from 5:43 p.m. to 6 p.m.

[H. Yao in the chair.]

The Chair: I call the Committee of the Whole on Bill 29, Environmental Management Amendment Act, 2023, back to order. We are on clause 3.

R. Merrifield: Under the act, the word “facility” is defined to include “any land or building, and any machinery, equipment, device, tank, system or other works.” Are buildings over water included in that currently? Are all structures captured by this definition?

Hon. G. Heyman: Yes.

R. Merrifield: Okay, wow. Brevity — I love it. We’re going to make it through today.

Under the proposed definition for “owner,” it specifies “a person who is in possession, has the right of control, or occupies or controls the use of the facility” or “a person who has an estate or interest, legal or equitable, in the facility.” Would this also include businesses, corporations, joint ventures, trusts, bands, and so forth? Who would this include?

[6:05 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: The responsible person is the owner, which may be an individual, may be several individuals, may be a corporation, may be some sort of business venture or trust. But whoever can be identified as owner under the definitions of the act, either as owner or has control of the facility, would be covered.

R. Merrifield: Again, the minister said the owner or the person in control. How is it…? Is it both of them? Is it shared, or is it one of them, one or the other? How is that actually determined?

Hon. G. Heyman: The responsible person could be either or both.

R. Merrifield: How would it be determined, then, if a person, corporation, etc., is equitable?

Hon. G. Heyman: I’m not sure I understand the question in terms of equitability, so rather than answer it incorrectly from the perspective of the member, I’d ask the member to clarify.

R. Merrifield: In 91(8)(b), it says: “a person who has an estate or interest, legal or equitable.” How is that defined?

Hon. G. Heyman: Again, it could be either or both. The idea is to keep the definition expansive and not narrow and specifically to be able to capture shell companies.

R. Merrifield: What is the process of identifying the owners, then?

[6:10 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: Well, in most cases, the ownership is a matter of public record, but it can be hard to determine when there is a shell company listed. So in the director’s request for information, to comply with the provisions of the act, as well as provide the decommissioning and closure plan, the director would ask for further identification of who the actual owners are, digging below the shell company to get that information.

R. Merrifield: What would happen if the owners of the shell company are not within Canadian jurisdiction?

Hon. G. Heyman: In some ways, the member has gone right to the heart of the need for this legislation, at least in what has been our prime example, Neucel.

We would work with our colleagues in Finance and AG to ensure that the surety that was posted was completely adequate.

R. Merrifield: So the definition provided goes on to say: “but does not include a person excluded by regulation.” Who might be excluded, and what is the purpose of this exclusion?

Hon. G. Heyman: That is fairly standard language in a number of pieces of legislation. I’ll give you an example of one thing that would apply. If the government was the owner, we might exclude the government by regulation because we’d effectively be bonding ourselves. We would have the liability in any event.

R. Merrifield: Thank you, Minister, for the answer.

Going back to the previous question, does foreign ownership factor into the risk matrix? Would higher bonding or higher security be possibly required of a foreign owner that might be harder to collect from?

Hon. G. Heyman: It could, and I think I implied that in a previous answer.

R. Merrifield: So relating to third-party protections, when pollution impacts other parties, what protections will they have?

[6:15 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: In answer to this question, which I believe is the same question the Leader of the Third Party asked, one of the purposes of this piece of legislation, the requirement of decommissioning and closure plans that are reviewed and approved, is to ensure that measures are put in place to minimize the risk of escaped pollution that could impact third parties. That’s the first point.

An impacted third party does have the ability to pursue the responsible party for the pollution through the courts, but there is nothing in this legislation other than trying to prevent impacts on third parties and the environment, in general, that would provide for compensation or recourse for a third party.

However, in phase 2 of the public interest bonding strategy, which isn’t this piece of legislation, we might well consider looking for ways to address that, either through the risk matrix and measures we might take in terms of unforeseen and unexpected potential pollution, which is not covered by this legislation but will be a subject of discussion and consultation for phase 2.

R. Merrifield: Currently this legislation wouldn’t have — not necessarily even protections — any mechanisms for a third party to receive any sort of compensation for cleanup on their particular property from contamination that happened on this site. The government doesn’t possess any powers within this legislation currently to compel that cleanup to occur on a third-party site. Is that correct?

[6:20 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: This would not be covered by these amendments to the Environmental Management Act. In the design and creation of a project, there may be contamination of the footprint of the site itself, which would be the subject of the decommissioning and closure plan. I can’t imagine a situation in which we would knowingly, whether it was our ministry or another ministry in government, permit an operation knowing that it would result in the leaching of contaminants from the site onto adjacent, either public or private, property.

Conditions would likely be put into place in the permit to contain any potential leachate and to ensure that it didn’t happen. If the operator was not in compliance with the permit or, for some other reason, contaminants strayed from the footprint of the actual site, then a third party would have recourse for damages through the courts.

R. Merrifield: Currently this legislation doesn’t expand that at all or include that. This only includes on-the-site decommissioning and closure.

Hon. G. Heyman: The answer to the member is no. This bill does not provide any such provisions. The second phase of the public interest bonding strategy is intended to deal with unforeseen circumstances. We are not currently developing that or consulting on it. That is going to come.

We wanted to get this first phase done, rather than wait for everything to be done at the same time, because it will take more time. In that circumstance, we may well consider provisions to do what the member and the Leader of the Third Party have been requesting, but that is not part of what’s before us today.

[6:25 p.m.]

R. Merrifield: In a previous answer, the minister actually said: “Whoever can be identified.” We had already canvassed, back in the authorization, that a director can order an owner or operator for specified information. The minister referenced that power in order for a director to ask for the information relating to the process of identifying ownership.

What are the powers that a director would have to ensure that this was actually accurate? What if an owner decided to remain hidden? Are there any implications to that aspect?

Hon. G. Heyman: In the case of a not-yet-started operation that was providing information that was requested or required by the director, simply refusal to authorize the plan and, ultimately, permits to operate that would depend on the plan.

In the case of an existing operation, if information was required by the director and not provided, the company, the operator, would then be out of compliance with a direct order under the act. There would be a system of penalties to compel the information to come forward. That could include any range of actions that would be compelling.

R. Merrifield: That seemed a little bit vague in terms of what could be compelling for a director. Could the minister perhaps give a couple of examples?

Hon. G. Heyman: Escalating fines and/or a stop-work order.

R. Merrifield: The stop-work order, though, would be issued by the minister, correct? The authorization of the stop-work order is under the minister’s authorization, not the director’s. But we won’t get into that.

The definition provided for “responsible person” specifies that it means “an owner.” But what happens if there are multiple owners of a facility with varying shares of control? Why is it not automatically all owners?

Hon. G. Heyman: I believe that in this circumstance, “an owner” means all owners.

R. Merrifield: Can the minister provide examples of a person who is not an owner but is in control of or responsible for the operations located in a facility?

Hon. G. Heyman: A person — for instance, a site superintendent — given authority over the site by the owners.

R. Merrifield: So by this legislation, that site supervisor would have to put up bonding?

Hon. G. Heyman: Thanks for the request for clarification. I expect the way it would work would be this. The responsible person in charge and control of the site would convey the requirement for bonding to the actual owner.

[6:30 p.m.]

If the actual owner didn’t provide the bonding, then the likely result would be a stop-work order or a failure to authorize commencement of the operation, which would impact the owner directly — owners directly, if there is more than one.

R. Merrifield: So this person that is responsible could be someone without a vested interest in the facility. It could be a site supervisor, a chief operating officer or a senior executive or a manager? Is it possible for property managers, then, or receivers to be captured under this provision?

Hon. G. Heyman: The first group of people that were identified by the member, I would argue, have a vested interest in that their jobs depend on the operation either continuing to proceed to start up or continuing to operate. However, they are acting on behalf of the owner.

With respect to a receiver, I think they’re acting on behalf of the court. If the province had a residual interest that the province wished to pursue, we would have to register a claim against the property. But the whole purpose of having a requirement for decommissioning and closure plans backed up by bonds is to not have to go that route, to ensure that the money is held in trust should the operator go bankrupt, abandon the plant or otherwise be unavailable to carry out their responsibilities.

R. Merrifield: So if a responsible person was employed, the decommission plan is bonded. There is a stop-work of some sort that’s put on. The province comes in and realizes that the amount of the bonding is insufficient. A project manager or a site superintendent could be liable for the remainder amount of whatever the government determines is necessary for the full decommissioning and closure. Am I understanding that correctly?

[6:35 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: It’s important, in this instance, to answer the member, to distinguish between responsible persons and accountable persons.

Responsible persons are an owner or the person who is in control. This is the person the government can order to complete the decommissioning and closure plan and post the financial security. The accountable person is the owner of the facility to pursue for cost recovery if government completes cleanup on site.

To answer the member more clearly, the responsible person who is not an owner would not be liable for any additional costs that were not covered by the bond. The accountable person — i.e., the owner — would be.

R. Merrifield: Thank you to the minister.

Well, I draw the minister’s attention to 91.87(1)(b) because it…. Let’s just start at (1): “In this section, ‘accountable person’, in relation to an abandoned facility, means any of the following: (a) an owner of the facility; or (b) a person who was a responsible person in relation to the facility immediately before operations ceased at the facility.”

Whoever was the project manager or the site supervisor or the person that was in charge of the facility at that time would become the accountable person. Am I reading that correctly?

Hon. G. Heyman: I would suggest the member read subsection (2), which says: “Subject to the regulations, if, in relation to an abandoned facility, the total amount of the costs incurred by the government under section 91.86…exceeds the amount of security, if any, given under section 91.84…and held by the government, the amount of the excess is a debt due to the government by an accountable person.”

R. Merrifield: Correct. The minister just read that the debt due to the government is by an accountable person.

Back up to 91.87, who is an accountable person? So (b), “a person who was a responsible person in relation to the facility immediately before operations ceased at the facility.” It’s directly above what the minister just read to me.

By that inference, the person that could be carrying the debt load could be a project manager or a site supervisor of a facility who was a responsible person and became an accountable person immediately after.

Hon. G. Heyman: If the member goes to the definitions, a responsible person in relation to a specified facility means, and I’ll skip (a), that “(b) a person who is in control of or responsible for any operation located at the facility, but does not include a person excluded by regulation.”

It would not be our intent to pursue an employee of the operation who is not an owner for costs. We can clarify that under regulation, but that is clearly not our intent.

R. Merrifield: Well, I would ask the minister…. If it is not the intent of this legislation right now, that is how this legislation reads.

I followed the math. I followed the lines. The definitions are very clear, and that would be the conclusion, I think, in a court of law that would find that person to be responsible — therefore, accountable; therefore, on the hook for any debt that was left outstanding from a deficiency in the bonding or security.

I would kindly ask for an amendment to be made to that effect. I can definitely prepare one, but I don’t have one prepared at this time.

[6:40 p.m.]

Hon. G. Heyman: The legal advice has been that we should address this in regulation to meet our intent, because there are a number of different circumstances in which entities — corporate entities or companies — might structure themselves in such a way as to avoid responsibility and payment, which is why “responsible” and “accountable” persons are worded in the act the way they are.

It is definitely our intent to address this in regulation, which can be more easily done through consultation and amended, if necessary, to ensure that we are not letting people with real financial interest and, therefore, accountability in the project get off the hook for payment.

I will say this clearly. It is certainly not our intent to hold employees with no actual interest in the venture financially accountable for things that the corporate owners should be and will be and we intend to be, and we will clarify that through regulation.

[6:45 p.m.]

R. Merrifield: With all due respect to the minister, I think that this is a pretty difficult and dangerous thing to leave to regulation.

I understand that in regulation, we are afforded a lot more latitude and ability to change, ability to consult, etc., but once this law is in place, it is binding. The way that it reads right now and the way that it has been explained and expressed right now is such that if you are a project manager, a site supervisor or just an employee without vested interest….

The way it reads today is that you are both a responsible and an accountable person and that you will be on the hook for any additional debt that the government takes on.

I would argue that that is a position no employee should be placed in. I think it puts industry at a disadvantage, because finding that employee that is willing to sign on the dotted would be very difficult to do. Despite the assurance of the minister right here in this place and space, I do want it to become part of the legislation.

As such, I will be preparing an amendment to that effect and providing it to the minister by tomorrow morning. But I would ask that the minister reconsider, and he has the ability to do so at this point. If the minister wants to respond to that, I guess….

The Chair: The minister might as well move the motion.

Hon. G. Heyman: I’ve heard the member. I’ve indicated that by the time people are employing and giving authority to others, that will be clear in regulation.

But I note the hour, and I move that the committee rise and report progress and seek leave to sit again.

Motion approved.

The committee rose at 6:47 p.m.