Fourth Session, 42nd Parliament (2023)
OFFICIAL REPORT
OF DEBATES
(HANSARD)
Monday, April 3, 2023
Afternoon Sitting
Issue No. 297
ISSN 1499-2175
The HTML transcript is provided for informational purposes only.
The PDF transcript remains the official digital version.
CONTENTS
Routine Business | |
B.C. Electoral Boundaries Commission, final report, 2023 | |
Orders of the Day | |
Proceedings in the Douglas Fir Room | |
Proceedings in the Birch Room | |
MONDAY, APRIL 3, 2023
The House met at 1:34 p.m.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Routine Business
Introductions by Members
J. Tegart: Well, hold your seats. Today there are four generations of Tegarts in the House.
First, let me introduce my daughter Lisa Tegart and her partner, Travis Beckett. Second, I’m thrilled to have my granddaughter Morgan Tegart-Beckett in the House. Saving the best for last, please welcome my great-grandson, Beckett Kellington, to the Legislature.
M. Dykeman: I am just thrilled today to welcome to the precinct my very dearest friend, who also happens to be the chair of the Langley board of education and works as one of my CAs, Candy Ashdown.
It’s her first time visiting the Legislature here since I was sworn in. I was wondering if the House could please join me in making her feel very welcome today.
Hon. H. Bains: We have some very, very important guests up in the gallery from Manufacturing Safety Alliance of British Columbia who are joining us today. MSABC is the non-profit health and safety association of British Columbia’s manufacturing sector.
Representing them today in the House are Lisa McGuire, their CEO; Wayne Arondus, chief operating officer; Jean Fong, communication and marketing specialist; Peter Jackson, board member; Vince Sciamanna; their incoming board chair; David Fagen, board member and he’s also executive director, safety, health, environment and security and B.C. Ferries; and Maureen Shaw, adviser, mental health and safety.
I’m really, really appreciative of the work and the dedication of the MSA team, the work that they do in order to make our workplaces the safest in the country.
So please join with me and give them a very warm welcome.
Hon. N. Cullen: Today I’d like to welcome a former colleague, and still a friend, Wayne Stetski, to the House. Wayne served as mayor of Cranbrook as well as the Member of Parliament for Kootenay Columbia. This is after a 30-year public service working for Environment and Parks here in B.C. and Manitoba. He is now president of the Elders Council for Parks and a longtime dedicated British Columbian to protecting our environment, working with First Nations.
Would the House please join me in making him feel welcome.
Hon. D. Coulter: I’d first like to also welcome the people from the Manufacturing Safety Alliance of B.C. here today. Their offices are actually in my home constituency.
I’d also like to welcome my two CAs. We know how important CAs are back home in our communities. Today I have Adila Shaukat and Willow Reichelt. This is Adila’s very first time to the Legislature.
So please make them feel welcome.
Hon. A. Kang: In the gallery today, I have a very special person who’s visiting us. Her name is Peggy Hua, and she is my constituency assistant. Not only is she my friend; she’s my baking buddy. She’s also a fellow music alumni from the School of Music at UBC, and also a volunteer and organizer of the Vancouver Taiwanese Film Festival.
Will the House please make her feel very welcome.
Hon. R. Singh: In the gallery today, we have some important guests who are visiting us from India. We have Jasbir Samar, who’s an eminent journalist with the Punjabi Tribune Chandigarh. He’s visiting for the first time in Canada, along with his wife, Baljit. Their son Shafqat is also here. Shafqat is studying in Vancouver.
Would the House please make them feel very welcome.
Statements
(Standing Order 25B)
PACIFIC IMMIGRANT RESOURCES
SOCIETY PHOTO EXHIBITION
AND VALUE OF CHILD CARE
K. Chen: Last week I had the opportunity to attend the opening ceremony for Pacific Immigrant Resources Society’s Through the Lens: A Photographic Exploration of Exclusion, Inclusion and Belonging in the Childcare System. It was actually the first time I attended a child care event in many months, even though, as many of you know, I used to talk about child care 24-7.
I guess I was a little nervous to speak about child care again, maybe because part of me felt embarrassed — embarrassed that I could not even overcome my own struggles and challenges. But being at the event with many other women — immigrants, newcomers, women who struggle with trauma, single mothers and early childhood educators and professionals — I realized our feelings are not alone. Through many beautiful and meaningful photographs, drawings and artwork done by these women, it highlighted how, under the colonial and patriarchal system, some are struggling more than the others, even when facing similar challenges, such as the child care chaos.
Some families have been unfairly turned down for child care opportunities due to their immigration or socioeconomic backgrounds. Some neurodiverse children and those who require extra support are unable to access child care or even receive adequate supports in schools.
One mom shared that she has not been able to make friends here in Canada for over a year. The other mom shared how it was a difficult journey for her to obtain her EC credential due to the lack of Canadian experience, despite being an educator herself in her home country. When she finally obtained her EC credential, like many other immigrant women, she was paid the lowest wages in the sector. But she will keep working hard, hoping that her daughter won’t face the same barriers.
Yes, we all have to make tough life decisions at times. But as politicians and government, it is critically important that we continue to use our time in this institution to make life more equitable for all. And investing in child care, public education and early learning is one of the most effective ways and things we can do to create a more equitable society.
If you have time during your busy schedule, I encourage you to join this powerful exhibition at Anvil Centre in New Westminster before May 2.
SIKH HERITAGE MONTH
N. Letnick: Some of my best friends are Sikhs, and it’s Sikh Heritage Month.
Sikhs have been in British Columbia for more than 100 years and have played a vital role in shaping the social, cultural and economic fabric of our communities. Being home to the largest population of Sikhs in all of Canada, B.C. first celebrated Sikh Heritage Month in 2018, with the purpose of honouring the contribution and aspirations of all Sikh Canadians and developing a greater understanding and appreciation of a rich, unique and diverse heritage.
April marks the occasion of Vaisakhi, the celebration of the spring harvest, the holiest celebration in Sikh faith, which also marks the celebration of Khalsa by Sri Guru Gobind Singh.
As we celebrate Sikh Heritage Month, we must also recognize the challenges of the Sikh community, the challenges they have faced and continue to face, including discrimination and racism. It is our responsibility to work towards a more inclusive and equitable society where every individual is valued and respected for who they are.
I encourage everyone to learn more about Sikh culture and celebrate their accomplishments this Sikh Heritage Month. You can go for a night of exploring the rich heritage of classical music in the Sikh tradition at the Anvil Centre theatre, New Westminster. See a treasure trove of local Sikh artists, including fine art, poetry, film and state performances at the Surrey city hall. Join the Surrey Khalsa Day Vaisakhi Parade, the largest in the world, on Saturday, April 22. Or come to my home, Kelowna, and join us in our Vaisakhi Parade on April 29.
Let’s celebrate together this wonderful culture.
CRAIG EVANS
D. Routley: On March 6, 2023, Nanaimo lost a champion, and many of us lost a hero. On that day, it was not the end of a battle, but we lost Craig Evans.
Craig Evans was a champion of food security and urban farming. He worked at Vancouver Island University as a teacher, but he set an example for all of us with his commitment to food for everyone and healthy farming and young farmers in particular.
He was a founder of Nanaimo Foodshare Society. He worked every year to bring food to schools in the area, child care centres, and supported the B.C. Young Farmers.
This was not the end of a battle. As Craig said: “We only have so many summers.” His partner, Jen Cody, has said to put your energy “towards the community in some way that feels meaningful, important and gives us joy” as tribute to Craig.
Craig said to one of his friends after his diagnosis with cancer: “I booked summers all along that were full of joy, full of fulfilment, full of purpose. I’m comfortable. I’m so comfortable…. No matter what, there’s a finality to everything. Everything in the garden has its season.” And Craig had a season like no other.
I was told by one of his friends that he had passed on the highway a young bear that had been hit by a car. It had died, and he pulled around to make sure that the bear didn’t need help. Craig picked up a paw and looked at it and told his friend, quietly: “It has fingerprints.”
Thank you, Craig, for all that you gave to Nanaimo. As Jen said, he was practical, curious but, most of all, kind. Thank you, Craig.
CANCER SOCIETY DAFFODIL CAMPAIGN
S. Bond: One of the special things about the arrival of spring is daffodils, not just in our gardens or around the legislative grounds but the Canadian Cancer Society Daffodil Campaign every spring.
Every spring the Canadian Cancer Society Daffodil Campaign raises funds to support and help people with cancer live longer, fuller lives. The daffodil is one of the first flowers to bloom in spring. For those living with cancer, it represents strength, resiliency, courage and hope.
This year we are being asked to help hope bloom by supporting the Daffodil Campaign. There are at least four ways we can make a difference. You can make a personal donation, make a monthly donation, host a fundraiser or leave a legacy with a planned gift in your will.
As we speak, there are members in this chamber in various stages of their cancer journey. All of us have much-loved family members, friends and even work colleagues who are in the fight of their lives, some starting that battle today.
Nearly half of all Canadians will face the devastating diagnosis of cancer in their lifetime. That is why every spring, for more than six decades, the Canadian Cancer Society has used the daffodil to encourage all of us to do our part. Every donation to the Daffodil Campaign will allow continued life-saving cancer research and provide funds for a support system to ensure that no one has to face a cancer diagnosis alone.
In the words of the Canadian Cancer Society: “Now is the time to help hope bloom for people facing cancer with your donation today. Your daffodil donation will help save and improve lives.”
As we wear our daffodil pins, let us always remember that we are a symbol of our collective strength, representing renewal, inspiration and, most of all, hope.
CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS DIVERSITY
IN
SURREY
G. Begg: You cannot have community without unity. It’s right there in the word.
There is unity in our community, and there is no better evidence of that than the Iftar, the meal eaten by Muslims during the month of Ramadan, immediately after sunset, and celebrated in the Surrey Arts Centre last Thursday. Several hundred people of all faiths gathered together in one place, adherents of Judaism, Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism and Sikhism celebrating with our Muslim sisters and brothers simply by sharing a meal and quiet conversation in many languages.
This is, indeed, a uniquely holy month, with Easter, Ramadan and Vaisakhi all being observed and providing yet another way for us to demonstrate the unity in our community. In the words of Pope Francis: “In a world where various forms of modern tyranny seek to suppress religious freedom or try to reduce it to a subculture without right to a voice in the public square or to use religion as a pretext for hatred and brutality, it is imperative for the followers of the various religions to join their voices in calling for peace, tolerance and respect for the dignity and rights of others.”
In Surrey, these virtues — peace, tolerance and respect — are boldly and clearly on display. It was uplifting and very moving to be a small part of this very large gathering. By celebrating diversity, we dispel misconceptions about different cultures, religions and ethnicities and promote new ways of thinking.
The science of genetics confirms that humans cannot be divided into biologically distinct subcategories. This is validated by many decades of research. In other words, race, in and of itself, is a social construct with no biological base. Simply put, there is only one race, and that is the human race.
I invite all members of this House to acknowledge Bilal Cheema and Islamic Relief Canada for their leadership in bringing the community of Surrey together and ensuring that unity remains in our community.
NICOLA VALLEY WOMEN’S FAIR
J. Tegart: The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted a lot of things, including the Nicola Valley Women’s Fair in Merritt. After a successful inaugural event in 2019, the pandemic made it impossible for the fair to return until recently.
It was my pleasure to attend the return of the women’s fair on Saturday, March 18. I was just one of hundreds of women and other community members there to welcome it back.
This year’s theme was “Women inspiring women,” and boy, do we have a lot of inspiring women in Merritt and throughout Fraser-Nicola.
We heard from business leaders like Brandy Gozda-Sekhon, the president and operator of six McDonald’s restaurants, including the one in Merritt. We engaged with a number of outstanding local organizations, including the Nicola Valley Institute of Technology and the Nicola Valley Community Arts Council.
There were 42 tables set up to provide information and resources. There were also educational workshops for those in attendance.
Importantly, the event also featured child care in an effort to reduce barriers for women to participate. These are the things we need to be thinking about when we consider how we might get more women engaged in our communities.
The second Nicola Valley Women’s Fair was a resounding success. I want to thank organizer Ellen Miller, Community Futures Nicola Valley and all the helpers and volunteers who made it so.
I also want to thank the community of Merritt and area for its strong support, ensuring that we can look forward to another fair in 2024.
Oral Questions
CRIME IN COMMUNITIES AND
ACTION ON COMMUNITY
SAFETY
T. Stone: There is a huge gap between the Premier’s rhetoric and announcements and the terrible results of more violence across British Columbia. Random attacks have become the new norm under this soft-on-crime Premier and are clear evidence that what his government says they’re doing is simply not working.
On Saturday morning, an innocent victim was slashed across the throat with a knife while riding a bus in Surrey. The attacker first threatened a complete stranger at a bus stop before boarding the bus. He then stabbed the second victim with a kitchen knife in a brutal, random and completely unprovoked attack that sent the victim to hospital with critical, life-threatening injuries. According to the nurse, the only reason he survived was because the knife was dull.
My question to the Premier is this. How much longer will people have to be afraid to get on a bus because of this soft-on-crime Premier’s catch-and-release policies and this Premier’s failure to keep British Columbians safe in their communities?
Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question from the member. As the member will know, this particular took place on Saturday. It was a horrific crime. The police were there. They arrested the individual, and they started to do their full investigation. At that time, they were facing serious criminal charges here in British Columbia.
During the course of their investigation, they became aware of evidence of allegations of links to a terrorist organization. At that particular point in time, the federal RCMP take over the investigation. Federal Crown takes over the prosecution from provincial Crown. An investigation currently, in regard to the rest of the situation, is underway by both federal RCMP and federal Crown.
That’s the information that I can provide the member with at this particular point in time on this very serious incident.
Mr. Speaker: House Leader, supplemental.
T. Stone: The reality today is that people in British Columbia aren’t safe on a bus. They’re not safe to walk into a coffee shop. They’re not safe to walk down streets in their communities. That’s all because of this soft-on-crime Premier’s catch-and-release policies.
Violent random attacks have actually never been worse in British Columbia than they are right now. The Premier’s handpicked expert, Doug LePard, says that British Columbia stands alone, with a 40 percent decrease in the number of people in jail, because of government policy, because of initiatives of this Premier, this soft-on-crime Premier.
Now, the Premier promised results that people, he said, would feel. They would be able to see. But every single day there’s another horrifying story of violence, whether it be in Surrey or Langley or Kamloops and communities across this province.
Chilliwack today is the scene of gang violence and shootings for the third time in eight days. And now this random knife attack on the bus in Surrey, which I mentioned, is being treated by the police as terrorism, fuelling more public anxiety and insecurity.
The question is this. The Premier keeps saying he’s taking action to keep people safe. With that in mind, and in response to this possible terrorist attack, has the province elevated the risk assessment level, and are additional patrols being deployed in the Lower Mainland to keep British Columbians safe?
Hon. M. Farnworth: I appreciate the question from the member. It is unfortunate the opposition is using language that, when they know the facts of the particular incident that took place on Saturday, does nothing to help the situation.
The reality is this. An attack took place. The police investigated. They were there. They arrested the individual. During the course of their investigation, they became aware of allegations of a link to a terrorist organization. As I said, at that point, the federal RCMP take over, as does the Crown.
Any increase…. My ministry is in touch with them at this particular point in time. The issue of alerts and things like that has not been an issue that the federal RCMP has said needs to be in place. Rather, they are dealing with this situation and this individual.
I would also note, though…. The member raised the issue of the situation in Surrey and the ongoing gang violence that we do have in this province, violence which has been something that British Columbia has had to deal with, as have all provinces. Ours, particularly, is a unique situation in this province, in terms of those involved, for quite some time.
I just want to reinforce the action that this government has taken. For example, the witness security program, as I outlined the other day, has resulted in 419 charges being laid, including 134 murder charges, and the convictions of more than 32 accused. Those individuals involved in gang crime would not have been brought to justice and they would not be behind bars if it were not for the action of this government and the implementation of this program.
Hon. Speaker, we continue to take this situation extremely seriously. We will take additional measures and steps, as they are needed, as we work with our partners in law enforcement and the federal government to identify how we can reinforce the work that they’re doing.
ATTACKS BY REPEAT OFFENDERS AND
HANDLING OF CASES BY
JUSTICE SYSTEM
E. Sturko: The reality is the things the member from the other side brings up are, again, things that this government does after the fact, after people have already become victims of crime.
People in my community of Surrey…. I’ve received many emails and calls from people who feel terrified to ride the bus. They feel upset because the reality is that random attacks are up and at a crisis level in this province.
A prolific offender who brutally attacked a mother and her toddler in a random Chinatown assault is now free in the community. Shakwan David Kelly, responsible for five brutal random assaults, received time served and a single day in jail for the four charges. Disturbingly, provincial Crown counsel dropped the charge for the vicious attack on the mother and toddler. This is the attack that the former NDP Attorney General dismissed as anecdotal rhetoric.
Despite all of the Premier’s promises and rhetoric, why was the charge stayed for the vicious, random attack on a mother and her toddler in Chinatown?
Hon. N. Sharma: I think everybody in this House agrees that people need to feel safe in their communities. When we hear about traumatic incidents in our communities, we stand with the victims, and we know we have to take action.
That’s why this government has been advocating very strongly to the federal government, in fact led the charge with the federal government to make bail policy reform. We’re grateful for a commitment to make those changes, particularly around repeat violent offenders.
We’ll continue to advocate for that, but we’re not stopping. We’re taking action, investing in programs in our province that will make this better for communities, including a repeat violent offenders task force. We are going to stand together and continue to take action with our community partners to make this better.
Mr. Speaker: Surrey South, supplemental.
E. Sturko: The reality is changes in the federal policy which strengthened the person’s presumption of innocence never precluded Crown prosecutors from arguing that those who deserve to be held in custody, be held in custody. It did not change. Frankly, this government is using it as a smokescreen for their own failed actions.
The public has a right to know why a decision was made to stay the charge against a prolific offender for an unprovoked attack against an innocent mother and toddler. In every case involving prolific offenders, the public deserves to know details, such as release conditions that the Crown has agreed with.
Despite the Attorney General’s claims of closely monitoring cases involving prolific offenders, the government has withheld the data they’re tracking, preventing the public from seeing the results for themselves. The public has completely lost trust in the justice system under the soft-on-crime Premier.
Will the Premier reconsider his refusal to give the public the data they’re tracking and release that information today?
Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll start by saying that the B.C. Prosecution Service is better placed to answer questions regarding data but that we are investing in programs and services. I’m really happy to report that recently the B.C. Prosecution Service announced that the members for the repeat violent offenders task force have been identified. They are currently receiving training and transitioning to their new positions.
The hubs will operate in every region of B.C.: Nanaimo, Victoria, Vancouver, Surrey, New Westminster, Abbotsford, Kamloops, Kelowna, Cranbrook, Prince George, Williams Lake and Terrace. We’re investing in the services that we know will help to make this issue better across this province.
MENTAL HEALTH SUPPORTS
AND COUNSELLORS IN
SCHOOLS
A. Olsen: Our public schools have a ratio of one counsellor for every 693 students. That means that when a child needs help, it’s often not available to them.
During the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, research in Canada showed increases in mental health referrals and hospitalizations, as well as high rates of anxiety, self-harm, substance use and suicidal ideation. It was those who were already most vulnerable that suffered most.
Many students report having limited to no access to mental health support at school. There just aren’t enough counsellors to meet the needs of students. The ratio of counsellors to students in the teachers collective agreement is one counsellor to every 700 students. It has been that way for 20 years. The president of the B.C. School Counsellors Association, Dave MacKenzie, said: “When you consider how schools, society and the conversations about mental health have changed, 20-year-old ratios are a travesty and deserve attention from the Minister of Education.”
My question is to the Minister of Education. When will this government meet the needs of students and hire enough school counsellors to cover the students’ needs in this province?
Hon. R. Singh: I really appreciate the member’s concern. I share similar concerns about the mental well-being of our children.
As a government, we make it our priority. Since 2017, we have hired nearly 300 teacher-psychologists and counsellors across the province. We know how important mental health and well-being is. It also helps in their learning as well. Along with that, we are working across the ministries, whether it is with the Minister of Mental Health and Addictions or with the Minister of Children and Family Development.
We are also trying to break the stigma around the issue of mental health. We have the integrated child and youth teams, which are operating right now in five school districts, and we have just announced that that will be extended to seven more districts across the province.
It is a very complex issue, no doubt, and I really agree with the member opposite, especially with the challenges that we have faced in the last few years, on how this issue has even aggravated. We take it as a priority.
Recently, just this week, my colleague from Mental Health and Addictions was in Squamish and opened a Foundry, which we know is also a very key resource for our youth and our children.
We will continue to invest in the resources that are much needed.
Mr. Speaker: House Leader, Third Party, supplemental.
A. Olsen: Our children need this support at school. It’s where they spend many hours of their day through their youth growing up. Oftentimes the accessibility of a school counsellor or psychologist will mean whether the child gets the kind of support that they need immediately or whether the problem continues to grow, unfortunately.
We know healthy kids and healthy lives, when you’re a youth, make for healthy adults. Catching mental health care needs early prevents lifelong illness and potential substance use disorders, and helps put children on a path to lifelong wellness. We need to be investing in our children’s mental health. We appreciate that the minister has added 300 new counsellors and psychologists, but from everything that I’m hearing from our school system, it’s still far from enough.
I’ll ask the question to the Minister of Education. Will the minister change the ratios so that there are enough counsellors and psychologists to meet the needs of our students?
Hon. R. Singh: I really appreciate the question.
As I mentioned, it is our priority. We know how important the mental health and the well-being of our children is. As a government, we are investing in our education system and, especially, working with the most vulnerable, most marginalized youth and students in our schools. Since 2017 we have made it a priority, and we will continue to do that.
We know we have done a lot since 2017, but also, we have been filling the gaps. We know the gaps that were left out by the previous government. We are trying to fill those gaps. We know that a lot has been done, and we are committed to work even harder for this.
GOVERNMENT ACTION ON
AFFORDABLE
HOUSING
K. Kirkpatrick: Halfway through a ten-year housing plan announced in 2018, the NDP has abandoned it and admitted defeat. The Premier is failing on housing by every measure.
Interjections.
K. Kirkpatrick: Is it funny that we don’t have enough housing in this province? I don’t think so.
There are unprecedented levels of homelessness and social disorder. The HousingHub has turned into a colossal housing flub and wasn’t even mentioned in today’s housing plan. B.C. continues to have the highest rents in the country and the most unaffordable housing in all of North America. B.C. Housing is so dysfunctional that four out of five applications are sitting on desks there unapproved. The Premier’s so-called housing refresh strategy has no credibility, while B.C. housing remains a disaster, and the government continues to hide its forensic audit.
After the Premier has utterly failed as Housing Minister, how can he convince anyone to believe his new promises?
Hon. R. Kahlon: Again, many times in this House, we have recognized that housing continues to be a challenge here in British Columbia.
Record numbers of people are coming to British Columbia for good opportunities. We welcome them. We want them here; we need them here. We hear from employers all the time: “We need more people. How can we find more people?” They’re coming, but with that, and rising interest rates, we’re seeing additional pressures on our housing market. That’s why the plan that we brought in 2017 had significant improvements in our housing stock.
We saw that over 43,000 units have opened up because of the plan that we laid out. We’re on track to meet our goals, but we know we need more. We know we need more. And that’s why, today, we laid out the plan to ensure that we can position British Columbia in an even better place in the years ahead.
We know, as a government, that decades of underinvestment, decades of lack of investment, in this province has led us to this problem. Some would suggest that the solution to this challenge is to get out of the way and do nothing. We’ve seen that formula. We’ve seen that formula in this previous government for a long time. It didn’t work. It’s actually the reason why we’re in this problem now. That’s why the actions we’re taking….
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Shhh. Members. Members.
Members, let’s hear the answer.
The minister will continue.
Hon. R. Kahlon: The member across the way says taxes. She’s referring to the speculation tax.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Hon. R. Kahlon: We know that the Leader of the Opposition doesn’t like the speculation tax. He thinks it’s unfair for people who have multiple homes to have to pay an additional tax. It’s clear who the Leader of the Opposition works for. On our side of the House, we’re going to continue to work for people, because we know this housing is vitally important.
Mr. Speaker: Member for West Vancouver–Capilano, supplemental.
HOUSING AFFORDABILITY
AND SINGLE-FAMILY
ZONING
K. Kirkpatrick: I would like to remind the minister what I said in the initial question is that British Columbia has the highest rents in the country and has the most unaffordable housing in North America, and this is a two-term government. Obviously, what is happening is not working.
I would like to address the speculation. NDP MLAs own 102 properties. Since the last election, NDP MLAs have profited by almost $8.5 million on real estate sales. Let’s talk about speculation and what side of the House we’re looking at — $8.5 million, 102 properties.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members. Members, order please.
K. Kirkpatrick: Instead of trying to build his way out of a housing crisis, the Premier is trying to spin his way out of it. But a flashy branding exercise can’t change the fact that housing affordability is getting worse. Even worse, the Premier’s housing plan lacks transparency.
Take the Premier’s….
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
K. Kirkpatrick: I’ll follow the…
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Shhh. Members.
K. Kirkpatrick: …Minister of Housing’s approach to speaking in the House here.
Take the Premier’s promise to end single-family housing, for example, with no information about how that would work. The government couldn’t even answer basic questions like where would this apply.
Here’s a basic question. In which communities will the Premier be ending single-family zoning?
Hon. R. Kahlon: I think it’s important to note, and I’m sure the members across the way hear this as well, overwhelmingly, when I’m in my community and communities around the province, I hear from seniors. I hear from seniors talking about how they’re going to have their grandkids to be able to grow up near them. I hear from young families who want to stay in British Columbia. They want to have their kids grow up in the same neighbourhood that they grew up in.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Hon. R. Kahlon: That’s been a challenge for people over the last two decades, a lack of investments in British Columbia in housing.
Yeah, we’re proud of the changes that we’ve proposed as part of the housing strategy. If the member was serious and wanted to be part of the solution, she would look at her own community of West Vancouver and say to her community: “Yes, we need to bring on more housing.”
If the opposition is serious about housing, I say join us. I welcome them on this side of the House.
We are going to allow for more units to be built on single-dwelling homes. We know that these lots — they may have single-family homes built on them, and that’s okay. Because at the end of the day, as long as people want them and as long as people can afford them, they’ll continue to be built. The market will decide. But we need to allow more options on those sites. That’s why this is such a fantastic policy that’s being applauded across the board from all stakeholders.
What we don’t know is besides them saying that we’re going to get out of the way and do nothing, what do they offer? What are they offering? We know when they were on this side of the House, they did nothing on housing.
GOVERNMENT ACTION ON HOMELESSNESS
AND HOMELESS
NAVIGATION CENTRES
T. Halford: While the Premier continues to conceal the forensic audit of the dysfunctional B.C. Housing, the homeless crisis has never been worse.
One example of the NDP’s broken promise is to establish homeless navigation centres in Vancouver and Nanaimo, a promise made nearly three years ago. I quote from the government release: “….a non-profit partner will be selected this fall, and the navigation centre is expected to be operational by spring 2021.”
We have a snap election. The now Premier becomes the Minister of Housing, and the navigation centres get shelved.
My question is a direct one to the Premier. Why has he utterly failed when it comes to delivering the homeless navigation centres that that government promised to open in 2021?
Hon. R. Kahlon: I thank the member for the question. As I stated last week, we committed to opening a navigation centre in Nanaimo. We have found two sites. Both times, they’ve gone to council, and council has made a decision that the sites are not appropriate for the navigation centre. That’s a frustration for us to do all the work, find a site, go to council, have it rejected, come back, find another site, go to…. It’s frustrating. But we know it’s important work. We know that local governments have an important role in this. We’re going to continue to work with them to find that.
As for the one in Vancouver, if the members have a chance to read our plan that we released with Mayor Ken Sim from Vancouver, part of that is having a centre. That will be opening very shortly. That will ensure that those that are looking for supports are able to go to one place and not only find housing but also get the supports they need. Again, we’re excited to see that space open up.
Not only that, but we have 330 units opening by the end of June that will help support those that are looking for it. I’ll just say, on the Downtown Eastside in particular, an important piece. There are spaces available right now for those that are in encampments, and particularly those on Hastings Street. It is not safe. We agree with Mayor Sim. This is not a safe space for people.
We had a survey done by a not-for-profit, which interviewed 50 women. All 50 reported to be sexually assaulted. That is unacceptable. We are urging those folks to take the shelter spaces. They’re available. We have brought them online. On top of that, we have additional spaces opening up in the coming weeks and months ahead.
Mr. Speaker: Surrey–White Rock, supplemental.
T. Halford: I give the minister a bit of advice here. I think he needs to work on his relationship with the mayor of Nanaimo. Because he says: “Nanaimo is desperate for a navigation centre…. We’ve been waiting a long time.” This was a promise made in 2020.
Again, this minister gets up today and says, “Yeah, it may be a priority today” — an absolute, utter failure when it comes to something that this NDP has overpromised and underdelivered on. Again, when we look at Nanaimo, here, it is very clear that this Premier, this minister and these MLAs have completely failed their community.
Why did this Premier fail to deliver on something like homeless navigation centres?
Hon. R. Kahlon: Clearly, they’ve run out of material for question period. They keep asking the same question that I just gave an answer to a second ago.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Let’s hear it, please.
Members.
The minister will continue.
Hon. R. Kahlon: As I’ve shared with the member now, and I did last week as well, we found a site in Nanaimo for a navigation centre. It didn’t suit council’s needs. We went away. We found another site. It didn’t meet the needs of council. Now we’re working to find an additional site. That’s the work we’ve been doing, not only there but in communities around the province, working with local governments to make sure that the supports we can find fit well with community.
But not only that. If you look back over the years, the significant size of the encampments that Nanaimo had, the incredible amount of work it took to get people out of those encampments and get people into housing…. In Nanaimo alone, 1,437 units have come that we have funded — 881 open, and 556 are funded that are going through the process of being built right now.
That is significant. In fact, that’s probably the amount of units the previous government built around the province. We continue to make these investments in Nanaimo, because it’s important. But we’re going to make these investments in communities throughout the province.
RELEASE OF B.C. HOUSING AUDIT REPORT
P. Milobar: As we heard earlier today from this government, I think it’s as close or charitable of a description as we can have with their new housing numbers, as creative accounting was used today as they were trying to justify and explain what their failures over the last six years have been on the housing file. It’s no wonder that B.C. Housing is under a forensic audit. We see how this government likes to play fast and loose with numbers when it comes to housing.
Unfortunately, despite this government having the B.C. Housing forensic audit for the better part of a month now, we’re no closer to having that released. In fact, under section 25 of the Freedom of Information Act, the Premier has the power to release that, but instead of releasing it, we’re waiting on the same agencies, which resulted in this audit needing to be done, to go through that audit with a felt pen and cross out anything and everything that might actually shine a light on what’s going on at B.C. Housing.
Imagine what would have happened today if the Premier had had the temerity to actually release that audit, full and unredacted, while they were talking about housing, with all the provincial media there. Imagine the transparency that that would have provided to the public about what’s actually going on in housing in British Columbia. Instead, organizations like Atira and B.C. Housing and others are going to be busy with their sharpies over the next few weeks.
If this Premier was actually serious about transparency when it comes to housing, that report would already be released.
Will the Premier take the power that he has, under section 25 of the Freedom of Information Act, and release today, unredacted, the B.C. Housing forensic audit and make it available to Public Accounts for full and proper scrutiny?
Hon. D. Eby: The member knows I’ve stood in this place a number of times and made the commitment. I’ll make it again. We’ll release the report in full to the extent that the law allows us to do that.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Shhh.
Hon. D. Eby: Now, when I became Premier, I committed to work on four priorities for British Columbians: on public safety, on housing, on health care and on a strong economy that works for everybody.
On public safety…
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members.
Hon. D. Eby: ….in May, we will have 21 teams of prosecutors, new prosecutors, probation officers, correction officers addressing chronic repeat violent offenders. The Minister of Public Safety and the Attorney General went to Ottawa, got a commitment from Ottawa, a strong commitment to fix the federal bail rules.
On housing today, a plan that community organizations, homebuilders — people who support affordable housing for people who work hard, earn a decent living, can’t find a place to live…. They are celebrating this. I’m going to read a Homes for Living YYJ quote. “First look at the housing for people action plan — this is huge!” And that is on top of us setting a record over the last five years — more housing units delivered in British Columbia than in any five-year period ever in the history of the province.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members. Members.
Hon. D. Eby: On health care, a new deal with family doctors so that British Columbians get the family doctor they deserve; making sure that when people go to hospital, they get the care they need by recognizing the credentials of internationally trained nurses so that they can get to work and help people in the hospital; and working closely with nurses to make sure that our health care system works for everybody.
On a strong economy that works for British Columbians, almost $5 billion in major project investments now, since I became Premier.
Hon. Speaker, I know that we’ve got a lot more work to do.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members. Members.
Members will come to order.
Hon. D. Eby: I know the members don’t like it. I know the opposition doesn’t like it.
But this team we’ve got here is delivering for British Columbians every single day, and we’re not going to stop.
[End of question period.]
Tabling Documents
Mr. Speaker: I have the honour of tabling the Electoral Boundaries Commission’s final report.
Petitions
J. Rustad: It is my pleasure to present a portion of a petition asking for the repeal of Bill 36, containing 290 signatures. We thought we would put this forward for the Clerk’s office to be able to start processing.
Orders of the Day
Hon. R. Kahlon: In the main chamber, I call Committee of the Whole for Bill 17, the Family Law Amendment Act.
In committee room A, I call continued debate in Committee of Supply for the Ministry of Forests. After that completes, the Ministry of Labour will begin.
In committee room C, I call continued debate in Committee of Supply for the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change Strategy, and after that completes, the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation will begin.
Committee of the Whole House
BILL 17 — FAMILY LAW
AMENDMENT ACT,
2023
(continued)
The House in Committee of the Whole (Section B) on Bill 17, Family Law Amendment Act, 2023; S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.
The committee met at 2:26 p.m.
The Chair: We’ll just take a short recess to allow all the appropriate parties to get into place.
The committee recessed from 2:27 p.m. to 2:32 p.m.
[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]
The Chair: All right, Members. I’d like to call this committee into order. We’re looking at Bill 17, the Family Law Amendment Act, 2023.
Hon. N. Sharma: I want to please welcome to the House Darryl Hrenyk, legal counsel, and Aurora Beraldin, legal counsel, both from justice services branch of my ministry.
On clause 1 (continued).
M. de Jong: In my zeal last day to get into the details of pets and companion animals, I neglected to do something I always try to do on these bills, and that’s quickly, in clause 1, canvass with the minister any procedural aspects that have led to the development of the legislation and the specific sections and its presentation here.
I don’t have many questions. In the earlier bill we discussed, I asked about the request-for-legislation process and whether that had been followed. I’ll ask the same question here: whether the amendments to the Family Law Act that we’re dealing with are the product of a request for legislation that was developed and subsequently approved and submitted to leg. counsel.
I imagine, though I don’t know this, if that happened, it predates this Attorney General’s arrival on the scene. But I’m more interested in the process than I am in the individuals involved.
Hon. N. Sharma: The answer to that question is yes. We had an RFL process, as you described, and we also had consultation after that. It predates my time.
M. de Jong: Is the procedure as it once was? In the case of legislation, Attorney General’s legislation, does it involve, with respect to the RFL, the Attorney General of the day signing off on that document prior to it being advanced?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes.
M. de Jong: A couple of questions on legislation of the sort, the general issue here being the division of property, including, as we began to discuss last day, property in a companion animal.
The minister used a word a moment ago — consultation. What type of consultation was conducted with whom? Did that happen prior to the finalization of the RFL or subsequent to the signing off of the RFL?
Hon. N. Sharma: We had a very extensive consultation process that began prior to the RFL. That involved a technical discussion paper for family law practitioners, as well as a plain-language backgrounder summarizing issues for the general public. That involved a plain-language survey that the public was invited to fill out online.
We received 92 responses to the online survey and 16 individual submissions from individuals or organizations that were obviously more established institutions, places like Legal Aid B.C. and the Law Society of B.C.
After that, we drafted the RFL. Then after the RFL, we had an advisory group of experts who assisted in the development and drafting after the RFL up to today.
M. de Jong: Thanks, that’s helpful.
The advisory group, I take it, would have been involved in some of the more specific language. I’m not going to use the word “drafting,” because leg. counsel would ultimately have responsibility for the drafting. But I take it that the advisory group really devoted itself to the nuts and bolts of what is before us.
So two questions. I don’t want the minister to read off a phone book here, but if it’s a manageable-sized group, is she able to advise who was on the advisory group? I’ll start there, and then I’ll come back to the next question.
Hon. N. Sharma: Just to clarify the first part of it, the group did actually participate in development and drafting of the amendments. I’m going to take the answer for whether or not we can list the names of the individuals that were on there on notice, because I want to clarify that we have their permission, under the agreements we have, before I list them. It’s just to say they were practising lawyers and organizations like Rise Women’s Legal Centre, the B.C. Society of Transition Houses and CBABC representatives. Others were private lawyers, though, and I can confirm that.
I also want to just add that one of the things that I wanted to mention about our consultation was our Indigenous engagement. Public consultation materials were sent to all individual First Nations, the B.C. First Nations Leadership Council, the First Nations Justice Council and the Métis Nation as well as other Indigenous organizations, such as the Native Courtworker and Counselling Association of B.C., as well as Indigenous family law lawyers.
M. de Jong: Hon. Chair, the Attorney has anticipated my next area of interest. Let’s come back to the First Nations–Aboriginal component to this. I think we’re still all learning about how, in the development of laws of general application, that consultative process is evolving and how it’s functioning.
Back to the working group, I understand that the Attorney is trying to ascertain whether names can be released, and I’m interested in that. I’m probably more interested in the agencies they represented. The minister has mentioned the Canadian Bar Association, B.C. section, and, presumably, the family law practitioners, but maybe she could indicate, on the record here now, which organizations were part of the working group.
Hon. N. Sharma: Just to provide some further clarity on our consultation processes, I’m learning it was very extensive.
The groups that I just read out and I’ll read again…. Rise Women’s Legal Centre, B.C. Society of Transition Houses, West Coast LEAF, CBABC as well as the First Nations organizations I read out before were all consulted.
There was a different advisory group for part 5 than part 6. With property division, it was part 5. With part 6, there was the consultation conducted by the British Columbia Law Institute.
We had a group of advisory committee members just on the pension. I do have the list of people, which, I’m told, is actually also public, on the pension division report. That’s online. If you would like, I could read those names right now: Colin Galinski; Stephen Cheng; Stephanie Griffith; Gail Johnson; Margaret H. Mason, KC; Jacqueline McQueen, KC; Cynthia Callahan-Maureen; Pierre-Luc Chénier; Darryl Hrenyk — he’s right here; Hon. Peter Leask, KC; Beatrice McCutcheon; and Michael Peters.
M. de Jong: I take it the list of names that the Attorney has just read out, for the committee’s benefit, is related to the working group on the part 6 amendments. The Attorney is indicating that that’s the case.
It sounds like, from our brief exchange here, that two things happened. I mean this as a question. I just want to make sure I’m understanding this correctly.
There was a working group for the part 5 property division amendments and a working group for the part 6 pension division amendments. Then, in addition to that, there were some separate consultations that took place. The minister has mentioned First Nations organizations.
Do I have the construct correct, if I’m thinking in those terms?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes.
M. de Jong: I’m going to ask…. I don’t want to leave the impression with the Attorney that I received a comment or complaint in this particular instance, because I did not. I have in other instances.
The concern goes like this, from Aboriginal representatives, First Nations, who say: “Yes, we got notice. Yes, we got an invitation to comment, but we weren’t involved in the working group. It seemed to be a separate thing.”
I think the concern — again, not having been expressed in this particular circumstance but in others — is where a First Nation representative or an Aboriginal person says: “Yes, we’re getting the letter, the invitation, but we’re still left with the impression that the real work is taking place somewhere else, which we’re not directly involved with.”
I guess, in this case, that would lead to the question: was there Aboriginal representation on either of the two working groups that the Attorney has mentioned?
Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll start by saying the First Nations–specific engagement is a separate process that, obviously, we take very seriously.
That went to all individual First Nations, the B.C. First Nations Leadership Council, the justice council and the Métis Nation directly for that. We did invite two Indigenous family lawyers to participate in the working group, particularly for part 5.
This is a phased process. So we’ll be updating different parts of the Family Law Act in different phases. The response was that these particular phases — the three things that we’re changing here with companion animals, property division and pensions — were not a priority for their participation. So they declined to participate in the actual advisory group. We suspect that for other phases of this act, that answer might change.
M. de Jong: Sorry, I was unclear on who “they” is.
Hon. N. Sharma: That was the specific Indigenous family law lawyers that were invited to participate on the advisory group.
M. de Jong: Sorry, I may be asking these questions clumsily.
The Attorney has referred to two members, Aboriginal lawyers from the family bar, who were invited to participate on one or both of the working groups that she has identified for the committee.
Is it the Attorney’s information from the committee that, in both instances, they declined to participate?
Hon. N. Sharma: It’s correct. It was two Indigenous family law lawyers that I was referring to.
They are participating in the phase 2 component, at that level, in the working group but had indicated, with the three particular amendments in this phase 1 related to companion animals, property and pensions…. They weren’t priority items for them to participate.
M. de Jong: They were invited in their personal capacity, as opposed to as a representative of any particular group.
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes, they were participating in their own capacity. I think that was your question.
M. de Jong: Then with respect to the other consultative efforts that were made vis-à-vis Aboriginal organizations, First Nations, Indigenous organizations, in this case…. How does that work practically? At what point…?
The Attorney has mentioned…. For example, all First Nations were notified. The Métis Nation of B.C. was notified. The First Nations Leadership Council was notified. So what does that mean? Were they provided with…? Well, I guess I should ask: what would they have been provided with to comment upon and in what form?
We’re talking about awfully technical areas of the law that, to an average person, would be difficult to convey. One can make it more understandable by making it more general, but then you kind of lose the point about what the significance of the proposed changes are.
What is sent out and when in the exercise?
Hon. N. Sharma: Okay. Here is kind of a list of more details of the process. This would have been prior to the RFL.
All First Nations did receive all consultation materials. That meant the technical materials I talked about earlier, the plain-language documents, including the backgrounders, and the survey that was available to the public. That is the list of all the materials that were provided to all First Nations.
M. de Jong: So fair to say that the documentation that would have been available to the general public prior to the finalization of the RFL would have been sent either electronically — probably electronically, these days — to the First Nations, to the Métis Nation B.C., to the leadership Council. They would have received directly the public package that was otherwise available. Is that correct?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes.
M. de Jong: At some point, the government decides…. On the strength of whatever it hears from the various people and through that period, it decides to finalize an RFL. The Attorney of the day signs off on it. Does that trigger any additional engagement with the First Nation groups that the Attorney has mentioned and that I’ve repeated?
All to say, at a certain point, we, by necessity, move from a more general expression of intent, plain language…. Government is looking at property division aspects of the Family Law Act and is considering amendments to that act. Eventually, that evolves into something more specific — instructions contained in the RFL. Does that trigger, then, a second round of engagement with the Indigenous organizations and First Nations?
Hon. N. Sharma: Because of the phased nature of the amendments that we’re approaching the Family Law Act in — and this is just phase 1 — I think you can view it as kind of an ongoing engagement. So it’s hard to draw a line.
I’ll just give you an example of how that’s showing up, particularly for First Nations. When we did our first round of consultation — I mentioned that we sent those materials out — one First Nation identified that they would like us to look at the cultural significance of property upon division as a factor. Because that triggered a new aspect that could be particular to First Nations, we then sent out engagement letters back to all First Nations to ask them what they thought about provisions that would relate to the cultural significance of property on division, just to say that it’s an ongoing engagement process.
Plus, we have interest in the second phase of some of the aspects that are coming up, like…. I think it’s child custody and other aspects of the Family Law Act. We’re constantly communicating with different things with relation to this, and we did offer to all First Nations a copy of the draft bill.
M. de Jong: All right. Well, that’s helpful, because the notion of cultural elements to property division in communities or cultures that are, in some cases, matriarchal versus patriarchal…. I don’t purport to be anything close to an expert on what the legal significance of that could be in the context of property division, except I’m alive to the possible relevance or significance.
The reason I wanted to explore this, as I said at the outset, was that I think we’re all still trying to secure a better understanding of what the operationalization of UNDRIP really entails in terms of the development and passage of legislation in this chamber, particularly, I think, when it’s legislation that we can all see as having to understand has a direct impact or a specific impact on Aboriginal people, Indigenous people and First Nations.
The broader question relates to laws of general application that may have a unique type of impact. The challenge for any group is: they get a general invitation to provide feedback on the general issue. Then, over time, through the processes that exist within government that the Attorney has described, things get refined to the point where we get an RFL, and then we get draft legislation.
I was interested in the last thing the Attorney said, which is that at a certain point, all First Nations in B.C., Métis Nation B.C., the First Nations Leadership Council were offered a draft copy of the legislation prior to its introduction in the House.
That’s interesting, because that’s about as specific a disclosure as one could make about pending legislation, which is to show the draft bill. When did that happen, in this context? Is that kind of standard operating procedure now for legislation that comes before the House?
Hon. N. Sharma: The process that we undertake when it comes to legislative drafting and the work that we do on the legislation with First Nations is to engage early, regularly and often. That’s the ideal process. What I can say is that through that process, some First Nations are going to be interested in engaging with us in the process for that particular matter, and some aren’t. It’s just that there’s diversity across the province.
For example, for this one, the Tsawwassen First Nation has existing confidentiality agreements we work through together. We did disclose the draft legislation to them, and they reviewed it. Other First Nations didn’t take us up on that offer. So it’s really a different experience depending on the importance of the issue to that nation. I suspect with this phase 2, it will also be different in terms of what comes from that.
M. de Jong: Well, two things that flow…. I think it imminently logical and sensible that, depending on the issue, different First Nations and Aboriginal groups will have a different level of interest, a different ability to devote themselves, depending on their capacity and what’s going on in their community.
The reason I pursued this: I thought I heard the Attorney say a few moments ago that in this instance, draft copies of the bill had been forwarded to all First Nations. What I think she just said is that in this case, actually, she mentioned one First Nation, the Tsawwassen. Again, I’m just trying to get an idea of that. Which was it? Was it a smaller group? Or did a draft copy of the bill go to everyone?
Hon. N. Sharma: Thanks for allowing me to clarify this. What I said was the draft was offered. What that means is that different…. There was an offer for them to engage in the process, up to viewing a draft and working with us on it. Only some had taken us up on it. I gave the example of Tsawwassen. Hopefully, that clarifies it.
M. de Jong: Something else the Attorney mentioned was that it was easier to advance that work with the Tsawwassen First Nation because of existing confidentiality agreements. Is that a prerequisite to sharing a draft bill with a First Nation or Indigenous organization — the conclusion of a confidentiality agreement?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes.
M. de Jong: What does that allow? More being curious about this in other contexts, not just the Aboriginal context. I’ll ask the question, recognizing that there are some other phases to this project coming up that may be of more interest to people than the two or three areas that we’re dealing with here today in this legislation.
When a First Nation signs a confidentiality agreement, presumably they are interested in examining the contents of a draft law that is slated for consideration here. They’re probably also interested in getting some feedback from their community and people within their community. How do they do that? Are they able to share the contents of the draft bill with members of the community? Or are they restricted by what they can discuss?
Hon. N. Sharma: Of course, it depends on the contents of the confidentiality agreement. Many confidentiality agreements that we have with First Nations allow for the type of community disclosure that the member asked about.
M. de Jong: In a situation where the draft bill is sent out, would that occur after the bill has been reviewed by the government legislative review committee and has been finalized for introduction?
Hon. N. Sharma: Just by example…. I think it helps to illustrate it. If you, under a confidentiality agreement, provide the draft legislation to the other side, the way that they’re generally constructed — it depends on each scenario, I guess — the people that have signed the confidentiality agreement can read the draft legislation in its whole. Then they can talk about the issues with their community, which they may have to consult on.
I’ll just give you an example. We talked about the cultural property. This is an example where a First Nation has identified an issue that they would like to discuss further. They’ve asked for us to give them time to take that issue back to their community and talk about it. How does it show up in their families, especially when families break down, to give us advice on it?
It’s really kind of a back-and-forth with the communities, but the issues are what we want to hear from when it comes to communities — how they show up and what they think needs to be implemented into the legislation.
M. de Jong: I realize that this is getting a little bit myopic in terms of the procedure, but it’s a good chance — on a piece of legislation where, I think, it doesn’t sound like it provoked a lot of controversial feedback — a good context within which to better understand how this works.
I asked about LRC because — it may be different now — there was a time when for the legislative review committee, after the request for legislation had gone to legislative counsel and the drafting work had been done, the draft bill would come back to the minister — in this case, the Attorney General. It would then undertake a final review through the legislative review counsel.
My question was whether…. I’ll use the term “First Nations,” but I mean that broader group of Indigenous groups that may have interest. If a First Nation indicates they have interest in seeing the draft legislation before it’s tabled in the House, would they see the draft legislation after it has been reviewed by leg. review counsel?
Hon. N. Sharma: It would be before that.
M. de Jong: It is not unheard of that upon closer review…. I imagine the government has a legislative review committee that comprises other ministers and private members within the government. I don’t know who’s on it. It’s conceivable, and it has certainly been my experience, that the reason for that body to exist is to contemplate changes or to examine and determine whether there are any provisions of the bill that do not enjoy the support of that group or that need to be changed. If that happens, does that provoke a need…?
If a change occurs through the legislative review committee process, does that trigger, in the government’s mind, an obligation to alert an interested and involved First Nation and resubmit what would then be an amended piece of legislation?
Hon. N. Sharma: I’m speaking very hypothetically here because it didn’t happen in this scenario. I don’t know of an example of when this happened.
Let’s say that the LRC did make a substantive change to a piece of legislation that we deemed substantive enough. Then, I guess, the proper process would be to seek permission from that cabinet committee to go back to those groups and talk about it, and potentially another LRC meeting. You might have to delay the process until you’ve talked with them.
But this is all hypothetical, and it definitely did not happen in this case.
M. de Jong: Again, I’m just trying to ascertain how these evolving consultative processes now work.
Is it a question of permission from the LRC? It strikes me that the mandate for the LRC is to sign off for the government on whether or not the legislation accomplishes the stated purpose and to check the drafting. If the LRC determines that’s not the case, I guess that’s their mandate. If it triggers a substantive change, as the Attorney has pointed out, whether or not that triggers additional consultation with interested First Nations is, I guess, for the minister and the government to determine. I’m curious to know. It sounds like that’s her view: that it would. But I’m curious to know that.
Hon. N. Sharma: I feel that we’re straying a little bit from the clause and the legislation. But I will say that there is a process for if the LRC does make changes for it to come back to the LRC again. I’ll leave it at that.
M. de Jong: Sorry. I should try to be clear on what my very limited interest in this is. I understand the role — I think I do — of LRC and the fact that a bill can sometimes make multiple trips to LRC to presumably try to improve the product to a point where the government is comfortable introducing it.
My only interest in this is…. We’ve had a bit of a conversation about the level of engagement and the processes followed with First Nations and Indigenous peoples. All I’m trying to ascertain is…. There is this body, really close to when a bill is being tabled — at least, that was my experience — that can say, “No. We want changes,” or: “We are asking the minister to make changes before we approve it for tabling.”
If that happens…. My experience is that if it’s a substantive change, it usually relates to one or two sections, or clauses as we now refer to them. There are often typographical mistakes that I would not characterize as substantive.
But if the LRC says, “No. We think there’s a substantive provision that we need a significant change to,” and it changes the impact of that particular section of the bill, or the bill in its entirety, does that provoke an additional round of consultation with First Nations?
[J. Tegart in the chair.]
Hon. N. Sharma: The question posed by the member is so hypothetical that without a specific example, it’s hard to answer. It would depend on how substantive the provision was, whether or not the previous discussions with First Nations led the decision-makers to believe that it was substantive in terms of their opinion. Then there is a process for things to go back to LRC if needed.
Clause 1 approved.
On clause 2.
M. de Jong: We had a bit of a conversation about this last day, and I don’t know that we have to have much longer of a conversation except to, perhaps, confirm the relevance of whether or not an animal is a companion animal or an animal that is kept as part of a business or kept for agricultural purposes.
The example I gave was the herder dog, which, in many cases, plays a role both as a family pet and as a working part of a farm. As I recall, the Attorney made the valid point that if it were asked to rule, it would be for the adjudicator to make that determination based on the evidence.
I think I agree with that, but the significance is this: if the determination is that it is a companion animal, as I understand it, the option still exists for the parties themselves to come to an agreement where they would share the pet. If the determination is that it is an animal that is a part of a business or kept for agricultural purposes, it is property and the court can make an order but not an order to share custody, an order that it goes to one party or the other.
So there is significance in terms of that determination. Have I summarized the way the amendments are intended to function, or the results of the impact of the amendments?
Hon. N. Sharma: I guess the one thing I would add off the top is that even if it is an agricultural animal or a companion animal, of course, it’s up to the parties. Prior to that, they can come to an agreement on how to determine where, let’s say, that herder dog — to use the example the member provided — goes.
Then I think the member described it correctly. If it was before a decision-maker as to whether it was a companion animal or not and if it is determined that it’s a companion animal, then of course it’s the decision-making power, laid out in the amendments, that the judge would use as guidance. If it’s not, it becomes property for agricultural purposes and divided like property, as in normal cases.
M. de Jong: When we get to, I think, clause 7 of the bill, we get into the considerations as to what a court will take into account with respect to a companion animal. By the way, I did not mean to ignore subsection (a) of the section, which also refers to guide dogs. I think there’s obviously a logical reason why a guide dog would be attached to, presumably, a specific member of the family.
I think the last question I have on this section, then, is if an animal is not a companion animal…. Let’s assume it’s not a guide dog but it is one of the other two types of animals contemplated and part of a business or kept for agricultural purposes. The Attorney has just mentioned that if the matter comes before an adjudicator, it’s dealt with as other property and different than a companion animal. In that case, what goes into the consideration or the determination by an adjudicator as to who gets that either business animal or agricultural animal?
Hon. N. Sharma: We start with once it becomes a family asset, so property that’s not excluded under family law, it’s presumed 50-50 division under section 95 of the Family Law Act. It sets out the factors that, in this case, a Supreme Court judge would determine the companion animals. Of course, we’ve allowed Provincial Court to hear those.
That includes things from the duration of the relationship between the spouses, any other agreement or the contribution to that potential asset. There’s a catch-all of any other factors the court might consider in terms of dividing that property.
M. de Jong: In the case, though, of an agricultural animal in circumstances where one of the parties at dissolution of the relationship is remaining on the agricultural property, presumably, that would be a relevant consideration.
If one of the parties is remaining on the farm, so to speak, that the animal has been accustomed to living on, that would be a consideration for determining which party retains ownership of the agricultural animal.
Hon. N. Sharma: I guess, presumably, but it would depend on the facts in that case. For example, the other party might allege different attachment to the property, and it’s within the factors that are laid out in section 95, like I mentioned.
Also, you might have a scenario where there’s a division of the value of those agricultural lands and/or the assets that are included, like the animals. So even though the person staying on the agricultural land retains the property, stays there, the division of the value might go 50…. Fifty percent of that might go to the…. I guess I would just say it depends on the facts of the case.
M. de Jong: Yes, that undoubtedly is the case. I think, practically, this doesn’t arise when we are talking about the herd or the flock, which sort of by definition has a commercial component to it. It gets valued, and orders are made or agreements are made on that basis.
My particular interest, having introduced the concept of the companion animal, is when it is…. The better example, in many parts of British Columbia, is the two or three horses that maybe provide some agricultural function but also there may be a family attachment. Again, the determination of whether they’re property or a companion animal becomes very important.
I don’t know that we’re going to resolve this conclusively in this discussion except perhaps to go back to somewhere I think the Attorney went on the first day, which is to advise parties of the wisdom of trying to negotiate a settlement as opposed to relying upon an adjudicator whose ruling might not satisfy either.
I think, subject to any comments the Attorney has, that might be it on clause 2.
Clause 2 approved.
On clause 3.
M. de Jong: Sandwiched in between commentary and statutory provisions dealing with companion animals is this delightful clause that deals with some concepts that can be a little bit confusing for the average person and even for those who are supposed to be trained in the operation of the law. Clauses 3 and 4 talk about the presumption of advancement, the presumption of resulting trust and all in the context of excluded property.
Why don’t we start by…? In the briefing that we had, I alerted the Attorney’s office that the best way I can think of to have this conversation is that when I invite the Attorney, as I will in a moment, to describe for the committee what the old common law presumption of advancement is, the presumption of resulting trust, is to present it in the context of the kind of example that arises from time to time and, in fact, arises, I’m told, frequently enough that it has generated some confusing jurisprudence that has given rise to the need for these provisions.
Let’s see if we can come up with an example that allows us to talk about this in a way that makes some sense.
Hon. N. Sharma: I just want to thank the member for allowing us to talk about these changes in detail.
I’ll start by saying that the team, when they went and consulted with experts in this area…. Really the conclusion was that this is one of the most controversial and most litigated aspects of property division in our courts. The goal of this section is to bring clarity to the law in two main ways. I’m going to start by just reading, for the interests of people, what the two presumptions mean and then give examples, as the member requested.
The presumption of advancement is a common-law principle. It stands for a proposition that if a husband transfers property to his wife during the relationship, the transfer is considered a gift, unless there’s sufficient contradictory evidence. So when a presumption of advancement is applied and a transfer is treated a gift, it changes the character of the property to family property. And on that basis, it becomes a family asset in division of the Family Law Act.
I’ll just give an example of how this would show up. For example, a spouse receives an inheritance from somebody in their family and puts it into a joint bank account — so without thinking about it, puts it into a joint bank account and doesn’t think that that becomes the property of the family instead of excluded property, as it’s an inheritance from their family. What the proposed changes in clause 3 would do is make sure that it’s very clearly still excluded property despite the scenario of putting it in a joint bank account.
Then just to talk a little bit about the other — that’s subsection (2) in the amendment — presumption of a resulting trust. It kind of stands for the opposite of presumption of advancement. The transfer creates a trust-like relationship, such as that the beneficial owner of the property remains with the transfer. It’s another common-law principle that’s in the law, and I think it’s good if I can give an example of that.
This would be an example where a spouse owns property prior to the relationship, gets married but, for whatever reason during the relationship, adds the other spouse’s name to the title of the property.
What this change will make clearer is that that property would stay excluded property, even though there’s a transfer of title. It also makes it clear that, despite that change, the court can decide, through the regular provisions of the Family Law Act, that there may be significant unfairness in not dividing that excluded property. So if there’s a reason for unfairness, it still could be divided. But it makes it clear that those presumptions don’t apply.
M. de Jong: Let’s start with the second example first. Let’s take the case of a couple that get married. Let’s say they’re in their mid-40s, only because I want to suggest an example where one of the spouses has had sufficient time to acquire some asset, a piece of property. They get married. We’ll use the example where the husband comes into the marriage with this pre-existing piece of property. Two years into the marriage he decides to place his now wife on title for that property.
In that case, the presumptions, I take it, operate for the purpose of division in a certain way that would see that property divided as a family asset. The presumption would operate for that to happen. This is designed to make it clear to a court that they must look at other factors. The two common-law presumptions no longer apply, so it doesn’t automatically follow that that piece of property becomes a family asset to the benefit of the wife, in that case, for division. Have I summarized that example correctly?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes, to the member’s statement, except for one, I think, important clarification, which is that despite the presumptions having been removed from consideration, it would remain excluded property.
The act gives the decision-maker the ability to otherwise divide excluded property for fairness reasons.
M. de Jong: Right, and that is an important distinction. Let’s follow through on the example, and I’ll add a few details to it that I think occur, sometimes with a measure of regularity.
I’m going to use husband-wife for the purpose of my example. I’m also going to use an example that is a bit stereotypical of perhaps another age. These things, happily, may be changing. But here’s the example. A man and woman get married and become husband and wife. The husband has a pre-existing piece of property that becomes the matrimonial home and subsequently places the wife on title.
These presumptions could operate in a certain way to ensure that remains excluded property at the time of division, except the Attorney has pointed out, and we don’t want to leave the impression that we’re passing something here where 25 years down the road, that woman is now out of luck, because there are other provisions of the Family Law Act.
In fact, other provisions, amendments to those provisions contained in this act, ensure in that case, even though the piece of property that became the matrimonial home was owned by the husband for some period of time prior to the marriage, the couple comes together. They live there for an extended period of time, maybe raise their kids there. The wife, by virtue of other provisions of the act that would be adjudicated if necessary, does not leave that relationship without any entitlement whatsoever to share in that excluded asset.
Having the Attorney confirm that and, perhaps, add some colour to my example would be, I think, important.
Hon. N. Sharma: Just for clarity, with the passing of this, there’d be no presumption that applies to any of the factors. But, as the member mentioned, yes, there’s the idea that if there’s significant unfairness, a judge could make an order to divide excluded property.
I’ll just give some examples based on what the member raised. For example, let’s say the marriage that was mentioned previously was ten years in duration, and the spouse — in this case, the wife, in your scenario — had made contributions to the maintenance and preservation of the house or significant contributions. That may be a factor that the judge considers in dividing the excluded property or making an order to that.
Another example would be if there is an agreement. Or, let’s say, in that long relationship, there really aren’t any other assets to divide, right? Then, in that circumstance, a judge may determine that for reasons of fairness, the excluded property needs to be subject to some form of division between the spouses.
M. de Jong: An important point that the Attorney has made. We might expand on it in the subsequent section. The determination around possible division is not based exclusively on contribution to the maintenance of this asset. It can take into account other factors, like the overall financial circumstances confronting the couple. Is that correct?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes. One thing to add is that in the scenario that you provided about a property that becomes a matrimonial property, for clarity’s sake, the increase in value of that property over the span of that relationship is subject to division as a family asset. It would be the value up to coming in. That’s one more factor.
M. de Jong: Is there a part of the ongoing evolution of the law around property division, the old trilogy cases and the courts developing the notion of the resulting trust to take into account? As I recall, historically, the injustice, generally, of the woman who came into the relationship, provided her, over many years, support for the family and contribution to the well-being of the family, only to discover, at age 70, that she wasn’t entitled to share any of the accumulated assets that might be available because the main asset, the property, was brought in by her partner.
The Attorney referred to the litigation and the confusion that has existed around this. It might be…. In commending these provisions to the committee and, ultimately, the House, it is, I think, important that we have some appreciation for the nature of that confusion. I shouldn’t call it judicial confusion. Different courts have interpreted provisions differently, which has made it very challenging to provide advice to people at times of dissolution.
What can the Attorney…? What would she say to the committee about how this provides a level of certainty that improves upon the uncertainty that presently exists?
Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll start by saying that in our extensive consultation, this was the number one issue that all the groups had said required clarity.
My team did a very careful and purposeful analysis of the case law when it comes to the division of this type of property and the application of presumptions. Based on an overview of that analysis, what they found was that there was a huge level of inconsistencies. Some courts were applying the presumption. Some weren’t. Some were avoiding the common-law principles entirely and looking at a factual analysis of the intention of the parties, which is a huge undertaking when it’s a long relationship. That would result in very long, lengthy decisions.
With respect to, as the member quite rightly talked about, the purpose of these common-law presumptions and where they came from, it was also something…. We had support from Rise legal clinic, which deals with women, in particular, when it comes to family law and breakdowns, and the B.C. Society of Transition Houses. They also agreed that this type of law could use clarity, also, to protect women that are going through this process.
We’re really hopeful that with these amendments…. It will draw a line around what’s excluded property, what the reasons are for a division of that property and what’s family property.
Clause 3 approved.
On clause 4.
M. de Jong: I think clause 4 is somewhat of a…. It’s not just a restatement. It is intended to add something.
This notion…. If a property is excluded property and not a family asset, it doesn’t become a family asset because one spouse has transferred some kind of an interest to the spouse. That seems consistent with the discussion that we’ve just had.
Why is it necessary, in addition to the provisions of what will be the amended 81.1(1) and (2)? What does that add? Why is that provision, which is in clause 4, essential to complete the circle on this?
Hon. N. Sharma: This was in direct response to the case law analysis that my team did when it came to where this was showing up. Really, it’s a certainty clause. It’s to help make sure that there’s no doubt, when it comes to excluded property, that that category is part of it.
M. de Jong: The analysis, then, that a court would undertake is, firstly, to determine whether an asset was excluded property. Then if one of the parties alleged, “Yes, but a gift was made, a transfer was made, of a beneficial interest or a legal interest,” the court would say: “Well, that may be well and good, but that does not convert the excluded property, in and of itself, into a family asset.” Is that the intended effect of this?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes.
M. de Jong: Then to follow that further, if the party alleging an interest in that excluded property…. They do what, at that point, as part of that litigation?
Hon. N. Sharma: Then it would be up to the party to make the arguments, if there are any, about why that property, with the character of it being excluded property, needs to be divided, for reasons of unfairness.
M. de Jong: They would do that taking into a account, amongst other things, the provisions that we are going to come to in clause 6 of this bill.
Hon. N. Sharma: That’s correct. They would take into account the clauses, which I think we’ll talk about, under clause 6.
M. de Jong: The competing jurisprudence around this, at least in the time I had to do some legal research, seems not to have been decisively ruled upon by the Supreme Court of Canada, which doesn’t often — well, it does, actually, occasionally — get into property division matters in a family and matrimonial case. But the competing jurisprudence on this seems to have existed within B.C. within the context of our family asset and property division laws.
We’re not worried about, or are we, how this fits into the context of a recent Supreme Court of Canada pronouncement on these provisions.
Hon. N. Sharma: Just to start by saying that I think the member is correct. There hasn’t been a Supreme Court of Canada decision on this. This is definitely squarely a B.C. issue. Other provinces have adjusted their property division legislation to do similar things to these presumptions. This brings clarity to the law in B.C. when it comes to this.
Clause 4 approved.
On clause 5.
M. de Jong: We’re back to Fluffy and the family pet, the companion animal.
I was curious. I’m going to anticipate that the answer the Attorney is going to give us is the desire to make clear or restate. I was interested to see, with respect to agreements that parties can come to, that it was felt necessary to include these provisions, but I take it that is the case. There’s nothing now preventing parties from entering into an agreement to decide who gets the family pet. Is that correct?
Hon. N. Sharma: That’s correct.
M. de Jong: The rationale for being explicit…. I can think of all kinds of unique forms of property.
Has there been a bunch of litigation about this that has prompted the inclusion of these provisions?
Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll start by saying anecdotally…. Certainly, the experts we brought into this process have noted that there has been an increase in, I guess, pet custody disputes. What’s happening is taking up court time.
The goals of the overall clarity and amendments to this legislation are, first, to encourage out-of-court settlement when it comes to these matters so we can reduce the amount of court time spent on adjudicating these matters — hence the amendments to the section that you see before you — and then, also, to provide a process for people if they can’t come to that agreement at the Provincial Court.
M. de Jong: Of course, the existing section 92 makes a provision for the parties to come to agreements around the division of properties and debt. This will add some subsections that relate specifically to a companion animal. Some of this is, I guess, fairly straightforward. If you’re sharing possession of a pet, I guess you’re alternating where the pet is going to live, assuming the parties are no longer living together. To jointly own a companion animal, is there something beyond the actual settlement agreement that confers ownership, or is that it?
Hon. N. Sharma: Thanks for the question. We can’t think of anything beyond agreement to the question that would indicate ownership. But I think it’s instructive to talk about the difference between (e) and (f) in practical terms. I think that the member is really good about bringing up practical examples for people.
Jointly own would be that they both maintain ownership of that pet. Fluffy, for example, is still owned by both parties. The agreement is based on that. Shared possession, on the other hand, would be a scenario where one party might be the owner but possession is shared so that the time with that animal is shared through that agreement.
M. de Jong: My colleague from Prince George has reminded me of where there might be a relevance beyond, just on the surface, the difference between joint ownership, shared possession and exclusive ownership.
The law is now going to contemplate something called a companion animal. It is going to contemplate the principle of ownership or joint ownership of that companion animal. Let’s say Fluffy is an unpredictable pit bull who decides to take a chomp out of someone walking by the house. Does joint ownership in this context imply joint liability for the behaviour of that companion animal?
Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll start by saying that the changes to this or the additions to this section don’t change the law or things that were already happening when it comes to the agreements.
In answer to the member’s questions, potentially there’s a joint liability scenario, but it’s a matter of tort law and what could be ascertained from the facts of each case. For example, if it’s a shared possession scenario, but the ownership wasn’t somebody else, but the person that had the shared possession was walking the dog when the incident happened, there may be a form of liability on that person for failing to take certain acts to prevent the harm. So it’s really a fact…. That would be a fact-driven analysis, but yes, potentially.
M. de Jong: I think the Attorney has described accurately the considerations. But fair to say to someone who, as part of a settlement/separation agreement, enshrines the principle of joint ownership of a companion animal, they may be importing the notion of joint liability as well, depending on the circumstances.
Hon. N. Sharma: I would answer that by saying potentially and ask the person to seek legal advice before signing the agreement.
Clause 5 approved.
On clause 6.
M. de Jong: I’ll ask the general question first. This is intended, I think, to expand the range of considerations that a court can bring to determining a division of excluded property. How is this different? How will this be different from the state of the law and what the court can take into consideration today?
Hon. N. Sharma: We were having a discussion earlier about the reasons for the presumptions in the case law and that oftentimes they were used in scenarios where courts were trying to bring fairness to asset division in situations where there were not.
So the intention of both sides of it is to remove the presumptions and on this side of it, under this section, to enshrine and enhance the protections when it comes to unfairness. The subsections (ii) and (iii) that you see in these amendments are really getting exactly at that. The Supreme Court can make a determination respecting significant unfairness and address the division of that excluded property to address that.
M. de Jong: In what will become the new section 96 in the act as amended, let’s deal with sub (a) and sub (b), which exist in the current provisions — division of excluded property. What has changed with respect to sub (a) and sub (b)?
I recognize that in the amendment, sub 96(b)(ii) and (iii) represent new additions. But substantively, the considerations that the court can take into account today in sub (a) and sub (b) — how, if at all, have they changed?
Hon. N. Sharma: From the perspective of just reading it, it looks like the whole section 96 has been repealed and replaced, but I can go through which ones have changed, as per the member’s question.
Section 96 (a) is the same. There would be no changes. Section (b) is the same except for the addition of factors. The two new subsections are subsection (ii) and subsection (iii).
M. de Jong: Let’s deal first with subsection (ii) in sub (b) and ask the Attorney to explain the challenge or the problem that has revealed itself that this seeks to correct.
Hon. N. Sharma: Before I give the comment on the specific section, I want to situate it within its subclause.
At this point in the analysis, the court has turned their mind to the factor of “significantly unfair.” So there’s an unfairness aspect, and they also are asked to consider the duration of the relationship. In that scenario, subsection (ii) is meant to introduce a factual analysis of whether or not there was an agreement between the spouses that actually intended for that property to be divided.
So it stays as excluded property under this section, but it allows the judge to make an order to divide the property if there is evidence of an agreement between the parties that there be some kind of a shared ownership.
M. de Jong: Is the agreement, where the subsection says “the terms of any agreement between the spouses,” it says, “other than an agreement described in section 93 (1),” which I take it is a standard…. Well, it would be a property division or agreement or a separation agreement that includes other terms. So we’re talking about an agreement other than a property division or separation agreement. Is that correct?
Hon. N. Sharma: That’s correct. It’s not the formal, signed separation agreement, for example, like the member brought up. But it could be other forms of evidence of agreement.
M. de Jong: Right. Okay, but let’s be a little bit more specific. The court must then find another agreement. It will do so if there is evidence, but the court must find that there has been another form of agreement. The Attorney is saying that could be an oral agreement, or that could be a written agreement. Can the court imply an agreement from…? Can it be an implied agreement, or must there be an actual agreement?
Hon. N. Sharma: Again, it starts in this category of…. There’s a level of significant unfairness. That’s a factor to start with. Then I think the member is correct that it could be any form of agreement that the court feels satisfies that idea of agreement. If we were going to go back to the example we talked about earlier, the inheritance example, where it was transferred to a joint account….
Let’s say there is significant unfairness in that relationship, so we’re already in the subcategory, and there’s evidence of emails back and forth saying: “I’m giving this to you. I want to share this.” There’s proof that there is this kind of agreement back and forth of that being meant to be a shared asset in the relationship, and it could take any form.
[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]
M. de Jong: Let’s take another example just to suss out a little bit what the Attorney believes constitutes an agreement for the purpose of the court’s consideration. A matrimonial couple…. We’ll stick with the husband and wife for the purpose of our conversation. But, of course, other couples are captured by these provisions as well.
One of the parties — let’s make it the wife this time — comes into the relationship having, sometime before the marriage takes place, obtained the family’s cabin at the lake. Over the course of the relationship…. Let’s call it…. Not sure what a moderately lengthy relationship today is. But let’s say between five and ten years.
On several occasions during gatherings there, the wife repeats something to the effect of: “This is our special spot, and it will always belong to the two of us.”
Is that an agreement?
Hon. N. Sharma: I’m really reluctant to give an answer either way on that scenario. I will say that it’s up to a competent…. We have many competent decision-makers in B.C. that would look at the factual basis of all of the scenario involved and the couple described and would make a determination based on that.
M. de Jong: Maybe the fairer question is: could that be an agreement? If it could be, then it is intended to have a new-found relevance by virtue of…. If it is found to be an agreement, it has a new-found relevance, pursuant to the provisions of sub (2).
Hon. N. Sharma: So the exact words of the terms of any agreement between…. That section there is taken from section 95. Based on that idea, there would be a rich amount of case law when it comes to the different factors that would set out what constitutes an agreement.
I would say, based on that scenario, somebody should do legal research to see what are examples of how agreements are showing up and if that would constitute a good case for an agreement based on that.
M. de Jong: But fair to say that all of that jurisprudence and how that assists in determining whether or not an agreement exists takes on a new relevance as it relates to determinations around excluded property because of this amendment. Is that a fair comment?
Hon. N. Sharma: I think that’s a fair comment.
M. de Jong: Then finally on this section, down to sub (3) where we have an example of where a court has determined that there is significant unfairness and has made that determination. An example of how the court can now use this provision to cure that unfairness.
Hon. N. Sharma: This will help to provide clarity and relief in very particular situations and pretty broad situations. For example, if there are not enough family assets to divide, so it becomes unfair to one or both of the parties, a court could make an order to divide part or all of the excluded property amongst the spouses.
This is a new addition to the law here that’s profound, in terms of its addition to the whole ability for the court to make things fairer. We believe, I think, that one of the reasons presumptions were coming up in case law was because of the need for tools to do this within the family law, especially in the instance where there were no family assets.
M. de Jong: Maybe the easiest way for the Attorney to illustrate the inequity that this provision is intended to cure is for her to describe for the committee one of those situations where an inequity resulted and how this provision is intended to prevent that from being repeated.
The Chair: Member.
Hon. N. Sharma: For example, in a scenario where one spouse….
The Chair: Minister, sorry.
Hon. N. Sharma: That’s okay. I didn’t even catch what you said.
So in an example where one spouse owned a property, brought it into the relationship…. They weren’t a spouse yet. They got married. Let’s say they were together for ten years, a significant amount of time. All of the, let’s say, assets and the property were excluded, because they were held by one of the spouses before the marriage.
The other spouse that doesn’t hold that excluded property contributed significantly to the career of the other spouse, but at the end of their relationship, there was not what a court would deem sufficient amount in the family assets to divide in order to remedy the unfairness of that — I guess, the balance between the value of the excluded property and the family assets.
What this provision would allow a decision-maker to do is to take a look at those scenarios, and section 95 lays them out, and make an order to remedy that unfairness by dividing some of the excluded property up.
M. de Jong: Our examples thus far have tended to focus on mostly real property. But are these provisions…? Will they operate in a way that could include a judicial reference to, for example, a pre-existing business interest?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes. I think, although we have been talking just about real estate, it is a broad intention. So anything that would fit a category of excluded property.
M. de Jong: In that kind of a scenario, the court, if asked to adjudicate this, would look at the family assets, look at the overall circumstances of the relationship and its dissolution, at first make the determination that simply dividing up what is available as the family assets would result in unfairness to one of the parties and would then be entitled to examine these other excluded assets, including a business interest or other type of asset.
Maybe it’s the last line I’m having trouble with, just properly understanding in the subsection: “…to which the significant unfairness cannot be addressed by an unequal division of family property or family debt, or both.” Having now read it again…. This is where the court seeks to address the issue of fairness by saying, “I am going to divide the family assets 25-75,” or something other than 50-50. But even that is insufficient to address what the court has determined to be an unfairness or to close that unfairness gap. Is that how that is intended to be read?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes.
M. de Jong: I wonder if it might be a good moment to take a short break.
The Chair: I like the suggestion, Member. We will take a five-to-ten-minute recess. The sooner we’re back, the sooner we get to work.
The committee recessed from 4:43 p.m. to 4:52 p.m.
[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]
The Chair: I’d like to call this committee back into session. We are looking at Bill 17, the Family Law Amendment Act, 2023. When we finished, we were on clause 6.
Clause 6 approved.
On clause 7.
M. de Jong: Probably the last provision that I will need to…. I thought it was the last provision that was relevant directly to pets and companion animals.
There is, in clause 7 — which will amend section 97 and which incorporates the notion of the “companion animal,” in what will become (4.1) — a list of things that the court can take into account. There is a catch-all at the end of that, sub (h), that refers to “any other circumstances the court considers relevant.”
Someone who read this — I’m not sure how many people have — a pet lover, said to me: “Well, what about the pet?” It’s a pretty exhaustive list, but why didn’t the drafters include some reference? Why didn’t the drafters include some reference, or direct the judge, to take into account where she or he thought the pet might be happiest?
I take it that it’s a purposeful decision not to incorporate some notion of the best interests of the pet, though I’m sure the Attorney will say a judge under subsection (h) could probably, if the circumstances permitted, say: “On balance, I think the pet would be happier here as opposed to there.”
Hon. N. Sharma: Thanks for the question. I’ll start by saying that embedded in each of these factors, I would argue, is a consideration of the best…. For example, (b) is “the extent to which each spouse cared for the companion animal.” So there’s a level of relationship there. The history of family violence or the risk of family violence or a spouse’s cruelty towards the animal is about, I would argue, that as well. The relationship of the children to the pet and meeting the basic needs of the companion animal….
Then, rightly so, I think the member mentioned that the final subsection allows the court to take other interests into account.
M. de Jong: My last point on this is…. Again, in a case where, probably in a more rural setting….
A relationship has come to an end, and the parties are going their separate ways. One of the parties has decided to move into a more urban setting, and one of the parties is going to remain on what was the family farm. There’s probably, all things being equal, a fairly compelling case that suggests the companion animal, which is used to wandering the vast and rolling acreages of the family farm, the dissolution of the relationship notwithstanding, is probably going to enjoy a continued existence in that setting.
There is nothing in these provisions that I read that suggests a court couldn’t at least factor that into a determination. Is that correct?
Hon. N. Sharma: I would say that (h) would be, obviously, a factor that would be more fact-driven.
For example, if that was a major fact in a scenario that was raised by the member, I would imagine the court would consider that. I would also argue that subsection (g) provides the court to weigh that a little bit, in terms of “the basic needs of the companion animal.”
M. de Jong: For an average person reading the section…. I’m not sure how many will. Happily, many won’t need to ever in their lives. If they do and they read what will become (4.2), they will be struck by the fact that there is an explicit prohibition here on a court declaring joint ownership or shared possession of a companion animal.
I know, because of the briefing we had, that there is a rationale for that, but it’s probably an important enough point for the Attorney to put on the record for the committee.
Hon. N. Sharma: Thanks for asking the question. There are a few reasons why the section is written like it is. The first reason would be that we’re trying to drive agreement between the spouses when it comes to that companion animal. Under the law, companion animals are still considered property, so the court’s ability on that is to make a final determination when it comes to division of property, unlike custody or other matters that can vary over time.
I think there’s also a significant need to not only drive agreement on one side but also manage court resources and time and expectations when it comes to what sometimes tends to happen particularly in acrimonious disputes where if it’s joint and not agreed to, it could be continually showing up in a courtroom for court determination.
So the idea is that for all those reasons, we try to drive towards agreement between the parties when it comes to shared and joint custody, but if you’re going before the provincial court, it’s an order, as you see, between the parties.
M. de Jong: I don’t quarrel with the Attorney’s description of the law as it relates to property and orders as they relate to property. I guess it bears saying that because the Attorney and the government and this House ultimately draft the laws, it was an option to create an exception to that general rule and say that in the case of companion pets, the court has an option of awarding joint ownership or shared possession. I’m not disputing the Attorney’s description of the state of the law as it relates to property, but that option existed.
Is the Attorney satisfied that to enable the court to have that option would ultimately be a negative thing — that is, authorizing the court in circumstances where it deemed it appropriate and workable to award joint ownership of a pet or joint custody of a pet companion animal? Is that ultimately inadvisable?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes. So it starts with…. I already mentioned the various reasons before, but maybe it will be instructive to give an example. For example, if we’re at a stage where the couple have not been able to come to agreement themselves, the likelihood of that being acrimonious or something else being a factor for the relationship is higher.
For example, Rise legal clinic gave examples of women that are fleeing violence where, maybe, the sole kind of tie is a companion animal in that relationship. In that scenario, if there was an order for joint custody, there’s an opportunity for the power and control dynamic of that relationship in that to show up in courtrooms and for the controlling party to use that in negative ways.
So we start by the idea — this shows up, I think, in courts — that if you’re not able to come to agreement, generally it’s because of a certain level of acrimony or an inability to work together, and the dynamics that may be around in that situation.
Then we think about how that might show up over time over conflict about who pays for pet bills — all the various things that could come up with joint custody if they’re not able to come to agreement themselves. So yes, I think this is the way forward when it comes to these types of orders.
M. de Jong: Hon. Chair, I won’t quarrel with the Attorney in her analysis of the example as given, where there is that threat of violence or where there has been that evidence of violence in the relationship and that level of acrimony that reveals itself violently. You certainly wouldn’t want to have that lingering connection.
I can also think of different examples. I guess I might as well say what the person that I was talking to over the weekend said. And I understand that the law, to this point, operates differently.
For many couples, first of all, in the case of a child, there is an underlying recognition of a connection between the two parties that needs to be addressed. It’s not always addressed with joint custody. In some cases, there is no access whatsoever, but the court certainly has that option and, if anything, tries to exercise that option on behalf of two parents, notwithstanding the dissolution of the relationship.
The person said to me on the weekend: “You know, for more and more of us, the pet is our child. We don’t have children. This is ours.” Now, companion animals, most of them, have a shorter lifespan. So some of this eventually is resolved through the mortality of the pet. That person would say, “Even though we might quarrel about who is getting the boat and we might quarrel about the division, there is a fundamental connection that we both have to this dog” or cat or whatever other companion animals it might be.
“Even though we couldn’t come to a comprehensive agreement on all of these other matters and even though we had to resort to the court to get resolution on all of these other things, it seems unfair that the court couldn’t recognize that connection” and enshrine that connection in a court order that recognized joint ownership or joint possession on certain terms. That is the argument that certain pet owners might make.
I hasten to add, as the Attorney General has said, that everyone has the option of trying to negotiate an agreement, but in the example I have given, perhaps the Attorney General could make her views clear as to why in no circumstances should the court have the option of ordering joint ownership or joint possession.
Hon. N. Sharma: I’ll start by saying that we’re the first jurisdiction in Canada to recognize the difference between a companion animal as it comes to property and other property. We already start in a situation of giving better guidance to families, on breakdown, when it comes to legal options with respect to seeking either a court order or an agreement.
I’ve already mentioned the various reasons why we landed where we did. Shared custody is not an order that you can obtain from the Provincial Court, but you can legally recognize your agreement that you’ve made in terms of possession and how you divide that up.
I don’t think I have anything further to add on that point.
M. de Jong: I think the last point on this. The order of the court is a final order. It’s a final order. For the reasons…. Pursuant to the provisions we’ve been discussing, it is a final order that vests ownership in one party or the other and that is not subject to being revisited, except, I suppose, on appeal. I suppose a party could appeal that part of an order. But unlike a custody order, it’s not something a party can come back to the court and seek to revisit and seek to have amended. Is that all correct?
Hon. N. Sharma: That’s correct. They can appeal it. That’s an option available to them. But it’s a final order.
Clause 7 approved.
On clause 8.
M. de Jong: I took a few moments on clause 7 for two reasons. I had promised a couple of the folks that I had discussed those provisions with that I would pose those questions. It was also a convenient way to avoid dealing with clause 8 and the delightful topic of pension divisions and all of the incomprehensible terminology that that employs. Well, we best get to it.
For the purpose of having this conversation…. I’m afraid I’m going to have to ask the Attorney General to describe for the committee what a LIF, or life income fund, is and when it arises — generally, I take it, in the context of a pension where someone takes the commuted value of that pension. But we’re probably going to have to ascertain for the committee what kind of a pension asset we’re actually talking about here.
Hon. N. Sharma: Thanks for the question, Member, and thanks for giving us a heads-up on your questions here. I have a whole bunch of information now when it comes to examples.
We’ll start with LIRAs. LIRAs are a special type of RRSP. They’re obtained to pay an income stream to an owner beginning at a future date, usually when the owner is at least 55. In that way, LIRAs contain locked-in money and are most commonly created when an employee who is part of an employer pension plan leaves their employment after their pension vests and transfers their entitlement to a LIRA. Similarly, a LIF is locked-in money to be paid out in retirement.
Although it’s not impossible to remove money from a LIRA…. You must meet certain strict criteria before you’re allowed to take out money. These criteria are often related to needing the money to pay daily expenses.
Therefore, LIRAs and LIFs have much in common with pensions. They usually contain a spouse’s employment pension benefits that were accumulated as a result of their employment and their contributed years before benefits are received. They exist to provide an income stream and to provide for post-employment life. They are administered by others, usually a financial institution. The money cannot be easily withdrawn. Hence the changes that we made — they look a lot like pensions, and they act like pensions — to include them as that.
M. de Jong: All right. Well, let’s start to break this down just a little bit. The amounts involved here can be significant and, in some cases, can represent the largest single asset in a dissolving relationship.
LIFs and LIRAs. I thought liras were an ancient form of Italian currency, but it turns out they have much greater significance here as a function of the pension laws.
Here’s what I understand and why this is an important part of the pension division provisions that we are dealing with. If I have a pension and I do nothing, I am…. Under the terms of the plan, whether it’s at age 55, 60 or 65, I can start to collect my pension.
In the family context, where the family has remained whole and together, those are happy days. Both parties to the relationship enjoy the benefits, presumably, of beginning to collect those monthly pension payments.
If the relationship breaks down prior to that or even at the time I’m receiving those pension benefits, there’s…. Part 6 pension division provisions set out a formula by which those payments are divided between me and my spouse.
Here we’re talking about something different. The relationship is broken down. I’m not collecting monthly pension payments yet, but I decide to take the commuted value of my pension, which could be hundreds of thousands of dollars. When I do that, a portion of those proceeds go into a LIRA, and a portion of them go into the LIF. I think I’ve got it right so far.
Where the problem has arisen is in how the courts divide that asset, which has kind of been converted from a monthly entitlement at retirement to a lump sum that I may not have absolute access to but that now exists, for me, in one of these two types of accounts. That is the amount that we are now seeking to create some rules around division.
My original question, when I met with the staff for the briefing, was: are the existing part 6 provisions not sufficient to address this? I won’t put words in their mouth, but I alerted them that I would ask the question of the Attorney. Presumably not. And why not? Why do we need provisions that deal specifically with LIFs and LIRAs?
Hon. N. Sharma: Okay. Current case law indicates that part 6 of the pension division does not apply to a LIRA or a LIF and that they would be divided under part 5 property division. What these amendments will do will bring clarity directly to that point by including them in pensions.
M. de Jong: That is a problem because…?
Hon. N. Sharma: I think the problem this is meant to fix is best illustrated through an example. We’ll consider that a spouse had been contributing to a pension for about 15 years prior to a relationship. So normally speaking, that would be a money that was accumulated before the relationship.
The person marries. They’re in that relationship. The pension in that relationship, let’s say, after one year is converted from the employer’s pension plan into a LIRA, through whatever reason they had to do that. Then that LIRA is now under part 5 of property division and subject to the 50-50 presumption, even if you’re thinking that most of the pension was accumulated for the 15 years before that relationship.
Let’s say the relationship only lasts one year, then it would still be the case that that was put into a LIRA during the relationship. What we know about LIRAs is because…. As I described before, they act and are a lot like pensions.
Once this amendment goes into place, the LIRA in that scenario I articulated would now be under part 6. So that entitlement of the spouse upon separation — the spouse that didn’t hold it would be entitled to the year…. There would be a limit to the years that they were together. There would be that factor that could take into account pension division, which is set out in part 6.
M. de Jong: In the example that the Attorney has given, 15 years — we’ll call it a pre-marriage contribution to the pension plan — followed by five years together and then dissolution and then the conversion of the pension.
If nothing were to happen and the pension assets were divided on the basis of the existing part 6 provisions, the spouse who came into the relationship would be entitled to 25 percent. So 20 years total contribution to the pension, 15 of which happened pre-relationship, five that happened during the relationship. In general terms, the spouse would be entitled to 25 percent.
The challenge the Attorney has pointed out is that because of this gap in the law, if the contributing spouse converted the pension to a LIF or a LIRA, the departed spouse who would otherwise have only been entitled to 25 percent, now could be entitled to 50 percent.
Hon. N. Sharma: Yeah, that’s correct. There’s a formula that takes into account the division of pensions, and one of the factors in that formula is duration of the relationship, so as you’ve articulated it, the reason for the changes is correct.
M. de Jong: Is there cross-pollination between part 5 and part 6, to the extent that a court can look to either the pension, or, now, the provisions dealing with LIFs and LIRAs, to address the unfairness argument that we discussed earlier?
Hon. N. Sharma: No. The pensions are divided exclusively under part 6. It wouldn’t apply to the provisions that we talked about earlier, about unfairness.
M. de Jong: Again, using the example that the Attorney has offered up. If, in that scenario, that was the only meaningful asset, and there were fairness arguments about the division of family assets, it would not be available, even with these amendments, for the court to look at the LIF or LIRA to address what it perceived to be an inequity or an unfairness in the division of family assets.
Hon. N. Sharma: The Family Law Act as it is, and with these amendments, has different tools with the scenario described that is not just about the unfairness provisions we talked about. One example is income stream.
The RRSP, once it’s an income stream, could be subject to a spousal support order for payments. Another example is…. Let’s say that the LIRA makes up 50 percent of the assets, but it’s excluded. Sorry. It’s in the pension division section. But the family assets is the other 50 percent.
A court could make an unequal division of family assets order to offset that somehow, if they think that there’s a reason to do so, based on the totality of the case and the assets before both couples.
M. de Jong: The Attorney partly answered my question, and the tail end of her answer kind of answered the reverse of the scenario that I was describing.
[J. Tegart in the chair.]
That is, she described a situation in which the court perceived there to be an inequity or was troubled by the pension-related part 6 division and then sought to use the provisions of part 5 to rectify what it saw as unfairness or inequity.
My example was slightly different, and that is the reverse. In a circumstance where — and we can imagine all the scenarios that lead to this — there are no family assets and there are no excluded assets that would allow the court to address an unfairness, can the court reach into part 6 and reach into these new provisions around LIFs and LIRAs, which are sums of money in accounts, and seek to alter the distribution accordingly?
Hon. N. Sharma: Just to bring some clarity to the beginning definition of LIRA, we can imagine that a LIRA is not, as we talked about, a regular asset, in the sense where you don’t start receiving the income or the payments until after a certain age. Even in the scenario of it being…. The answer to the member’s question is that he’s correct. Once a LIRA switches to pensions, it’s not available for the unfairness scenario or if there’s a lack of family assets.
But you have to also imagine the financial instrument is one that isn’t available till a certain age also. It’s locked up like a pension. One of the things that we’re fixing with this legislation is putting it in its correct category, which is that it’s a pension. It’s not available for the parties till a certain age. It should be treated like a pension, categorized in that and paid out as such. Once the income starts paying out, there may be a claim for spousal support, whatever age that is.
M. de Jong: I’m not going to quarrel. I’m not quarreling with the decision to bring clarity to the statutory provisions that should apply to division and the proper categorization of these instruments within the pension provisions of the act. I think there is a sound argument to be made around that.
I did want to ask…. In investigating this further, I am told that the law in British Columbia around accessing LIRAs and LIFs — and one, in particular, of the two — are far more restrictive in this province than is the case in other provinces.
To what extent is the Attorney able to share with the committee the nature of those restrictions? To what extent, then, is that of concern in a situation where one of these accounts comes into being or exists at dissolution?
The amounts here can be quite significant in the hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of thousands of dollars. In my experience, practising in this area of the law, most couples go through a period of financial difficulty when the same amount of income that used to support one household now has to support two, and here’s this amount sitting there that is now subject to division under a clear set of rules but is inaccessible.
Is the Attorney able to tell the committee about the nature of the restrictions that apparently distinguish British Columbia from other provincial jurisdictions in Canada about accessing these amounts of money?
Hon. N. Sharma: Our analysis of LIRAs, for the purposes of amendments for the Family Law Act, was strictly related to its relation to pensions and how it was showing up with the case law. I do not have an analysis in order to be undertaken, an analysis of the differences between LIRA products, between B.C. and how they’re regulated in the rest of the provinces, so I wouldn’t be able to answer that particular question. I can say that we know the LIRAs in B.C. are restrictive in terms of the sense that I’m informed you have to show you’re unable to have an income in order to start drawing from it. But I don’t have an analysis as cross-jurisdictional.
M. de Jong: Right. A couple of clauses down the road here, we get to provisions that actually operationalize the means of dividing up. When we get there, I’ll ask about…. I’m presuming the court is vested with the authority to enter the LIF or LIRA for the purpose of effecting the division and having funds transferred from one party to another. So it’s accessible for that reason.
When we get there, I’ll pose questions about whether the Attorney is satisfied in terms of the overall health of the parties at a breakdown, whether it is necessary to go further and make sure one or both of the parties actually have access to those funds. But we’ll get there in a moment in terms of those additional questions.
I think that’s probably it on clause 8.
Clauses 8 and 9 approved.
On clause 10.
M. de Jong: The existing provisions of part 6 contemplate a limited member. I’m not sure if it’s a defined term under the act or not. It probably is. But my question with respect to clause 10 in this bill is to verify or not what the objective is. Is this to ensure that with respect to these instruments, the LIFs and LIRAs, as part of that division exercise, the non-owner spouse can be designated a limited member for the purpose of getting reports and having access to information about the account and about…? Is that the rationale?
What does their establishment as a limited member do to protect their interest vis-à-vis that sum?
Hon. N. Sharma: The specific purpose of this amendment is for the very specific scenario where if there is a personal representative of the spouse and the spouse is deceased, to make sure that that personal representative can get the notice that there’s an entitlement for that estate from the member. So the member is the member of the actual plan.
M. de Jong: Is it the inclusion of (2)(c) and the reference to the personal representative that is the additive provision to this section?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes.
M. de Jong: Thank you to the Attorney.
The next few questions…. Some of them, on clause 10, clause 11…. I’ll just ask them, and I promise not to ask them again if I’ve got the wrong section here. What I’m going to try and ascertain now…. When we read clause 10 and when we read clause 11….
We’ve got two parties who were in a relationship. The relationship has dissolved. We’ve got, with respect to a pension, an owner spouse. Then we have the other person — who could be the spouse or, then, a limited member spouse, but the other party — who has certain entitlements to that pension. We’ve now incorporated or are in the process of incorporating into the legislation a means by which their entitlement to a LIF or LIRA can be calculated.
What I’m trying to get at now, with the Attorney’s assistance…. In a case where the owner spouse decides they do not wish to take the commuted value of the pension…. They wish to leave it where it is and, at age 60 or 65 or whatever the plan provides for, begin collecting and have the monthly pension draw divided as per those provisions of part 6.
Does the spouse have an ability to take a different approach and exercise their right to seek their share of the commuted value? Have I explained that in an understandable way?
One spouse doesn’t want to touch the pension. The other spouse says: “I want to cash out now.” Does this facilitate that?
Hon. N. Sharma: It is not something that we’re changing through these amendments. But the general….
Part 6 would deal with that scenario. In that scenario, like you suggested, the member doesn’t want to touch it; the other one wants their commuted value. Part 6 would allow for both to happen.
For example, the person that wants to hold it till they’re 65…. The other one, who is entitled, could say to the pension administrator: “I want my commuted value at this time.” That is laid out in part 6 already.
Clause 10 approved.
On clause 11.
M. de Jong: That’s helpful. I take from that…. That scenario can play out now, and the act can accommodate it.
What does clause 11 add? Where it says…. It speaks to having “the limited member’s proportionate share of the commuted value transferred from the plan to the credit of the limited member.” Why was clause 11 necessary if the existing provisions of part 6 allow for this to occur?
Hon. N. Sharma: The reason for this amendment is to add a level of fairness. We noticed, in amending the legislation, as we do reviews of legislation regularly, that there was a sense of unfairness where, for the pension, the spouse that’s asking for a share of the benefits may have rights that the member doesn’t have themselves.
For example, if, under that pension plan, the member can’t themselves withdraw a certain value at a certain time, then it was unfair for the spouse to be able to get that through this ability. It clarifies that insofar as the scenario we just described — about commuting and not — is available, it’s only to the extent that the member’s rights under the pension exist. Does that make sense?
M. de Jong: It does. The spouse, at dissolution, doesn’t acquire rights vis-à-vis the pension that the pension member, the owner spouse, doesn’t have.
What about the timing for election? Again, in our scenario, the spouses are parting company, and this conversation is taking place. The LIF and LIRA, presumably, in that scenario, already exist. At what point are there restrictions on when the spouse — that is, the non-owner spouse — can make an election to access their share of the commuted value via the LIF or LIRA?
If that’s not done at the time either of a settlement agreement or a court order, does it follow then, automatically, that the pension plays out through to monthly payouts? The owner spouse continues to have rights and could, presumably, at any time, seek the commuted value of the pension. Similarly, does the non-owner spouse have the right, on an ongoing basis, to access their share of the commuted value? This gets, I’m told, very tricky, because that value changes wildly depending on interest rates, bond yields and all that sort of thing.
Hon. N. Sharma: We start answering this, I think, by the confines of whatever the pension instrument is, right? We talked about that a little bit before. Then, under that, the idea of the legislation is, in the scenario as described by the member, that each spouse has their decision point of when they want to, I guess, access their rights under that pension. There may be notice requirements, but they can elect to do it, and they keep their right to do that for the term of the pension.
M. de Jong: Yes, all of that is certainly true, and I don’t quarrel with the Attorney. It just strikes me that from the time of dissolution, if this is intended to operate in a way where the parties — either by a court, a judicial decision or via an agreement they negotiate themselves — decide, as of such-and-such a date: “We are going to take the commuted value and divide it as per these provisions” or “I am going to take my commuted value. You are not….”
If the plan, as many of them do, allows for the decision around the taking of commuted value to be exercised right up until close to retirement, the implications for the other party who has an interest in the plan can be pretty profound. Taking a share of the commuted value is going to have a significant impact on the monthly payouts at time of retirement.
I’m not quarrelling with the rationale behind preserving choice. But is this intended to work in a way that…? I’m going to ask it differently. It seems like both parties maintain their rights to exercise the options available to them in the plan for the duration of the plan. Exercising those options could…. One party could be expecting that at age 60, they are going to receive a pension of approximately $3,000 a month. But if the other party decides at age 55 to take their share of the commuted value, that is going to profoundly impact the amount that is paid out in the pension.
Does the regime allow for and contemplate the exercising of those options on an ongoing basis? Or is there a moment when that decision needs to be made either by a court or by the parties themselves in an agreement?
Hon. N. Sharma: I’m learning a lot about pensions here, which is great. I guess I’ll start by saying that when we’re talking about pensions, the assumption that the member had — about it affecting the other party if there’s a commuted value — is not necessarily the case.
If you imagine this category dealing with employer-based pensions, the risk is divided over the investments that are of many people, right? Your entitlement to your pension, based on the vested time and the risk divided by so many people in these massive funds, doesn’t necessarily mean that it’s diminished by another person, the spouse being entitled to a commuted value, having withdrawn.
There may be an impact, but I don’t think it’s necessarily a massive amount of difference to your entitlement because of the risk being divided by so many people and the way that pensions are vested and accrued over time.
Then, I guess, if you think of it that way, the disparity is not necessarily going to show up for people when they start withdrawing their pension.
M. de Jong: When I say what I’m going to say, it’s not because I think the Attorney is purposely trying to mislead or anything, but I think I disagree. If you have a pension and take the commuted value, you are dramatically impacting…. Well, if you take the full commuted value, you’re not getting any monthly payments. You’re taking those proceeds in advance.
If you or your spouse takes a portion of the commuted value, I have to believe that there is a significant impact on what the monthly amount will be — which leads me, maybe, to a question I should ask that I think the Attorney tried to answer and that I may not have properly understood.
The idea is that, in a regular circumstance, if I have a pension and I take the commuted value, I take the entire commuted value and I no longer have a monthly pension. I’ve taken the money.
I think the Attorney says the existing act already contemplates the situation where, in a spousal separation situation, one of the spouses can take a portion of the commuted value, and the other spouse can remain in the pension plan. I should verify that that is the case, but I will say that has to have an impact on the end result, by one of the parties taking funds out of the spouse’s account with the pension plan.
Hon. N. Sharma: Okay, I think I have identified the source of “potentially,” and I’ll get the member to clarify the confusion that’s happening in the question.
Section 115 only applies to pensions — not LIRAs, LIFs or divisions amongst two people, as I think the member is asking about. The amendments that we’re making are more nuanced in terms of part 6 and how they apply. The provisions that we were referring to, I think, in the last two, and certainly this one, this section, pensions…. “Pensions” is defined in the act to mean the broader, bigger employee-contributing pensions that I was referring to, to fit those kinds of things, not division as amongst two people, like LIRAs, LIFs and RSPs.
Hopefully that brings clarity to the different perspectives that we have on it. So LIRAs and LIFs would apply…. I have a list here of where the amendments would apply, but it’s not to section 115. It’s to specific sections under part 6.
M. de Jong: To make sure I understand, in circumstances where the owner spouse has not yet taken the commuted value and not yet established a LIF and/or a LIRA, and I think they have to do both, is the non-owner spouse, either on their own behalf or on behalf of themselves and the owner spouse, able to provoke that happening because of these provisions?
Hon. N. Sharma: The specific amendment under section 115 is very similar to the amendment we talked about previously. That, hopefully, answers the member’s question. It doesn’t give any rights to a non-owner spouse that the members themselves don’t have.
If there is the right to have a commuted value under the benefits plan of the member transferred, then there’s an entitlement of the non-owner spouse to do that as well. It’s kind of the same amendment that we were talking about earlier.
M. de Jong: Clause 12, I think, is very clear. It speaks to the non-owner spouse, or the spouse of an owner spouse, and their entitlements. It kind of, I think, sets out the formula for division where there is already a LIF or LIRA, if I have that correct.
The LIF and LIRA already exist, and this creates the formula by which it is to be divided. The previous clause, that we’re technically still on, though, is the one that says: where what we have is a pension plan, there is no LIF or LIRA yet, because no one has opted to take the commuted value. This suggests to me that if the owner spouse has the right to take the commuted value, then the non-owner spouse has the right to do it.
I understand that. What I’m still unclear on is whether the non-owner…. Can we end up with a hybrid situation? Can the non-owner spouse take their share of the commuted value without the owner’s spouse having to take their share of the commuted value?
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes.
M. de Jong: Well, let’s go to clause 12 then.
Clause 11 approved.
On clause 12.
M. de Jong: With respect to what will be 117.1, in general terms, was I correct? Is this the formula for division? In the case of sub (1) and (2), I think most of the provisions…. This formula, which I’ll ask the Attorney to summarize, in terms of what that formula is….
My sense is, as we discussed at the beginning of this exciting chapter in legislative history, it is similar to what the non-owner spouse would have gotten if the pension had started to pay out its monthly payments. It is intended to replicate that, with respect to the LIF or LIRA. So that’s the first question.
Then the second question is to confirm, again, that that formula applies when there is a LIF or LIRA account that can be subject to that division.
Hon. N. Sharma: Yes, to both the questions of the member. For the first one, just to elaborate a little more, the idea is that if the money is removed from a pension plan and put in a LIRA or a LIF, the similar formula that was used to calculate, had it stayed in the pension for the duration, be used to apply to the division of the LIF or LIRA.
M. de Jong: We’re still in clause 12. If we go to sub (7) and sub (8), which, again, refer to the entitlement of an owner spouse and an election they have with respect to the division of a LIRA benefit or a LIF benefit…. As I read through that and tried to understand the relationship between sub (7) and sub (8)….
Sub (7) speaks to an entitlement on the part of the owner spouse. Sub (8) talks about the plan text document. Are those two mechanisms by which the owner spouse can trigger the division? I wasn’t sure of the distinction between sub (7) and sub (8).
Hon. N. Sharma: The key difference between subsections (7) and (8) is the election. You see under (7) that the first sentence says: “The spouse of an owner spouse is entitled to elect one of the following….” So in a situation where there is an entitlement to elect, that section applies. In subsection (8), it’s a situation where there is no entitlement to elect, and then those provisions apply.
Clause 12 and 13 approved.
On clause 14.
M. de Jong: We’re now beyond the exciting realm of LIFs and LIRAs into old-fashioned annuities, which are often tied to pensions. Interestingly, here the choice has been made…. In a case where a spouse who purchased the annuity is not receiving payments from the annuity, the division takes place pursuant to part 5. Where they are receiving payments, it takes place according to part 6.
Now, we just had an extensive conversation about why it was, in the case of the LIFs and LIRAs, appropriate to roll it all into part 6 because of the ultimate relationship to the pension. I take it…. Well, I’ll just ask the Attorney. In this instance, with respect to annuities, a different approach…. There seems to be recognition that in some cases an annuity would be dealt with under the provisions of part 5 as opposed to part 6.
I think it’s worth hearing from the Attorney as to why that distinction is appropriate.
Hon. N. Sharma: The member is correct. The reason this is treated differently is because it’s a different financial instrument and shows up differently in its usage. There are a few scenarios that helped us decide which category it should be in, so I’ll give an example.
If a pension plan administrator has purchased an annuity, then it is much more bound like a pension. It looks like a pension, it acts more like a pension, even if there’s an income stream, so then it would fall under part 6.
There may be a scenario where it’s a private purchase of an annuity, and it’s acting more like an income stream. That would fall under part 5. It just depends on how it shows up.
Those were the decisions that guided where we landed in the legislation.
With that, I move that the committee rise….
Interjection.
Hon. N. Sharma: Okay, sure.
Clauses 14 and 15 approved.
M. de Jong: Madam Chair, 16 all the way through to 23…. I have no questions until 24.
Clauses 16 to 23 inclusive approved.
On clause 24.
M. de Jong: Well, time is short. I just wanted to know if the Attorney…. I’d like the Attorney to summarize, in these transitional provisions, what this means for those that are involved in a dispute that is before the courts now.
My reading of it says the previous regime governs, and all of the uncertainty that we’ve talked about continues to govern. These provisions will not be applicable, except to proceedings that begin after this act receives royal assent.
Hon. N. Sharma: This is related to the presumptions, advancement specific to such. I think the member probably has identified that.
I’ll just read…. The amendments allow parties who have filed proceedings for divisions of property to continue with their claims under the previous law. Parties may have relied on legal advice and strategy based on case law which existed at the time and may have chosen not to make claims if they understood the application presumption would not be available. This approach is consistent with how property division claims were transitioned when the FLA replaced the FRA.
Hopefully, that provides some clarity on the member’s question.
Clauses 24 and 25 approved.
Title approved.
Hon. N. Sharma: I move that the committee rise and report the bill complete without amendment.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 6:26 p.m.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Report and
Third Reading of Bills
BILL 17 — FAMILY LAW
AMENDMENT ACT,
2023
Bill 17, Family Law Amendment Act, 2023, reported complete without amendment, read a third time and passed.
Committee of Supply (Section A), having reported resolution and progress, was granted leave to sit again.
Committee of Supply (Section C), having reported resolution and progress, was granted leave to sit again.
Hon. M. Dean moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
Mr. Speaker: This House stands adjourned until 10 a.m. tomorrow.
The House adjourned at 6:29 p.m.
PROCEEDINGS IN THE
DOUGLAS FIR ROOM
Committee of Supply
ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF FORESTS
(continued)
The House in Committee of Supply (Section A); R. Leonard in the chair.
The committee met at 2:32 p.m.
The Chair: Good afternoon, everyone. I call Committee of Supply, Section A, to order. We’re meeting today to continue consideration of the estimates of the Ministry of Forests.
On Vote 30: ministry operations, $483,568,000 (continued).
M. Lee: Just before we broke last week, I did ask a question, which I had asked the minister if he could respond to, relating to the 156 First Nations that have forestry interests in this province and how they’re being consulted, either through regional tables or otherwise. What happens when there’s a nation that opposes old-growth policies and strategies of this government? Where do they have their voice in that?
Secondly, I’d ask the minister whether in his view — and is it the government’s view? — that with the rights to economic livelihood that are spelled out in articles 26 to 28 of UNDRIP, the old-growth deferral strategy of the province is consistent with those articles. They include, under article 26(2), that Indigenous peoples have the right to own, use and develop their lands and control their lands, and article 29, which says Indigenous peoples have the right to the productive capacity of their lands.
Hon. B. Ralston: Of the 204 First Nations…. There have been 196 responses from nations. Not all of those nations have forestry interests.
I think I said, yes, last time that about 156 nations have forest interests. Of that group, about 50 or so are going to be involved in the eight new forest landscape plans, including in regions where there is overlap. I know that the member is familiar with that circumstance. They will all, regardless of the overlap, be represented, if they choose. Certainly, it’s up to them. They’re invited to be involved in the forest landscape plan.
As for the rest…. I mean, the ministry will meet our constitutional and legal obligations to every First Nation, regardless of the degree of involvement or interest that they have expressed up to this point.
M. Bernier: I just want to continue on this theme for a little bit, specifically when we’re talking about old growth and the government’s push on accelerating the old-growth strategy.
With the answer we just heard from the minister…. We know, through the old-growth strategy, through the information that government has put out, that there are many First Nations in the province that do not agree, that feel it’s their right to decide on the forestry operations within their territory and, in fact, that are very worried about the downward pressure they’re receiving from government. They are worried about the economic impacts to their nations and to the partners that they have in their region.
What does the minister say to those First Nations who don’t agree with the old-growth strategy, that feel that this is an overreach of government and that want to continue doing forestry operations within their territory without the pressure from and the oversight of this government?
Hon. B. Ralston: I want to disagree, just at the outset, with the suggestion that the member made about downward pressure. In fact, the government clearly gave the nations the prerogative to decide as they wished on how the general direction might be implemented, in a series of meetings in January and February.
Certainly some nations agree. Others have their own forest strategies and their own forest history, and that will be respected. Where this will all come together will be in the forest landscape planning process, where those views will be considered and respected.
It is a challenge for individual nations, just as it is a challenge for the overall policy of the government, to balance the economic goals of the forest sector with the stewardship, the ecological and biodiversity balance that we’re attempting to achieve in a new paradigm.
The First Nations are very much a part of this. There is not unanimity. It’s not a one-size-fits-all. Certainly the differing views will be considered and respected.
M. Lee: I appreciate the response from the minister. It does suggest, though, that with these regional tables — and we did canvass this last time around, in terms of participation…. Presumably, those nations that have expressed concern, recognizing about the old-growth policy, have their own forestry land management plans and processes…. Those nations will be part of these tables. That’s the first part of my question.
The second part was just to come back to when the minister said in response to my earlier question that the government will act in accordance with the constitutional legal obligations to every First Nation. Does that mean when the minister and the government look at how articles 26 and 28, the two articles I read out about ownership, use and development as well as the productive capacity of the land for Indigenous peoples…? Is that all to be read through section 35 jurisprudence, as the former Minister of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation had stated when UNDRIP was adopted? Is that the view of the government?
Hon. B. Ralston: The member’s question comes in two parts. The first question was: where nations have their own stewardship plan or forest management strategy, will those views be respected at the forest landscape planning tables? The answer is yes.
With regard to the member’s second question, the Declaration Act, which the entire Legislature agreed to — it passed unanimously — is the foundation of the policies that we’re pursuing. To some extent, these policies are evolving as the interests and the inclinations and the desires of the First Nations come forward in these processes. But we will do our very best — and, indeed, it is our constitutional obligation — to consider and accommodate the interests as expressed by individual First Nations.
M. Bernier: When we’re talking about the old growth strategy, this government has been very open about the fact they’re accelerating and that there are negative impacts that are going to take place for workers, communities, First Nations as well, throughout the province at different levels.
Can the minister explain to this House…? When they talk about the fact…. They’ve acknowledged there are going to be negative impacts to workers and communities. Was there a socioeconomic impact study done prior to the government coming out with their announcement on the old growth strategy review?
Hon. B. Ralston: In the process of rethinking and reshaping our forest industry, we’re taking action to protect our most at-risk old-growth forests, species at risk and addressing other land use decisions. The ministry, and I work also with the Ministry of Water, Land, and Resource Stewardship as well…. We know there will be impacts to workers, local communities and businesses. That’s why we’ve set up and worked hard to provide comprehensive support for workers, communities and First Nations through the development of new programs and by continuing and enhancing existing programs.
Land use decisions do have an impact upon B.C.’s forest sector. These decisions can be wide-ranging and include old-growth protection, First Nations claims and negotiation, protection of species at risk and the creation of protected areas.
We know that the forest industry is in a period of transition and faces challenges from the recent sharp decline in timber prices.
I want to assure the member that the ministry conducts rigorous analysis on the socioeconomic impact of land use decisions, including the old-growth deferrals, and continues to evaluate the situation as First Nations consultations on deferrals continue. The ministry’s socioeconomic analysis focuses on forest sector logging and manufacturing and bases economic impacts on the estimated change to the annual allowable cut.
M. Bernier: I appreciate the answer from the minister which, if I’m looking at my records here, is pretty well word for word. He’s reading out from what the minister last year said.
But the consistency seems to be, though, that they have not really done rigorous socioeconomic impact studies, other than to say that they recognize that government policy is negatively affecting the sector, negatively affecting jobs and communities.
The minister, last year, stood up and said that she acknowledged that there could be as much as 4,500 jobs lost in the province of British Columbia because of this government’s decisions around the old-growth strategy. COFI, Council of Forest Industries came out with the United Steelworkers and said that government was lowballing that. It could be closer to 18,000 jobs lost. Even if we cut it in the middle, you know, we’re in the 10,000-mark of jobs lost because of the old-growth strategy.
Since the minister has said that they’ve done rigorous studies on this, can he give an update of how many jobs have been lost and how many will continue to be lost, then, because of the old-growth strategy?
Hon. B. Ralston: There is no doubt that there’s an impact of the old-growth policy, but since the policy was announced and some of the calculations were made, the market conditions have changed dramatically.
As the member knows, prices have declined very, very sharply, which obviously has an impact on the assessment of economic viability by both milling and harvesting operations. But very few, I am told, of the companies that have cited curtailments have assigned the reason exclusively to the old-growth policy. In fact, it’s more typically market conditions and transportation.
I do want, at this point, to, I suppose, attempt to assure the member, although I don’t know whether he’ll accept that assurance, that the forest landscape planning process holds the prospect for companies, and that’s why they’re broadly supportive. The goal will be to reach agreement on the economic opportunities that are presented where companies have cutblocks and roads in their plan that are laid out. If there’s agreement there, then that is a measure of certainty that they can plan on themselves and go forward with their own operations.
The forest landscape planning is an attempt to add a regional planning exercise involving all parties, which will build, we anticipate, durable plans that have community consensus.
M. Bernier: I’ll make a comment quickly, similar to what I made last week — that obviously, there are always cyclical situations that take place in any resource industry. But in this case here, obviously, the minister must be reading different articles and hearing different things from companies than I am. When I’ve looked at a lot of the different economic impacts that are happening right now in decision-makings by our industries, old-growth strategy is a big part of the uncertainty that’s brought into this province due to the lack of — I don’t know if “leadership” is the right word to use — information that’s being shared on the forward-thinking of this government of when and how this is going to play out over the short term and long term.
As I said, the previous minister had estimated 4,500 job losses. The minister himself said that they’ve done rigorous — I believe that was the word he said — studies on the economic impacts. So I guess my question to that is: if they’ve done these rigorous studies, has the minister reached out to all of the communities that have forest operations within them to give them the heads-up that there are possible job losses in their communities due to the old-growth strategy?
Hon. B. Ralston: When a major policy decision, such as the one we’re discussing, is made, naturally, I think, when it’s first announced, people’s apprehensions come to the fore, and lots of fears are expressed.
I would say, and we’ll talk a little bit about the process as it’s ongoing, that the opportunity to fully explore this….
There are 26 sessions that are scheduled in the next two months across the province, including ones in Fort St. John — not in the member’s city, but in his region — Prince George, Terrace and Cranbrook, where those issues will be explored.
I think the opportunity is to assess the impact at a more regional and community-based level. Communities will be participating. Local government, First Nations and the sector, broadly speaking, as well, will participate.
The other thing is the member has made some disparaging remarks about the socioeconomic analysis. I can understand he’s skeptical, but this is work of public servants. That’s what I’m advised. I’m told that these socioeconomic impacts will include employment, gross domestic product, sales revenue, labour income, provincial revenue and may incorporate census data.
I think the ministry is very well represented on the ground in the regions and is quite knowledgable, based on 100 years of the Forest Service and the ministry operations in the province, of what the situation is in most regions, if not all. Certainly, there is an understanding that I would say is fairly detailed of what impacts there might be. But to some extent, the full impacts are not known because the process is not completed. The opportunity the forest landscape plans present is the opportunity to have community agreement, industry agreement and some predictability about what the source of timber supply might be, going forward, in any given region in the future.
I think at that point, some of the preliminary numbers will be reduced just because of the opportunity that will be presented by the community consensus that will emerge.
M. Bernier: Let’s just be very clear. I’m not critical of the public servants’ work. I’m critical of how government uses that information or lack thereof on what they do and the decision-making that they make.
In fact, through that minister’s answer, it just acknowledges that they’ll assess the situation after government has made a decision. What that tells me is that public servants probably did a lot of the work, advised government or this minister of the impacts, and government chose not to actually listen to that information.
In fact, I’m going to read, because it is seeming to take quite a bit of time here…. I thought that was actually a very simple question. This one might actually be a little harder. Actually, it might even be a yes or no for the minister, depending on how I phrase the question.
Even looking at the government’s own documents that I have here…. These are not my words. This is the information that government gave to this minister that I FOI’d.
“The government’s old-growth strategy has paused timber sales in identified areas, adversely impacting volumes sold and production for this year. Development delays due to this government’s old-growth strategy, combined with reconciliation activities that are delayed and managing wildlife, continue to adversely impact production in the forestry sector.
“Implementation of the government’s old-growth strategy has significantly impacted B.C. Timber Sales’ ability to sell timber in the province of British Columbia and, combined with the delays related to reconciliation from this government’s Indigenous peoples work, are the primary reasons for the shortfall of access to timber for companies.
“The old-growth strategy has paused a significant portion of B.C. Timber Sales’ operations, which will exacerbate the shortfall effects in companies. It is unlikely the shortfall will now be rectified before the end of the business cycle, March 31, 2024.”
That’s information that was actually done by the public servants and that was given to this minister.
I guess a very simple, hopeful question for the minister. Will the minister acknowledge that B.C. Timber Sales and delays in permits is one of the major factors negatively affecting companies as per the information that he was shared?
Hon. B. Ralston: I know we’re getting to the end of the hour that the member estimated we would continue estimates when he spoke to me on Thursday, so I won’t be too long.
In the member’s question, he talked about two causes, B.C. Timber Sales and reconciliation, although I noticed that he dropped any reference to reconciliation when he came to his peroration and his final question, so I’m going to simply answer about B.C. Timber Sales. I think, given that the member himself voted for Bill 41 and the principles of reconciliation and was part of the unanimous vote in the House, he probably is not opposed to the impact of implementing a policy that he supported. But let’s talk a little bit about B.C. Timber Sales.
Of course, there’s an understanding that B.C. Timber Sales…. They understand that the old-growth policy has had an impact. B.C. Timber Sales has an overarching policy of sustainable forest management, and the staff undertake a variety of actions to manage, recruit and conserve old-growth forests and values across its operating area. Managing access to harvesting opportunities in old-growth stands while managing associated values is critical to BCTS achieving its primary goal of supporting the market pricing system as well as generating revenue and employment consistent with the government’s economic plan.
BCTS is working collaboratively with the ministry counterparts to implement the recommendations of the review. And B.C. Timber Sales is actively pursuing partnerships with First Nations and re-engineering — that’s the term — timber sale licences impacted by the old-growth decision and has recently seen an increase in auction. The impact of the policy slowed things down. B.C. Timber Sales, I’m told, is now on the path to expanding the sales as the effects of the policy are integrated into the ongoing plan and operations of B.C. Timber Sales.
L. Doerkson: Thank you to my colleague for…. I know that time is tight here today, so thank you for the opportunity to ask just one question.
I’m here today to ask a question about proposed potential changes to the 2023 licensed trapping regulations. In a letter that has been sent to our trappers, there have been three options presented to them. Certainly, there has been much conversation about this, and I’m certain that the ministry has received a number of letters. I know I’ve sent a number from Cariboo-Chilcotin.
The concern, of course, with this new regulation…. In all three options, it really refers to all 120 size and larger traps being placed into fisher exclusion boxes. I’m certainly in favour of protection around the fisher, but the problem and the concern that the trappers have is that it would really render all of their traps useless.
The reason I say that is…. On the front of that box, there’s a 2¼-inch hole that would prevent a fisher from accessing that trap. The problem is that it’s tough for any other animal to get in there as well, and those traps, of course, are much bigger. I wanted to bring one today, but I know that there are no props. They are about that size. So in a fisher exclusion box, they’re going to be rendered useless.
I know that there’s grave concern about this. I guess I’m asking the minister if there’s been any consideration given to that — considering these three options, or at least reconsidering them, that have been presented to the trappers. And, of course, give consideration to other options, because these options are not going to work on the landscape.
Hon. B. Ralston: Thank you for this interesting question. The Columbian fisher is a species of weasel, I understand. There is a threat to the red-listed Columbian population in B.C.’s central Interior. The trapping of Columbian fishers is not allowed in British Columbia.
I understand the concern is…. It’s sometimes trapped, as they would say in fishing, more as part of the bycatch, unintentional bycatch, from setting traps for other species — typically, marten, a larger on-the-land weasel.
The province is developing a provincial fisher recovery plan to identify and guide actions needed to ensure the survival of the species and to advance stewardship and conservation of fishers and their habitat. As the member has said, there has been notice of this intention given, and certainly, the trapping community has responded to some of the proposed measures to reduce the incidental harvest of fishers.
I think it’s well known and recognized that trapping restrictions can impact the trapping industry. All options are being considered to ensure any regulatory changes minimize those impacts. No decision on trapping regulations has been made, and the engagement continues to ensure that we strike the right balance.
I’d be happy to meet with the member, should he wish, to discuss this further. The concern is a species-at-risk concern and how to mitigate the incidental trapping of these animals when the trappers are really out to catch something else.
M. Bernier: I’m going to stick with the theme that my colleague now has moved us into for a moment. This is actually quite specific to zone 7B, when we’re talking about hunting regulations up in the Peace region.
Now, this government…. Actually, maybe I’ll back up for a moment.
I know there’s a lot of angst in my region — I just want to put it forward — which the minister, I know, is well aware of, over the last four or five years, when it comes to the use of the back country and when we talk about the caribou decisions. Of course, for somebody like myself and, I know, other people in the region that hunt, caribou was never really, for the most part, in these latter years, a sustenance, for sure. Decisions were made around trying to protect caribou which had impacts on the land base.
I commented earlier…. I’m not asking the minister to indulge the House, unless he wishes — it’s his prerogative — on this.
There were a lot of concerns up in my area. The government promised a socioeconomic impact study before any changes were made. A contract was put out, if it was done — it was never publicly released — on the socioeconomic impact studies in the region, when we talked about back-country closures at that time, speaking specifically to the caribou.
Now we have the Blueberry decision. I’m not going to dive into all of the different discussions around that. We’ll talk to a different minister, I think, appropriately, when we want to discuss that.
When we want to get into some of the specific hunting regulations…. This government came out last year, on zone 7B, talking about the moose and the moose hunt — specifically, trying to reduce by 50 percent. I believe that was the target that government came out with for moose being harvested in the region.
I was able to find numbers. The average annual moose hunt…. It used to be around the 1,200 range, if not even a little bit more, of moose harvested a year between 2015 and 2019. Then when I looked at last year, when government changed the hunting regulations in zone 7B…. I won’t get into the details. The minister and I both know what those changes were, on points and LEH and all of that. From this government’s implementation of the changes….
From what I’ve found, as of January 2023, 210 moose were harvested, and 143 of those were by resident hunters. That is far beyond the 50 percent the government was hoping to accomplish, when we’re going from 1,200 down to 200. That’s an 81 percent decrease, the quick math on that.
I guess my question to the minister is…. When they announced that they were going to be looking at this 50 percent reduction…. I believe they said it was going to be a two-year pilot to see what those impacts would be. Obviously, the impacts are far, far greater than what they were hoping to accomplish, at 50 percent. This is in light of the fact…. I think government’s own numbers say that there are about an estimated 60,000 moose in that region, so 200 being harvested.
With that information I just presented, what I’m asking the minister is…. They said they were going to look at a two-year pilot. Obviously, there are a lot of people now in the region, whether it’s the local hunters, the businesses that have been negatively affected, the guide-outfitters, the B.C. Wildlife Federation. All are basically saying this was an overreach. It accomplished way more than what government was hoping.
Instead of doing that yet again this year, will the minister, with his staff, take that information and possibly look at changing the point allocation, the LEH, anything that might actually give more opportunity for resident hunters to access and harvest moose in this hunting season?
Hon. B. Ralston: Part of what’s at work here are some of the commitments made after the court decision in Yahey, which found that the province had violated the 1900 Treaty 8 obligations. That is essentially a hunting and fishing treaty.
The province implemented a suite of hunting regulations and management actions to meet the Crown’s obligations coming out of that decision. These hunting regulations are aimed at addressing the ability of Treaty 8 First Nations to continue their “way of life” — I think that’s the language of the B.C. Supreme Court in the decision — and address the impacts of industrial development on their treaty rights.
The first year of the two-year interim hunting regulations was the fall of 2020. The data that the member cites is not complete. I understand that the data is not completed until May or June. It may fluctuate, but I wouldn’t anticipate, I’m told, that there would be a huge variation in the numbers. I just want to issue that qualification.
The evaluation will take place after the fall 2023 data is in. It will include — I think this may be some of the people that the member is hearing from — definitely, the B.C. Wildlife Federation. It will include the Guide Outfitters Association as well. The goal is to review the regulations after 2023, as part of the next regular cycle of hunting regulation.
M. Bernier: I have gone a little longer than the hour that I promised — or suggested, I guess I should say — to the minister that I would go. I do know that this spring session has been compressed by a couple of weeks, and I don’t want to take up more time of my colleagues. So I won’t end with a question; I’ll end with thank-yous.
On the last minister’s answer, I do understand some of the impacts. But again, I also know intimately how the reporting works in moose hunting and the LEH, as somebody who uses the land myself, I’ll say. Obviously, we’re also wanting to make sure that we’re looking at the numbers when they do come in and making appropriate decisions that will not continue to negatively affect resident hunters beyond the scope of what the intention was. I’ll just say that.
I’ll also end by thanking the minister’s staff and the minister for his time in this. I could have easily gone…. As the minister knows, it’s a large portfolio. I know the portfolio fairly well, during my time in cabinet as well, and it’s a big, diverse one. I think it’s important just to acknowledge, also, the work the staff does. I know there are lots of staff that came here today, and we didn’t have a chance to get into certain questions that might have enabled them the opportunity to assist the minister.
Now, I will just end with comments that my hope is…. I want to share the minister’s optimism in the forestry sector that he alluded to last week, and I know will continue to allude to, that government wants to see a prosperous forest sector. I do, however, have to acknowledge the pressure and the stresses that the sector is under right now — that we have gone, in some parts of the province, 150 days and counting — and in some areas, almost two years — without a timber sale, which is negatively impacting companies and decisions.
My ask again is: we need to get permits out. We need to give certainty. We need to make sure that these companies know that British Columbia is a good place to invest. Because my fear is that it’s only going to get worse before it gets better if we cannot try to bring forward certainty in this sector so companies know, whether it’s large or small, that there is a future for them here in British Columbia. I know the minister will, hopefully, stand up and echo those comments in his own way.
Of course, I have to make sure that I also say that right now we are seeing huge pressures. And it’s my hope, as we go forward with this minister, who is semi-new in this role, that we’ll see some positive policies, some positive announcements and some decisions made that will positively affect the industry — while we understand the pressures on the land base that we’re trying to accomplish through biodiversity, through our wildlife management, through our reconciliation attempts that government is going through right now that we need to work on.
In itself, I’ll just say I sincerely wish the minister luck, because the last thing I want to see is more mills closed, more people losing jobs and more communities negatively affected because of that.
With that, I do thank again the minister and his staff for their time.
The Chair: Seeing no further questions, I ask the minister if they’d like to make any closing remarks.
Hon. B. Ralston: I want to thank the member for his questions. And I thank his colleagues who have come here before the committee to, as they should, question the estimates of the ministry.
Let me just say, on the permitting issue…. In my previous role, I was minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation. The issue of permitting is a key issue in the mining sector. That was one that I, as minister, was confronted with. I think we did, with strong staff support and consultation with First Nations and industry, make progress there in a pretty substantive way.
We’re going to see the opening, hopefully, of Artemis gold mine that’s west of Quesnel, south of Vanderhoof. And there are others, which are going to be new mines, that are going to be open here in British Columbia.
Taking that background to the issue of permitting in the forest sector is something I am doing. I know the issue of B.C. Timber Sales is one that I’m acutely aware of and that we are working on. I don’t want to make any grandiose promises, because I know the member will take the transcript and cite it back to me in another month or two.
The industry is enduring a rough patch. But on the other hand, I think the optimism that comes from the future of forestry, whether it’s the value-added sector, whether it’s the new paradigm of considering having removed some of the language that inhibited consideration of other values…. As we look at our forest resources in the future of forestry, forestry is really integral to the identity and the economy of British Columbia and British Columbians.
I’m honoured to be able to serve in this role. I look forward to a bright future for forestry in British Columbia.
I want to thank the member very much for his participation.
Vote 30: ministry operations, $483,568,000 — approved.
Vote 31: fire management, $204,120,000 — approved.
ESTIMATES:
OTHER APPROPRIATIONS
Vote 54: Forest Practices Board, $3,986,000 — approved.
The Chair: The committee will now take a five- to ten-minute recess, while we prepare for the next ministry.
The committee recessed from 3:52 p.m. to 4:03 p.m.
[R. Leonard in the chair.]
ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF LABOUR
The Chair: I call Committee of Supply, Section A, back to order. We’re meeting today to consider the budget estimates of the Ministry of Labour.
On Vote 38: ministry operations, $21,489,000.
The Chair: Minister, do you have any opening remarks?
Hon. H. Bains: Yes, I do. I really want to say I’m honoured to be here today to present the 2023-2024 spending estimates for the Ministry of Labour.
I’d like to start by introducing the staff that is here with me and that have been working with me in the ministry. Today they are here: Trevor Hughes, deputy minister; Lorie Hrycuik, assistant deputy minister, right here; Brian Urquhart, acting assistant deputy minister and executive finance officer; and Michael Tanner, executive director, labour policy and legislation. These are the folks from the Ministry of Labour.
We also have folks from WorkSafeBC. Mark Heywood, head of assessment and finance, chief financial officer, WorkSafeBC, is sitting over there, and Tanya Houghton, director of special care Services, WorkSafeBC, is also in the room here.
I just want to start by saying that B.C. is a great place to live, to work and to raise your family. But certainly, people are facing challenges.
Some say B.C. should respond to a global downturn by pulling back on our support for people and making them pay out of their pockets for the services that they need. That’s a wrong approach, according to our government, and it’s the wrong time to do that.
Budget 2023 makes smart investments in the things that matter most to help build a stronger, more secure B.C. for everyone, not just those at the top. Our ministry, like other government departments, continues to make choices to put people first. With that, we made a number of changes in the ministry over the last 18 months. We have brought in paid sick leave so that the workers no longer have to make a choice between going to work sick or staying home and losing wages. We reintroduced single-step certification to make sure of the workers’ right to association that they can exercise without any interference by anybody. We made improvements to the workers compensation system so that the system in place to protect and support workers when they are injured on the job is more worker-centric and better able to meet their needs.
This spring your government made the latest step forward in reconciliation with the introduction of the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation. It is an important step, one that First Nations in B.C. have been calling for and one that all British Columbians support. We know that there’s more work to do. But our government is meeting those challenges. They’re up to those challenges every single day.
I’m really happy to turn the floor back over to the friend in the opposition if they have any questions.
G. Kyllo: I’m very proud to rise today and to commence upon the estimates of the Ministry of Labour.
The minister shared some of the choices that the minister has undertaken on behalf of government to make some pretty significant changes over the last 18 months, as is set out. For those of you listening from home, obviously this process is our opportunity as official opposition to ask a series of questions and to do a bit of a deeper dive into some of the different decisions that government has undertaken as it impacts this next fiscal budget.
With that, I think I’m going to start initially just with the employment standards branch. I know there have been significant funding investments within that particular department in the last month or so. But I do want to also go back and have a look at some of the history of some of the changes that have been undertaken within the employment standards branch and some of the negative consequences that have actually resulted in excruciatingly long wait times for individuals that are trying to seek resolution to some concerns that they may have brought forward.
I think maybe if the minister can just share with this House what the funding levels have been for the employment standards branch for the years 2018 to the current fiscal, going forward in 2024.
Hon. H. Bains: Let me go back to 2017-18. It was $7.9 million. In ’18-19, it was $8.7 million. In 2019-20, it was $13 million. In 2021, it was $13.8 million. In 2021-2022, it was $14 million. In 2022-2023, it will be $14 million and in ’23-24, $17.7 million.
G. Kyllo: There have been significant changes with the employment standards branch, dating back to 2018 with the initial removal of the self-help kit. I know that the minister, in some of his remarks and in the press release, had indicated that the removal of the self-help kit was going to provide significant increases in the number of complaints going directly to the employment standards branch. Yet, sadly, we did not see the appropriate funding supports to provide the necessary increased staffing levels in order to meet that increasing demand.
Can the minister just share, also for the record, what the actual service delivery was with respect to the service plan in meeting their objectives for each of those years that the minister has provided the budgets for?
Hon. H. Bains: We’ll try to find the targets for the employment standard going back, the member asked, three years. We will try to find that. We have the current fiscal and the budget that we are talking about here.
The measure of targets and achieving those targets is the percentage of employment standard branch complaints resolved within 180 days. So our forecast is that 2020 and 2023…. Only 20 percent of those targets will be met. Then, going forward, because of the resources that have been allocated in this budget, we believe that we can move up to 50 percent. In 2024-25, our target is 80 percent, and in 2025-26, our target is 85 percent.
Those are the numbers that we have, going forward. But if the member needs those numbers going back the previous three years, we will try to get that.
G. Kyllo: The numbers that I’ve recorded, just to make sure…. Minister, if you’d be kind enough to maybe just nod. For 2023-24, which is next year or the year that we’re just embarking upon now, your goal and objective is to have 50 percent; in 2024-25, 80 percent; in 2025-26, 85 percent.
I’m hoping I heard it correctly. For ’22-23, I just wonder if the minister can confirm that the rate was only 20 percent. And if the minister would be able to just confirm: my understanding is that for the fiscal ’21-22, that number was 47 percent.
I think the minister has indicated he doesn’t have those previous numbers, but I certainly would appreciate getting those from the minister. Now, having said that, this was not a new line of questioning. These concerns about the backlog within the employment standards branch have been going on for over three years now, certainly as long as I have been the critic for the Ministry of Labour.
The minister has brought forward different pieces of legislation and legislative changes that knowingly were going to drastically increase the number of complaints going to the employment standards branch.
I have been, year after year, asking that the minister put in the appropriate resources, appropriate funding so that employees employed across the province in the private sector, non-unionized employees, would have access to justice where they feel that they have been slighted or wronged by an employer, yet the results have just got progressively worse despite the continued request for additional funding.
The challenge that I have and I know individuals who have been looking for justice through the employment standards branch are having is that there are record surpluses. There has been no shortage of funding available, yet for some reason, the minister has been reticent to put in the appropriate staffing resources so that those workers that are involved in the private sector would have access, timely access, to justice.
The minister’s own goals that are established set out for 85 percent of complaints to be resolved within six months. Lookit, if you’re an employee that has maybe just been denied severance pay by an employer, you need that funding to put food on the table or to maybe make that rent cheque. You reach out to the employment standards branch, and the best they can do is to try and achieve six months of resolution.
I appreciate that some complaints may be complicated, and there’s a requirement to have information from both sides. But the minister’s own target is only to achieve resolution for 85 percent of clients within six months, and that has gotten only progressively worse. The minister’s own numbers in ’21 and ’22 — 47 percent. In this current fiscal, 20 percent in a year where there was $2.7 billion of surplus funding that was thrown off the back of a truck in the last days of March, yet we see a performance delivery by the employment standards branch that is less than 25 percent of their own target.
I’m just wondering if the minister has any comments to share with those workers that have been denied justice for an increasing and excruciating length of time to try and have their issues resolved. If the minister might have some words of comfort for those individuals that are still sitting there waiting to have their opportunity to be served justice from this minister.
Hon. H. Bains: I want to say, first, that I’m not happy with the results we are getting right now when it comes to backlog. I’ve been saying this for a couple of years now. When we made those changes, the member will know, we knew the workload would increase at the employment standards branch. That’s why we were given a 2019 budget of about $14 million, over three years. That gave us the opportunity to hire more officers to deal with the anticipated workload that would come at the employment standards branch’s offices.
When the self-help kit was there…. We need to understand this. When you look at the complaints that were coming at that time — about 4,700 or 4,800. Remember, before 2002-2003, the employment standards branch used to get about 11,000 complaints a year. When half of the employment standards branch was shut down, half the staff was laid off, the self-help kit was brought in, and the model of investigating complaints was changed, the complaints dropped to about 4,700 or 4,800 a year.
What does that tell you? It means that the complaints were still there, but the workers had given up on the system. For them to go through a self-help kit…. It’s a stack of paper. We have to also understand that these are the workers who are, generally speaking, new immigrants. Many of them have English as a second language. Now they have to fill this number of pages to file a complaint.
Before employment standards would take your complaint officially, to start investigating, you were advised to go back to the employer and try to settle this with the employer. Guess what. Those workers who didn’t want to face the employer again and didn’t want to go and talk to the employer, simply gave up on the system, and they just never proceeded with the complaints. That’s why there were 4,700 or 4,800 complaints, compared to 11,000 complaints.
What does that tell you? The backlog always was there, but it was hidden. It was hidden because complaints were not coming now. Workers didn’t want to file complaints.
When we formed government, we knew the changes we were making would require additional resources. What happened? In 2019, we were given $14 million to hire more office and more support at the employment standards branch. Then through contingencies in the last couple of years, we were given additional money, to the tune of $4 million for ’22-23 contingencies and, in ’21-22, another $1 million so that we could go and hire more support staff for employment standards to deal with the backlog.
Understand, also, that something else happened during this period: COVID. It brought a number of other, unanticipated issues to the employment standards branch, such as various applications by employers and by workers. That wasn’t anticipated. It was so time-sensitive that resources had to be set aside in a timely fashion.
The employer had to pay them severance pay — which they couldn’t, knowing what they were going through — and the workers also wanted to keep a connection with the employer, so that when they restarted, they could go back to that employment. That also took a lot of time and resources from the employment standards branch. Therefore, it added to the backlog.
What I say here is that we made a number of changes. Those were needed, they were necessary, and we provided resources. Then COVID hit us. Then it added to the workload, and a backlog started to grow.
Now this year, in this budget, we are given $12 million to add more resources so that we can deal with the backlog, as they call it. What does that show? So $14 million first, contingencies during COVID, and now another $12 million — it means that we are committed. The government is committed. We want to make sure that those workers’ complaints are heard in a timely fashion and that justice is delivered.
[J. Sims in the chair.]
The Chair: Member for Shuswap.
G. Kyllo: Welcome to the chair.
To the minister, thank you.
Can the minister share with this House what the total number of complaints is that have been submitted to the employment standards branch for, say, each of the last five years and what the anticipated number of complaints is in, say, the next two years, going forward?
Hon. H. Bains: Let me go back to the question the member asked earlier on, about the six-month target achieved and how many applications. In 2019-20, it was 73 percent where we achieved those targets; in ’20-21, 47 percent; and in ’21-22, 51 percent. I gave the number for ’22-23. That was 20 percent. That’s that.
Now the question the member asked: how many complaints, going back a number of years? In 2018, we had 4,958 complaints received; in 2019, 7,294 complaints received; in 2020,7,403 complaints received; in 202, 6,215 complaints received; in 2022, 7,723 complaints received.
G. Kyllo: Is there a forecasted number of complaints anticipated the next two or three years, going forward?
Hon. H. Bains: It’s hard to forecast complaints, how many there would be. As the member can see, in 2020, for example, it was 7,400; in 2021, it went down, to 6,200; but in 2022, it went up again, to 7,723. It’s difficult to forecast.
People are working, and when all the workers believe that they are not being treated according to the law, when it comes to their wages and benefits and other minimum standards that they’re entitled to, then they depend on employment standards to file a complaint. It just depends on how the economy is working. That probably will determine how many complaints are out there.
G. Kyllo: I appreciate the information that the minister shared. The minister, in his last response, indicated that back 20 years ago — 2001, 2002 — there were about 11,000 complaints and seemed to identify that the addition of the self-help kit reduced the number of complaints considerably. I believe the numbers that the minister shared were that it went from 11,000 complaints down to only about 4,700 complaints.
I think that any reasonable individual would have to assume that when the self-help kit was not available, and the complaints were averaging 11,000 in the province, and here we are 20 years later, the removal of the self-help kit would have a significant impact on the number of complaints being lodged at the employment standards branch. So it should have been no great surprise that there was going to be a significant impact, yet in the year that the self-help kit was removed, there was no additional funding, no additional resources.
I appreciate that government has choices. Government has choices to determine the manner in which workers have the ability of making applications and filing complaints. But when government holds all of the cards with respect to the manner in which they’re going to make those complaints and bring them forward, and doesn’t provide adequate resources, I don’t see how employees out there are seeing any improvement in services. We have the minister’s own service target of complaints to be addressed and closed within six months of 85 percent.
A number of initiatives by this government, including, but not limited to, the removal of the self-help kit…. There was also the legislation around paid sick leave. There was nascent clarity within the legislation. When I asked the question on what will happen when an employee has a dispute with their employer, the minister responded by saying that they have the ability of going to the employment standards branch. So yet again, another piece of legislation, because it did not provide the level of clarity that employers were looking for, was going to also drive more traffic to the employment standards branch.
Yet we’ve seen performance levels continue to decline, from the minister’s own comments, for the year ending 2019-2020, from 73 percent, dropping to 47 percent, and rising slightly to 51 percent. In the last fiscal, 20 percent. Now, that’s a failing grade by any measure. For the minister to share with this House that he’s on the ball, that he’s adding additional resources…. This branch, the employment standards branch, is failing workers across this province in a major, major way.
I’m happy to see that finally, now, 5½ years into government, after allowing the employment standards branch performance levels to deteriorate to a point where I think most British Columbians would be absolutely shocked and would be looking to fire the CEO…. If this was a private sector corporation, this would have been addressed three years ago, and it starts at the top.
Now, I know that that’s not where we’re at today. I am happy that finally, after 5½ years, we’ve seen what we hope to be sufficient funding to address this backlog. But private sector employees are due the service, for this government to be providing timely access to service.
If an employee feels begrudged or, in some manner, not treated fairly or appropriately by their employer, their avenue for resolution is the employment standards branch. But imagine contacting the employment standards branch, and one… I’ve got records of individuals that say that they’re not even provided any indication on when they will hear from somebody because the backlog is so great.
Now, I think what I’ll also ask…. The minister referred to a backlog, which is yet another measurement tool that is being utilized by the employment standards branch, which also talks about the significant increase or growing number of complaints that have yet to be heard, which is, I know, different from the service target that’s in the service plan.
Can the minister share with this House what the backlog number has been over the last three years and what the anticipation is for the next two years, going forward, on, hopefully, the reduction of that backlog, which, from what I am hearing, has gone from two months to upwards of 18 months under this minister’s watch?
Hon. H. Bains: I just want to correct the member when he said that we made the changes but we did not add resources. Not correct.
When we made the changes, the $14 million I reported in one of the earlier answers…. So $14 million was allocated to the Ministry of Labour for the employment standards branch for the added work that we were anticipating. As a result, they hired a number of staff there to deal with the anticipated applications or the complaints.
We didn’t stop there because COVID hit us, and then the workload again started to go up. We went to the contingencies, and we received money through the contingencies. I reported that earlier as well. So we didn’t simply add the work onto the employment standards branch and not provide them resources. We did. But because COVID hit us, and it brought on some of the unanticipated issues and complaints to the employment standards branch, it added to the workload.
Again, we didn’t stop there. That’s why we went to the contingency. We received money through the contingencies, and we added that to the employment standards branch. But again, I’m not happy with where the situation is right now about the backlog.
The member asked what the numbers are. As of February 15, 2023, we have actually reduced the backlog from 5,348 complaints down to 4,584. We are incrementally reducing the backlog with this new funding that has been allocated in this budget. We will be adding more staff, more support for the employment standards branch, and my goal is to get rid of the backlog.
I gave some numbers, my expectation, about what the target should be going forward, so I’m confident that we would be able to reduce or eliminate the backlog. I firmly believe, my government firmly believes, my colleagues believe that the workers who are most dependent on the employment standards branch are the non-union workers. They are the lowest-paid workers, in many cases, and when they need help, they need support from the employment standards branch.
The employment standards branch has to have resources to support them so that their complaints are investigated and that justice is delivered to them in a timely fashion. We’re working on it, and we’ll get there.
G. Kyllo: Could the minister just share with this House: what was the actual date of the removal of the self-help kit?
Hon. H. Bains: We got rid of the self-help kit on August 28. That that’s the day we made the announcement: August 28, 2019. Now, the member, in his previous question, suggested that somehow the self-help kit was working — that the workers’ problems were resolved through the self-help kit when the self-help kit was in place.
I’d like to hear from the member. Is he suggesting that we bring back the self-help kit? Because I can tell the member that we’re not, because it wasn’t helping the workers. It wasn’t helping resolve the problems. It was the workers who demanded the self-help kit be removed, because it wasn’t working. It was a roadblock, as they saw it, for them to seek justice.
If the member wishes to make his statement clear, he can do that. So that at least we know where he stands on the self-help kit.
G. Kyllo: I certainly encourage the minister to review Hansard. I made no comments with respect to the self-help kit.
What we’re trying to drive at is the minister, who has responsibility for the employment standards branch, made significant changes that were going to drive up traffic to the employment standards branch. The minister, through his own recognition, indicated that 20 years ago there were over 11,000 complaints a year filing into the employment standards branch and that the introduction and implementation of the self-help kit — I’m trusting the minister at his word on this — reduced the number of complaints coming to the office to 4,700.
I think any reasonable person would anticipate that: “Well, if you’re going to remove the self-help kit, we are probably going to get 10,000 or 11,000 complaints a year.” And these are 20-year-old numbers.
Now, it’s interesting the minister talks about initiatives that he’s undertaken to ensure that the employment standards branch has sufficient resources in order to engage and to provide the service delivery of the increasing number of complaints. Yet I’m looking here at enhanced services funding in the year 2019. There was a lift that came forward.
But this is Budget 2019. The $14 million lift over three years and this is from the minister’s own binder: “Budget 2019 provides $14 million over three years to support the transformation of the employment standards branch in the Ministry of Labour to update employment standards to reflect the changing nature of work and ensure standards are applied fairly and consistently. The funding will also be used to implement the Temporary Foreign Worker Protection Act and create a registry of licensed foreign worker recruiters.” And it goes on and makes zero reference to the increasing number of complaints.
I happened to sit on a committee, Finance and Government Services, a few years ago, and I remember having a presentation from the Ombudsperson’s office. The Ombudsperson office was seeing that in the next fiscal, they were going to be taking on responsibility for additional complaints from, I believe it was, the Hospital Employees Union.
In advance of that, the Ombudsperson came forward looking for additional funds so they could hire the additional staff, so they could get the resources, so that when the additional complaints came in, they’d be ready to actually provide that important service. But that did not happen.
We see government make a change, which drove up the number of complaints to the office. British Columbian workers — as the minister has indicated, some of the lowest-paid workers, some of those workers that need the most and greatest amount of supports of government — have been denied access, with service levels dropping from 73 to 47 to 51 to 20 percent. That’s a failing grade on any measurement.
I’ve got correspondence from individuals that have reached out to the employment standards branch looking for that resolution to issues. They’re told we likely won’t even be able to open a file — not find resolution; won’t even be able to open a file — for upwards of 12 months.
Just think about that. Your son or daughter is working for an employer. They’ve been taken advantage of. They’ve been denied, maybe, overtime rates, potentially denied severance pay. They reach out to the employment standards branch looking for some service, and the employment standards branch says: “Hey, thanks for calling. We’ll give you a call in about a year or so and open a file.”
That is what has happened under this minister’s watch. Workers that have had challenges with employers have been denied access, and the minister can say all he chooses with respect to the self-help kit and how it was denying access. I’ll tell you what. The service delivery level has never been worse that it is right now.
The minister has talked about throwing more money at the problem. There have been multiple walks back to the trough to try and provide additional funding for the employment standards branch, but despite all of the extra money rolling through the door, service delivery levels have continued to decline. They haven’t got better. They’ve only got worse.
A question to the minister. Can the minister share with this House any initiatives that have been undertaken within the organization to try and streamline and increase efficiencies? Because all we’re hearing is “Well, we’re just going to keep throwing more money, hiring more bodies,” but the service delivery continues to go in the tank. This is a common theme that we’re seeing across multiple ministries with this government: more money, poor results.
So an initiative or an idea…. I’d certainly appreciate it if the minister can share with us any efficiencies that may have been gained, if there’s any work within the organization to try and improve service deliveries through streamlining work or technological advancements or whatever it might be…. Because the only solution that seems to be brought forward seems to be failing miserably for workers in this province.
Hon. H. Bains: Let me start by saying that the changes that we made, the changes that were necessary to help those most vulnerable in our society, the workers — and many of them are immigrant workers — who, when they felt their rights were not adhered to or violated by way of not being paid according to the law, when they turned to the employment standards branch…. It’s those workers who advised us through a number of different organizations…. The B.C. Law Institute is one of them, and many of those went around and talked to many of those workers, and they said it’s an impediment to justice, the self-help kit.
So again, listening to what the workers’ complaints were and what they wish us to do, want us to do, and why complaints went down from 11,000 to under 5,000 after the self-help kit was brought in…. It’s because they refused to file a complaint. They just chose no reason to file a complaint because it’s not going to get anywhere. They have to go and deal with their own employer, who has, in those cases, according to them, cheated them out of their wages in the first place.
So they just did not file a grievance; they just gave up on the system. So those complaints existed. Complaints between 5,000 and 11,000. Six thousand complaints existed every day, every year, but never came into the system because they just gave up on the system.
When we came in, we got rid of the self-help kit, which was the right thing to do. We increased the complaint period from six months to 12 months. Under their regime, if you were not paid according to the law and you filed a complaint, the employment standards branch was required to go only six months. We changed that to 12 months. If you were denied your regular wages, wages that you are owed, 12 months or eight months ago, you’re entitled to all the wages. But when that government was in power, they denied them that right.
Yes, it added extra work to the employment standards branch. We got rid of the self-help kit. Now people see the pathway for them to go and file a complaint, knowing that their complaint will be investigated, rather than them going to negotiate with their employer.
And the previous model was you filed a complaint, and you’re lucky if you got 50 cents to a dollar because that was the model of negotiating. If you were entitled to X amount of dollars per hour, how fair is it to that worker? If your son or daughter, as the member was saying, was paid a dollar less, why would that son or daughter of ours accept 50 cents?
The loss is one dollar an hour, but that was the case under that regime. So we changed that. If there’s a complaint about lost wages, unpaid wages, they must be investigated and the money owed paid to them. That is the right thing to do. We did that. We are so proud of doing that.
Again, talk about our sons and daughters. This is a regime that allowed children as young as 12 to work any job, regardless of how dangerous it was.
Talk about our sons and daughters. We got rid of that. We changed the general age of work from 12 to 16 and came up with a definition of light work for those between 12 and 16 — 14 and 15 years.
We didn’t stop there. There are jobs that are too dangerous, hazardous, even for 16-year-olds. We defined those jobs — like being a logger, running a chainsaw. Those are the jobs that 16-year-olds should not be performing, because they’re too dangerous, too hazardous for them.
Let me tell you. I know many parents who have children. They love to see the glow on children’s faces when they have their first job and first paycheque. It’s a rewarding experience, very rewarding, but it should not compromise their health and safety. That’s why we got rid of that as well.
We added resources knowing that the workload will be increased as a result of those changes. As the member acknowledged, $14 million over three years…. We didn’t stop there. Then COVID hit us. That wasn’t our policy. That wasn’t any government’s policy. COVID hit us unannounced, and that added to the workload of the employment standards. Like everything else, it impacted our lives.
We talked about when we removed the self-help kit. We talked about when the backlog started to go up. In 2020, 1,051 complaints came for various applications by the employer and the workers. That wasn’t anticipated. Then in 2021, another 720 applications came. Between those two years, 1,800 applications came. That covers thousands of those workers, and that requires resources. We set aside resources at employment standards. That’s when the backlogs really started to go up.
We didn’t stop there, because the workers need our help. They need support when they need it, in a timely fashion. So in this budget, we are receiving $12 million — $12 million. I want to thank the Minister of Finance. I want to thank my colleagues, who actually advocated on behalf of those workers. We are going to hire more resources, provide better support to the employment standards branch. At the end of the day, my goal is to get rid of the backlog in the application file and make sure that the workers, when they file a complaint…. That their complaint is investigated in a timely fashion, and justice is delivered.
G. Kyllo: Well, that was a lot.
Under this government’s watch…. Under this minister’s watch, the performance matrix in the service delivery of the employment standards branch has been an absolute failure. An absolute failure.
With individuals that are reaching out to the employment standards branch, looking for that justice that the minister references, being told we’ll get back to you and we’ll open a file in about 12 months. In about a year from now, we’ll open a file.
What do you think most individuals that have maybe not a huge issue with an employer…? What do you think they’re going to be considering a year from now? Before anybody actually even starts working on my file…. I’m guessing that that’s going to likely drive a lot of complaints away from this organization.
We spent a significant amount of time…. The minister has made significant changes. This government has made significant changes to the employment standards within the province which they knew were going to drive and increase the number of complaints to the branch. They failed to proactively provide the necessary services and resources so that working British Columbians would be provided at least a considerable amount or a consistent level of service.
That did not happen. We’ve seen service delivery levels fall to less than a quarter of the government’s own mandate of 75 or 85 percent. It reported only 20 percent of claims resolved within the 180 days that the ministry has put out.
I’m happy to see that the funding is here, but the dollars, in the past, have not resolved the problem. More and more money has been thrown at this agency, yet service delivery has continued to get worse.
The minister is here today, sharing with us that there’s more money coming. There are more hires. He’s hoping they will see service delivery levels improve. I don’t have the same confidence. I don’t think working British Columbians share that confidence either.
Just before we move off the employment standards branch…. The minister did reference this backlog, indicating that there were 5,348 complaints that had yet to actually find resolution and that that had dropped to 4,584.
I just wonder if the minister can provide some clarity on what year that was. And because the minister referenced those specific numbers, I’m assuming he has those same numbers for previous years as well. I just wonder if the minister might be able to share those with this House.
The Chair: Thank you, Members. I’m calling a five-minute recess.
The committee recessed from 5:07 p.m. to 5:12 p.m.
[J. Sims in the chair.]
The Chair: Calling the committee back to order.
Hon. H. Bains: The number of 5,348…. They’re trying to pinpoint the exact timing. I believe it would be the previous year, because we were talking about February. As of February 15 of this year, the complaints went down to 4,584. So that would be the timeline. They’re trying to see exactly when the 5,348 was, but it would be sometime during the previous year.
The member asked…. I didn’t answer the question about the efficiency, whether we’re just throwing money at this organization and not seeing results. Well, let me say this. I have every faith in the staff that are working at the employment standards branch. They are as dedicated as any worker. Their commitment is to make sure that the workers who come through their doors are helped in a timely fashion. They’re doing everything they can. To suggest otherwise is wrong.
Talk about efficiencies. Yes, we asked them to make sure that your system is as efficient as it can be, and they have complied. For example, let me call it ESB transformation.
In addition to increasing funding that enabled ESB to make significant improvements to services for workers and employers, it also includes streamlining the branch’s process for receiving complaints, improving collection efforts of unpaid wages for workers, making technology upgrades to manage the new complaints process, improving data collection and reporting, improving the accessibility of services for those with different abilities and communication needs, and implementing the Temporary Foreign Worker Protection Act, including the creation of the registries and the new unit to better protect temporary foreign workers.
I also want to tell you of the inquiries to the employment standards. One is the complaints and their inquiries, the phone calls and emails. That also went into the thousands, so there are resources needed to answer those questions as well.
I think I have answered that question that the member asked. Yeah, that was the answer.
G. Kyllo: Yeah, I was certainly hoping that the minister might be able to provide some additional numbers around the backlog. I’m assuming because the minister had those two numbers that he stated, which I’m anticipating was the change from 2022 to 2023…. I think the minister referenced February — a change from approximately 5,348 to a reduction down to 4,584 complaints.
I’m just assuming that because the minister had those numbers, the minister can provide, maybe as a follow-up, what those backlog numbers have been for previous years as well.
Now, the minister, in his response, referenced the amount of work that’s undertaken and some of the initiatives undertaken by staff. So I certainly…. My comments were not in any way disparaging. I was only asking about any initiatives that have been undertaken to actually streamline operations. I’m assuming that all organizations are always looking for that opportunity to refresh, and I want to thank the minister for sharing some of those initiatives that have been undertaken.
Having said that, just so I have a better understanding of what that complaints process is…. The minister referenced that if a call comes in, that’s not necessarily identified as a complaint. There’s no file created. The minister referenced a significant increase in the number of calls. But can the minister just provide clarity? What would constitute an actual file being created or a file actually opened on behalf of an employee?
Hon. H. Bains: To the member’s earlier question, 5,348 complaints, and the backlog was February 2021. Also, the member kept on asking that it takes 12 months. I can tell you that when a complaint is filed, they hear back from them right away. Sometimes they need additional information. They are asked those questions. So that’s the process right now.
To talk about all the complaints and what constitutes a complaint, it is when someone officially fills in a form. They can do it online. They can do it in person. It is the name, the contact number and the allegation. I haven’t seen it, but perhaps the resolution saw it. Then once they sign that online or pass it to the employment standards branch, that is considered a complaint.
G. Kyllo: The minister references an online tool. The minister also referenced, obviously, a significant number of complaints coming in by phone. If I wish to call into the employment standards branch and have a question about overtime…. Maybe I’ve worked a ten-hour shift and I feel I might be due a couple hours of overtime, but it doesn’t show up on my pay. The self-help kit no longer exists, so the employee is no longer obligated to even have a conversation with employers, so they phone the employment standards branch with a question. It might be around when overtime hours actually kick in, as an example.
In this case, would a file be created under that individual’s name, or would information be provided to the individual? I’m just trying to understand. At what point is a complaint actually filed, an actual case number developed and, hopefully, an adjudicator actually assigned to a file? Or is there more of just a back-and-forth?
I can only anticipate that if you’re calling in, the employment standards branch might, maybe, share a copy: “Hey, can I email you a copy of the actual Employment Standards Act that you can share with your employer that shows that it’s due?” Is that level of interaction being undertaken, or is there a formal case that’s actually created for all calls coming in?
Hon. H. Bains: I think when I talk about the inquiries on the phone, it comes from all sorts of people. It could be a worker. It could be an employer. “What is my obligation to my employee who is asking this? Am I responsible for what they are asking?” Sometimes the answer is given. Their attention is drawn to the employment standard, perhaps, and they say: “According to this section, your obligation is this.”
Many times the workers will phone. “I worked this many hours. Am I entitled to overtime?” They will give you the answer on the phone.
Those are not complaints. Those are inquiries. They needed the information, the information is provided, and that’s the end of that story.
But it could lead to a complaint if workers feel that…. Now they are advised that: “You are entitled to this.” The worker goes back to the employer and says, “I’m entitled to this,” and the employer says: “No, I’m not paying. I’m not complying.” Then the worker has a choice to go back and officially, online or in person, can file a complaint. So that’s the difference between inquiries and complaints.
G. Kyllo: In the example that the minister shared, there is some back-and-forth. And in many instances, it may be that the employee is encouraged to actually share additional information with the employer, to actually engage in a conversation or to share information with their employer in the effort to try and address or remedy their concern.
I just wonder if the minister can confirm that I heard correctly.
Hon. H. Bains: I don’t listen to that conversation. I’m not party to that. Neither is anybody else except the person answering the phone and the person calling in. What happened after the call, no one knows.
I think the purpose of those calls is to get information, what your rights and obligations are. Once you know, then it’s up to you to take the next step. I don’t believe employment standards is saying…. They may ask: “How do I file a complaint?” They will be advised: “This is how you file a complaint.” I don’t believe…. What else is advised? You know, “You should go to your employer,” or “You should go back to your worker,” and tell them: “You’re right.”
The idea here is to provide them information according to the law. Then what the employer does and doesn’t do is up to them, and what the employee does and whether they want to take the next step, again, is up to them.
G. Kyllo: Can the minister share what efforts were undertaken within the employment standards branch to, I guess, identify, maybe, the severity of the incident? Is there any work undertaken to triage complaints coming in, or are they all just addressed in sequential order? If I submit my online complaint on April 3, is my complaint addressed based on that date in relation to all the others that are in queue, or is there some efforts to, maybe, triage or identify which claims or complaints might be easily resolved or those dealt with in a different manner?
Just trying to better understand. Of the 4,300 or 4,500 complaints, if somebody calls in tomorrow, do they have to wait for those 4,300 complaints to be satisfied or remedied before you actually see any service? Or is there some other mechanism that’s undertaken within the ministry to identify those more serious complaints, maybe an employee that’s been not paid for six or eight weeks and is having a hard time making rent or putting groceries on the table?
Is there any work within the ministry to identify those more serious complaints that have real-world implications for workers that are calling in?
Hon. H. Bains: Yes, the branch does use the triage system. As the complaints come, they look at the complexity of the complaint and if there’s a issue of being time-sensitive, that they need to move quickly. Those are some of the criteria that I can mention.
Then the complaints are assigned to officers who are appropriate for those types of files, and that’s how they do it. Some of the simpler files may be resolved much quicker, because they go to the officer, and they see that it’s a clear case, that the complaint is pretty simple. It could be some overtime missing or not being paid according to the law. Those types of complaints get resolved pretty quickly.
So I think the triaging system is there, but everyone hears from the branch or the system that their complaint is there. They either need additional information, or they say: “Look, we will get back to you soon. We have an officer assigned to it.”
G. Kyllo: I appreciate the minister sharing that. I appreciate that all complaints coming in may not be easily determined at the outset just on the complexity of the file. But the minister referenced those that are maybe a little bit easier to resolve and those that are a bit more complex. I would assume, or I can imagine, that the employment standards branch likely has a different rating or category depending on the severity or maybe the complexity of complaint.
Are there only two — either those easy to resolve and those more complex? Or is there another matrix that might be utilized to try to identify and determine the complexity of files? I’m assuming you’ll have a scale of 1 to 4 or 1 to 5. But are there only those two categories, either complicated files or easy to resolve? Are those the only two, or is there another form of rating of complaints as they come in the door?
Hon. H. Bains: I think I mentioned some of the criteria being used, how they triage. But it’s the branch that makes those decisions — those officers.
Another one that I could mention could be that someone may file a complaint, but the employment standards branch, when they’re looking at triaging it, says, “It doesn’t belong here. It’s WCB,” or it’s something else. They may advise the person: “Your complaint doesn’t belong here. You need to go somewhere else.”
The other one that comes to mind is if the employer owes a bunch of money to the employees and there’s a risk of the employer shutting down and leaving town, sometimes they make that a priority to see: “How do we secure assets, so that the workers’ wages are paid?”
I’m just giving some of the examples. They are the people who make the…. They are an independent, statutory decision-making authority. I don’t look at their day-to-day workings, but we do want to know that the efficiencies are there, that they do the triaging, to make the system as efficient as possible.
G. Kyllo: I appreciate the answer from the minister. The reason I believe it’s important to better understand those that are maybe, as the minister indicated, a little bit easier to resolve, and those that might be a bit more complex is that the amount of hours that might be undertaken, the amount of demand within the employment standards branch, could range considerably. I can just imagine that a simple complaint might be able to be resolved in two to five hours, but a complex complaint could be, potentially, hundreds of hours. I’m not sure what the range is.
Could the minister, maybe, just provide a bit of context as far as what would be the least amount of time that would be required to find resolution of a complaint? What are some of the staff requirements for some of the more complicated files that the employment standards branch may entertain?
Hon. H. Bains: Hon. Chair, I’m advised that there’s no actual timeline you can really say because once the officer is assigned to a file, it could be a phone call to the worker and to the employer, “There is a complaint. What about this?” and they may say: “Oh yeah. You know, I made a mistake.” Problem resolved, so it could be a day.
On the more complex files, it could be millions of dollars owed to hundreds of workers, for a variety of reasons, and then there’s the probability of a declared bankruptcy or of an employer shutting his operation down. It could take…. Those are very complex cases.
Even if you make the determination that the employer owes this much money to these employees, then there’s a collection department. You need to pass it on to collections, and those officers then find a way to collect money from employers. That takes time as well.
So it’s from a low complexity to a high complexity. It could be a day or two days — by the time you phone the employer and the employer gets back to you, it could be a day, or it could be a week — to a point where it could take a long time — first to come up through a determination and then going through a collection process. By the time the workers receive their money, it could be a long time because of the complexity that I just mentioned.
G. Kyllo: I appreciate the response from the minister.
The minister indicated the triaging is undertaken based on complexity, time sensitivity. The minister also referenced that if there’s a concern about, potentially, an employer maybe going bankrupt and running out of money, that also might motivate and encourage. I’m assuming that might get the attention of the employment standards branch.
Now, the other question that I raised earlier — in the case of a parent, maybe a single parent, that is looking for remuneration for severance or maybe for unpaid work: would that also get the attention of the employment standards branch? Would that be identified and, maybe, get a little bit accelerated rate of attention to try and find resolution for that individual, in that instance?
Hon. H. Bains: Look, we’re getting into the very, very detailed, everyday workings of the employment standards branch. I don’t think we have all the information here on how an officer deals with the complaint.
It is about the merits of the complaint. Their whole purpose is to make sure that they provide justice, through an investigation, to the workers and to the employers and do it in a timely fashion with the resources that they have. That’s why we are adding resources — to make sure they can do the job that they are committed to doing. I can’t answer…. There could be 1,000 different things that go into that officer’s mind.
“How do I move forward?” Basically, the idea would be to pick up a phone. If it’s a simple complaint, it can be resolved over the phone. Probably many are being resolved over the phone. Others go through a system because of the complexity of the system, as I referred to.
That’s how I believe the system works. The idea, again, is the merits of the complaint and how quickly those can be resolved.
G. Kyllo: Okay. I am going to, actually, turn things over here, in just a moment, to my friend and colleague, the official leader of the Green Party.
Before I do that, not to be disappointed….
Interjection.
G. Kyllo: Oh, sorry, House Leader. Sorry for the promotion.
To the minister, don’t be disappointed. We’ll be back tomorrow with some further inquiry. However, I certainly would appreciate….
I can only imagine that within the organization — an organization with 130-plus individuals, with their primary focus triaging and handling complaints, with a significant backlog — there must be some form of decision-making matrix. When calls come in, there is some way of allocating and determining priority.
I’m asking the minister. Could the minister maybe make some further inquiry, within the employment standards branch, and find out if there is such a thing as a decision-making matrix and what that might look like?
Specifically, the question that I raised, in the case of financial hardship by employees that are…. Again, in reference to a single parent that maybe is needing funds that may be due to them from an employer…. If that would in any way elevate the attention of the employment standards branch. Or would they just take a number like everybody else and have their complaint, hopefully, remedied in due course?
With that, I thank you, hon. Chair, and turn it over to my colleague, the House Leader for the Green Party.
A. Olsen: I have a lot of titles. Official party leader is not one of them, though. But I appreciate it.
Interjection.
A. Olsen: We have so many different offices within this huge organization that we’re a part of. We need all the different pay grades.
Bill 41 created a fair practices commissioner. It did not create a commission, nor did it give the commissioner the opportunity to really, I think, hold the board accountable for the decisions that they made.
Why did the minister choose, at that time, to create the role of the commissioner but not to give powers and the accountability of the commissioner over the board?
Hon. H. Bains: Thank you to the member for the question. Patterson was recommending a different model. We received a letter from our Ombudsperson, the B.C. Ombudsperson, saying that the model conflicts with their role and that they didn’t recommend that model.
I think the difference here, Member, is…. Under the model that we created, there’s a fair practices commission. They have powers to investigate individual complaints about unfairness. They also have powers to investigate systemic unfairness and to make recommendations to the board, in both cases.
The board is accountable to us. Whereas with the other model — as we see, the Ombudsperson — they are accountable to the government directly. Again, they’re making recommendations, and then somebody else is going to make changes.
I think the system here, what we have, is simpler. It is right there. They are accountable to the board. The responsibility of the commission is to investigate individual complaints of unfairness and, also, like I said, systemic unfairness that may exist in the system — again, examining, year-round, the system itself — and then make recommendations. It could be through individual complaints, and it could be through their own investigation. They will make a recommendation to the board, and the board, then, will have powers to make those changes.
A. Olsen: Thank you for the response. One of the criticisms of what happened in Bill 41 was that it was…. The commissioner was simply renaming or replacing the internal fair practices officer. I know that has been out there.
Maybe this gives the minister an opportunity to explain how the two are different and how the new commissioner role differs from the previous role that existed.
Hon. H. Bains: The current system, compared to what we brought in…. There’s a huge difference in transparency and accountability. Current…. There’s a fair practices office. It’s a part of the system. They report higher, probably to the director and then to the VP, so they are an employee of the system. What they do with their complaints, no one knows. I mean, they may get back to the workers and say, “Well, you know, we investigated, but there’s not much we can do,” right?
Under the current system, these complaints are investigated, and then recommendations are made to the board. They’re independent now. They don’t have to report to the hierarchy of the system. Clearly, you will know that they are independent to do their job. They will investigate, make recommendations to the board. And then at the end, they will make an annual report based on what they have heard, what they have investigated during the year about the system itself, and make recommendations to the board. So then the board will know. They are reporting to the board — no one else in between.
I think that’s why…. That was the complaint that we heard — that no one knew. With the fair practices office, you’d go to the investigator, but not much was heard back or was done. This one here actually is a fair practices commission. They are independent of the system, report only to the board and make recommendations to the board. I have high hopes that this system will bring some transparency to the whole unfairness, whether it’s individual or systemic.
A. Olsen: Thank you, Minister.
Another issue that I raised during that bill — Bill 41, and now we’ve got some distance — was around claim suppression, in particular around enforcement of claim suppression. Just as we’ve now got some space between that debate and some…. I guess probably some regulatory work has been done on it.
Can the minister maybe just reflect on whether or not the minister feels that the claim suppression has gone far enough, that there’s adequate enforcement to ensure that workers who should be making a claim are not being discouraged from making that claim and whether there’s enough robustness in what happened with Bill 41 or if there is further work to be done here?
Hon. H. Bains: The claim suppression part of Bill 41 — these provisions came into force with royal assent, and that happened on November 24, 2022. Then the consequential changes to the policy were completed on December 1, 2022.
The implementation team, I’m advised, has developed an option paper on how to proceed with enhanced claim suppression processes for the enterprise leadership team, which is being reviewed now, in the first quarter. Then the project team will recommend a more proactive data-informed oversight model to manage the risk of claim suppression. So the work is underway.
But I’m suggesting that once this work is done, their internal work, then we will be able to monitor whether the system that we put in place, or we anticipated what the results should be, is working. And then I’m sure I’ll be in a better position next year to talk about this in more detail — how the system is working when it comes into implementation.
A. Olsen: Thank you, Minister.
Just shifting gears here. I’ve been hearing from business owners in my riding and in the region more around a really, really challenging situation that they’re having attracting and retaining employees.
I’m going to shift gears here a little bit from Bill 41 to the situation that I’m hearing with respect to a variety of different initiatives that have been undertaken by this government. But just in general, I think it might be a good opportunity to just talk a little bit or to highlight how it is that the Ministry of Labour interacts with the Ministry of Jobs in the other policy areas to ensure that the policy that we’re developing is not creating enhanced challenges to the ones that already exist.
Unfortunately, we had to reschedule a meeting with a business owner that was experiencing significant challenges with employees, employment, challenges navigating paid sick days. How is the Ministry of Labour paying attention to the challenges that business owners are having, particularly community centres, in keeping their businesses viable through a very, very challenging time right now?
Hon. H. Bains: The Ministry of Jobs, Economic Development and Innovation has a number of programs, along with the Ministry of Advanced Education. The Future Ready plan is one of them. Our ministry works in a way that…. We are creating an environment where B.C. becomes the choice for workers to work by having strong minimum standards, where workers will know that their health and safety is taken seriously, where they know that they are not forced to work when they are sick or stay home and lose wages.
I think those are the things that we’re working on, on our side — to have a minimum wage that is supporting them in a way to at least live a decent life and lift people out of poverty. I think we are simply creating stronger, more favourable minimum standards. As a result, you see that more people were moving to B.C. last year and the year before than ever in the previous 60 years. They see hope in British Columbia. They see that there is a strong support system when they go to work.
Of course, employers have challenges. That’s one thing that I always hear when I meet with employers — the shortage of workers. They can’t attract workers or retain workers. It was actually so ironic that…. I come from the forest industry. I’m talking about higher-paying jobs, unionized jobs. There was a time that you actually had to go to somebody who would recommend you, to get hired in a sawmill. It just took quite an effort, but now employers are paying incentives to bring employees in, even at that level.
So I think: what does that tell you? We have an economy that is the envy of all jurisdictions. We’re going on all cylinders here in B.C. We have more jobs than we have people. It has its own challenges, but it’s a good challenge to have. We have more people working now than pre-COVID. I think that’s because during COVID, thanks to the Minister of Health, thanks to different ministers who were working during the COVID time and thanks to our health professionals with their recommendations, the economy continued to operate, more so than in many other jurisdictions.
We were in a stronger position to come out of COVID. I think those are some of the stronger points for why we have a robust economy here. More people are coming to B.C. because they see the future here. But still there are challenges, I fully acknowledge, for employers, especially smaller employers. They can’t find workers. Some of them can’t even operate at full capacity because they can’t find workers. But the government support has always been there, as you know. There’s a big list of what the government was able to provide to businesses.
I think more work needs to be done, of course, because we want to make sure that employers, whether small or large, can operate at full capacity, that they have the ability to and that workers have good-paying jobs and family-supporting jobs. That’s the kind of economy we want to create and to make sure all British Columbians can benefit from it.
A. Olsen: Is there time for one more question?
The Chair: You get to ask this question.
A. Olsen: Okay. All right. I’ll make sure I pass along to the Minister of Health the compliment that was passed to him in this debate. This is great.
Interjection.
A. Olsen: I’ll pass along the compliment.
This might be for a conversation to take offline, and we can have it, Minister. But I did want to…. There was an extensive debate that happened in one of the other Houses that I’ve been involved in around pay transparency and pay equity.
As the Minister of Labour…. I know this is a bill that has been brought in by another minister, and the debate is happening. But I would like to hear, from the perspective of the Minister of Labour, the distinction and perhaps the position that the minister might take with respect to whether or not this is achieving, I think, to the extent that should be achieved, with respect to ensuring that everybody in this province doing the same work can expect to get equal pay for it.
Does this bill that’s being debated in another part of this chamber…? Does the idea of pay transparency go far enough? Or is pay equity something that we should be looking to achieve as part of, I think, what the minister was just talking about, which is saying to people: “This is a place where you might want to come and work, because you can be assured that you are going to receive equal pay for equal work that’s happening”?
The Chair: Minister, just a reminder that you cannot speak to the bill.
Hon. H. Bains: Quickly…. Not speaking to the bill, but, again, we are creating a working environment in British Columbia that is attractive to workers. What the member talked about is a step towards pay equity.
We can have a debate on how we get there. I think that’s the debate that is going on right now. Certainly, there is a lot to be said about what the member is saying. I think the debate is going on right now.
I move that the committee rise and report resolution and completion of the estimates of Ministry of Forests and report progress on the Ministry of Labour and ask leave to sit again.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 6:17 p.m.
PROCEEDINGS IN THE
BIRCH ROOM
Committee of Supply
ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT
AND
CLIMATE CHANGE STRATEGY
(continued)
The House in Committee of Supply (Section C); A. Walker in the chair.
The committee met at 2:35 p.m.
On Vote 24: ministry operations, $199,682,000 (continued).
R. Merrifield: We have such a short amount of time left. I’ll try and go as fast as I possibly can, and maybe the minister will as well. Maybe not.
This one should be a fairly quick answer, though. I’m curious as to why the minister’s office budget has increased 26 percent, from $651,000 to $822,000.
Hon. G. Heyman: In the interest of speedy answers, there was a review across all the ministers’ offices, and government determined that they were all not funded for the work that was being carried out. My understanding is all received an increase. In the case of my ministry, I think it was $171,000.
R. Merrifield: To clarify what the minister’s answer was. It wasn’t based on a percentage for each office. It was based on an absolute figure. So $171,000 for every single office, or was that 26 percent for every single office throughout?
Hon. G. Heyman: No. It was different for every office.
R. Merrifield: What would be included in the ministry’s $171,000 required? The work that was being done that was not being paid for or what’s included or underneath all of that?
Hon. G. Heyman: The additional money was primarily for salary increases, which would include increments for some of the staff in my office because the staff have now been with me, largely, for some period of time. Also, because of the workload in my office, we have one additional position of an additional executive assistant.
R. Merrifield: So one full FTE and then salary increases.
The proportion of the FTE versus the salary increases — was there a generalized salary increase percentage that was given to all of the ministry staff?
Hon. G. Heyman: First of all, individuals would receive different wage increases within the salary band for their position. The salary bands themselves received a lift that was equivalent to the shared recovery mandate that was applied to the public service and the public sector.
In terms of any further questions around the band or how increases were made or how it’s structured, I would refer that question to the Premier’s estimates, because it is determined by Premier’s office, not the ministry or the minister.
R. Merrifield: Okay, interesting. Duly noted. We’ll see if there’s time for my question in the Premier’s estimates.
I noted also that the overall budget…. I ask for the minister’s forgiveness ahead of time, because it was a little bit harder to figure out all of the numbers this year. In previous years, we’ve kind of gotten a snapshot of a little chart with all of the different CleanBC and different numbers articulated. This was a little bit different this year. I think I’ve got it straight, however.
We’ve got the overall budget for CleanBC. If I compare it to last year’s budget and projections forward, it looks like there’s either some money missing or there’s actually been a decrease. For instance, in Budget 2022 for ’24-25, CleanBC was $689 million. But in Budget 2023 for ’24-25, now CleanBC is $450 million, so there’s like a shortfall in there of about $239 million. In Budget 2023 for 2024-25, CleanBC is $450 million, and Budget ’23 for ’25-26 is actually $200 million, which is an additional $250 million.
It looks like, over the course of a year, we’ve actually got a decrease in funding for CleanBC to some tune of about $489 million. Could the minister just give an understanding as to why?
Hon. G. Heyman: Sorry to take so long with the answer.
The discrepancy that the member points to can be explained by looking at what we did as we canvassed last week with the CleanBC program for industry. Rather than being in base budget, in ’23-24, we have about $229½ million moved to contingencies and available. In ’24-25, we have $412 million in contingencies.
R. Merrifield: Thank you, Minister, for the answer. I appreciate the clarity.
Last week we did canvass what was going to happen with the large emitters program and how that system was going to be handled. Will that money, then, come out of contingency and come back in once the OBPS is actually established?
Hon. G. Heyman: If I understand the member’s question correctly…. Well, there are two possible aspects to the question. The first one is that the money is in contingencies specifically earmarked and available for wind-down costs of the existing CleanBC program for industry. Once the new output-based pricing system is established, I can’t predict how Treasury Board and the Finance Minister will choose to allocate that funding. I know it will be allocated. Whether it’s in base budget or contingencies will be determined once the program design is fully hatched.
R. Merrifield: The CleanBC program for industry this year went from $142 million down to $6 million, and then the subsequent years are those differentials that the minister described. When the OBPS is actually put into place, the minister doesn’t know where that system will actually reside. Am I understanding correctly?
Hon. G. Heyman: First of all, I want to clarify or, if you’ll pardon the term, correct the member’s statement that the budget has gone down for CleanBC or for the program for industry. It hasn’t gone down. The money is simply moved from base budget to allocated contingencies in recognition that the program is being wound down and replaced with the output-based pricing system.
We will be. along with the Ministry of Finance, consulting about the final structure of the output-based pricing system in this year.
But the output-based pricing system will operate differently. We had to allocate money for the program for industry, because the money would come in as tax paid and then be rebated, depending on performance.
Under an output-based pricing system, the calculation time shifts to the end of the year, and people either pay the carbon tax or they don’t, but they don’t pay it and get it back.
Separate from that, of course, is the CleanBC industry fund, which will still be available, and it will still be available under current policy. It will be spent to co-capitalize emission reduction projects with successful applicants from large emitters.
R. Merrifield: I appreciate the minister’s correction.
Will both of these, though, still be underneath the umbrella of the Ministry of Environment? I understand that the calculations for the funding might come in at different times, but regardless of when the funding comes in, it can certainly still be allocated within the same budget.
Will the Ministry of Environment still be responsible for both of these programs, both the industry fund and the OBPS?
Hon. G. Heyman: The Ministry of Environment and Climate Change Strategy will continue to be responsible for administering the output-based pricing system. Under the output-based pricing system, however, there are no funds to allocate that are analogous to the current incentive program for industry, with the exception of administrative costs.
What will happen to the revenue from the carbon tax, as is the case now, it goes into general revenue. It’s allocated to the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change Strategy for certain programs; to the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation for certain programs; and to the Ministry of Transportation for certain programs; and some other ministries.
We will continue to do a wrap-up of what all the expenditures are that we will collect in our ministry and make as part of budget documents in our annual report.
R. Merrifield: I’m curious about that, because earlier last week I actually asked the minister where the $2 billion was being spent — the carbon tax revenue net differential between all that came in minus the climate action tax rebate — and the minister couldn’t give that fulsome list of everywhere that it had gone and had been spent. He gave a couple of examples of transit and active transportation corridors, but there was no comprehensive list of everywhere that that was spent.
The minister’s indication is now that there is a list that exists. Could the minister provide that for this year’s budget?
Hon. G. Heyman: I refer the member to page 13 of the 2022 Climate Change Accountability Report. There’s a heading called “Climate Investments,” and it shows the actuals for the previous audited year and the forecast for the current year. In the case of the ’22 report, it was the ’22-23 fiscal year.
R. Merrifield: Thank you to the minister on that. Now, these amounts are actually not specific and not necessarily clarified into which ministry these are being spent into, because these are not being spent through the Ministry of Environment. That’s my understanding.
Could the minister just clarify as to which ministries these are being spent through? These are being allocated as carbon tax from generalized revenue into each of the different…? Cleaner buildings and communities would go through the Ministry of Housing, for instance?
Hon. G. Heyman: Cleaner buildings and communities would be Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation. Cleaner government and the public sector would be Citizens’ Services and Environment. Cleaner industry would be Environment. Cleaner transportation would be MOTI.
Climate preparedness and adaptation would be Environment; Agriculture and Food; Health; Water, Land and Resource Stewardship; Forests; Emergency Management and Climate Readiness; Social Development and Poverty Reduction; Post-Secondary Education and Future Skills; Citizens’ Services; Housing; Education and Child Care; Transportation and Infrastructure; and Tourism, Arts, Culture and Sport, making it truly an all-of-government program.
The climate action tax credit is Finance. Other tax measures are Finance. Other climate spending is a variety of ministries. Transit projects is MOTI. Cleaner government and public sector would be Citizens’ Services and Environment. Cleaner transportation and transit projects would be both MOTI.
R. Merrifield: Thank you to the minister for that long list. One of the issues is we still have $1 billion that we don’t have accounted for, even if we take this list at face value. Of the $2 billion, that’s net, but it’s actually $2.36 billion, because I don’t want to count the climate action tax credit twice. We can’t even take it out as net.
That’s a lot of money to go up into general revenue and kind of disappear into the ether, when that’s taxpayers’ money that is hard-earned that is going towards what should be lowering emissions.
I would love, actually, to go line by line — but in the interest of time, we’re not going to be able to do that today — to look at what the emissions reductions of each of these spends are supposed to be. And perhaps the minister will indulge me with his staff and do that one day.
I know that in the 2030 estimates we’re not going to meet our building emissions targets. We’re going to be about 30 percent lower than that, yet we’re spending $87 million, $93 million next year, on lowering those emissions. So what are we actually…? What is the outcome that is necessary for these expenditures to be inside of the CleanBC plan?
Hon. G. Heyman: When I last read out, I read the broad areas — what we spent in the previous year and what we project spending in the current year. And then if the member were to go to appendix 3, which has a list of B.C. indicators, there are broad categories like economic transition, transportation, buildings, waste, industry, public sector. There are specific indicators and measures within that. It shows the percent change from historical, the percent change from the previous year, periods that are relevant, the most recent measurement — in other words, the outcomes.
I’d also like to point out to the member that we don’t just fund mitigation of emissions from CleanBC. We also fund climate preparedness and adaptation, which is resiliency and responding to both what we’ve experienced and what we project we will experience in terms of building the infrastructure and measures necessary in different communities in order to protect British Columbians and our economy from the impacts of climate change.
I would also say the member stated that she did not believe we were going to meet our targets for the building sector. That’s a pretty interesting crystal ball, because that’s in 2030, and we’re not there yet. In fact, what we do with CleanBC and our Roadmap to 2030 is to constantly review the effectiveness of our measures. Where they’re effective, we try to amplify them. Where they’re not effective, or not as effective as we’d like, we work, on an iterative basis, to change them so that they’ll be more effective.
That’s exactly how the roadmap was designed — to be responsive and an iterative process of continual improvement. Most recently, I would say, the new energy action framework is an example of how we respond to what we learn, to move more quickly in certain areas — in this case, electrification, support of a clean energy economy and very specific measures to reduce emissions in the sector.
R. Merrifield: Thank you, Minister. I won’t be able to respond to everything in the minister’s answer, but I’ll just use an example of the frustration within the CleanBC plan. We’re spending billions of dollars. At least we’re collecting billions of dollars in carbon tax and repurposing them for other projects and other programs. I look at the list, in appendix 3, that the minister drew my attention to yet again, and I’ll draw the minister’s attention to some of those outcomes that are in that list.
Electric vehicle sales — that is not spending that’s directly tied to a lowering of emissions. My questions have been around how much money we are spending for the amount of emissions that should be lowering — and the dilution, within all of the 15 different ministries that report in to the parliamentary secretary, who then reports in to the minister, to somehow collect all of this data.
There’s changing of reports in appendix 1, so that the numbers don’t add up in any of the reports and can’t be measured or compared to one another. The amount of changing information does not instil confidence that we’re actually going to meet our emissions targets.
I don’t want to say that this is intentional. Perhaps it’s not intentional. Perhaps this is simply not being able to collect the data because the data isn’t being collected, which may be even scarier than having the data but not being able or willing to share it.
I will go on record. I will make a prediction that we are not going to make our emissions targets. Having been in business for the last 25 years, I know that what you measure, you can actually change. I don’t believe that the iterative process that the minister reflects on is lowering our emissions as much as it is responding to political pressures or possibly trying to adjust things on the fly. This process that we’ve been through is not necessarily instilling more confidence.
I’m going to flip to a little bit of a different question. In January, the minister announced the establishment of the Incomappleux Conservancy, which spans over 58,000 hectares in remote wilderness southeast of Revelstoke. I actually watched some videos on it — an absolutely spectacular piece of wilderness and one of the last interior rainforests.
“As part of the agreement to establish the conservancy and protected areas, Interfor…released 75,000 hectares of its forest tenure.” Could the minister tell us: was this a donation by Interfor, or were they compensated for this by government, either with comparable tenure somewhere else or with cash, and if so, how much?
Hon. G. Heyman: Interfor received some compensation from the Nature Conservancy of Canada, but nothing from the B.C. government. We welcomed the engagement of the Nature Conservancy, which allowed us to take the legislative action to protect this incredibly rare and beautiful valley.
I want to respond to some of the member’s statements. They were statements and not questions, but I will respond in any event. First of all, of course we take the expenditure of public money seriously. Of course, when the public pays fees and charges of any kind, we want to ensure that they’re being administered in an effective way.
Study after study has demonstrated that the cheapest and most cost-effective way to reduce emissions is by putting a price on carbon. The other alternative is regulations, which end up being more expensive and have costs that are passed on, although they are well hidden.
On the member’s statement about zero-emission vehicles not demonstrably reducing emissions, that’s just simply incorrect. That’s all I’ll say about that.
We have seen, in British Columbia, the very significant cost of doing nothing. We have spent huge amounts of money replacing washed-out highways. We’ve spent huge amounts of money cleaning toxic debris from rivers and communities. We’ve seen the devastation in the Fraser Valley and in agricultural communities.
I’m not going to say that this is all attributable to the impacts of emissions in British Columbia — clearly, emissions are a global problem; climate change is a global problem — but that is, in fact, the cost of climate change. If governments in every jurisdiction don’t look for the most cost-effective way to reduce emissions and fight climate change, we’re going to continue to see great cost to the public, great cost to taxpayers, and devastating impacts on people everywhere.
We believe that we need to do our portion, our part. We also believe we need to set an example for other jurisdictions, which are perhaps reluctant, that putting a price on carbon works. That has been demonstrated in British Columbia. You can put a price on carbon, take measures to fight climate change, and grow a healthy economy, while taking advantages of economic transitions to a low-emission, clean energy economy and a clean technology economy. It is good for the economy, good for people and good for the planet.
We have seen that the low-carbon fuel standard, for instance, works. We have seen that our methane emission reduction mandates work. I would simply say that we do measure. We do measure all the time, and that’s evidenced by what we put in the climate change accountability report every year.
But I want to offer, and my staff would be happy to offer, the member for Kelowna-Mission and any other member of her caucus who is interested a significant technical briefing on how we measure, how we calibrate our planning and our actions in response to the measurements and how we continue to fine-tune the CleanBC plan in order to achieve the best results possible for the money that we’re spending.
I think the member will no doubt not find the system perfect, because no system is perfect. But compared to what other jurisdictions in North America are doing, I think the member will be impressed enough to admit that we are organized. We’re systematic. We’re not taking random actions. We’re taking evidence-based actions. We’re recalibrating. We’re iterating. We’re improving all the time, and this is something British Columbians can and should be proud of.
R. Merrifield: I love that you used many examples from what was already established before your government took over. That’s great. On many of those things, we would agree. Unfortunately, on some of them, we wouldn’t.
I’m going to speed through the last bit of my time here and just ask a really quick question about the Othello Tunnels. They were significantly impacted by the flooding of 2021, and the community is very anxious to get them cleaned up and the recovery completed. Is there a plan in place for the recovery of the Othello Tunnels? And where in your budget are the funds identified for this recovery?
Hon. G. Heyman: As the member knows, the tunnels were severely impacted and collapsed. In order to ensure safety to people in the public, prior to developing any plans, we had engineering studies done. Those have been completed.
The next step for the ministry is to review the engineering studies and develop options in response to them that will ensure public safety, as well as to do a costing of what that would entail. In that process of evaluation, plan development and costing, we’ll be engaging with the local community as well as with First Nations.
R. Merrifield: What is the time frame on that engineering report/next steps, decision-making, etc.?
Hon. G. Heyman: Thank you to the member. It’s difficult, as she knows, to predict the amount of time that is required for any specific consultation, particularly with First Nations, because there are constitutional rights, as well as impacts to rights, values and title involved. But we anticipate that we would have completed all that and developed policy, planning and recommendations for decisions this year.
R. Merrifield: Great. Thank you very much, Minister, for that answer.
The minister and I spent quite a bit of time last fall celebrating our conservation officers and how amazing they are. In fact, the minister took two hours to tell me all about how truly remarkable and awesome our conservation officers are, to which I said yes.
They serve, obviously, a very critical role in protecting our wildlife resources, yet we’ve been told by so many officers that their equipment right now is really desperately in need of refresh. This is not small equipment. We’re talking quads, snowmobiles and trucks, just to mention a few. These members, obviously, have a very, very difficult task, and their equipment really should be the most modern that’s available.
Can the minister outline where in the budget money for these improvements might be found and, if funding has not been allocated, just the reason why?
Hon. G. Heyman: If the member went to schedule C on page 214, she would see an amount of $47.375 million for capital costs for the ministry as a whole. From that would come capital costs for the conservation officer service.
Just to give you a sense, in fiscal year ’22, the amortization for costs associated with the purchase of all capital equipment for the COS was $282,200, including $115,750 to pay fleet services for ten mobile truck radios to communicate with the RCMP and, as well, money for significant, major database improvements.
Future needs that we’re planning to account for include snowmobiles, ATVs, side-by-sides, bear traps, wildlife decoys, boats, boat motors, trailers, e-bikes, surveillance equipment, storage containers, patrol cabin, winch, etc.
R. Merrifield: That will be welcome news for our conservation officers. I’ll let them know that they’re all getting new snowmobiles. Okay, that’s a joke. I know it was a bit of a stretch. The minister is actually making that arm movement.
I’m just going to read this last one and ask for a written answer before turning it back over to my colleague from Kootenay East. It is on newspapers and the extended producer responsibility. I know that other jurisdictions across Canada have created some exemptions for our newspaper creators. To date, we have not heard of any happening here in B.C.
My question to the minister is: is there a program that will be initiated, and if so, when can we expect that for our newspaper industry here in B.C.?
With that, I will extend my gratitude to all of the minister’s staff for how you guys, excellently, have given answers today and turn it over to my colleague.
T. Shypitka: Thanks to the critic for allowing me just a little bit of time here.
As we speak about transitioning and energy transition, we’re transitioning between two ministries here. This one is kind of caught in the middle. So I’ll maybe ask for an update from the minister.
As the minister knows, we have some water quality issues in the southeast corner of the province, with the Teck Coal mines and the Fording Coal mines up there in my riding, and water quality issues that go down the Fording River into the Elk River and, subsequently, into the Koocanusa reservoir. That goes into Libby, Montana and into the state of Montana.
There’s a bit of an argument going on right now, a little bit of a back-and-forth, over the last couple of years, on water quality levels and how many parts per billion selenium should be set at. I think here in B.C., we’re at two parts per billion, and the EPA in the United States is at 1.5.
Recently Montana argued that it was in their best interest, and their environment’s best interest, to lower that even further to 0.8, half of that of the EPA. This is, obviously, catastrophic to Teck Resources. It’s not sustainable.
There has been nothing credible that has been proven. Actually, under state law, under Montana’s rules, this arbitrary number of 0.8 is invalid. The state requires that the goal of any new regulation, under the EPA, has to be achievable. There’s nothing that can prove that as being achievable in that water system. I think average selenium levels have been anywhere from one to two in recent years.
This is a big deal for Teck. A lawyer on the U.S. side — I think his name is Steve Ruffatto — successfully argued that the Montana Board of Environmental Review didn’t do its due diligence in proving the 0.8. So that has been reversed now.
We’ve got lawyers on the other side. We’ve got the Montana Board of Environmental Review on the other side. Lincoln County has been weighing in. Montana’s environmental information centre has been weighing in. We don’t have anybody weighing in on this side of the border on the protection and sustainability, I guess you could call it, of Teck Resources’ operations.
Ironically enough — and it’s no April Fools’ joke — a former colleague and somebody I think everybody in this House respects greatly, John Horgan, is now a board member of Elk Valley Resources. Now he’s going to be fighting in the corner of Teck Resources, obviously, to make it sustainable.
I guess the question to the minister is: can we get some champion on this side, in government, to go and voice the opinion that two parts per milligram is sufficient? It reaches the standards here in B.C., and it should be not dictated by those south of us. I really mean that sincerely. I think this is a national issue. I think politics is, obviously, largely at play here, and we need a champion here on this side of the border.
Would the minister consider…? What has he done, actually, to ensure that Teck is sustainable?
Hon. G. Heyman: Thank you to the member for the question. It’s an important issue, both from the perspective of the significant role that Teck plays in the local and provincial economy but also the interests of First Nations and water quality, the ongoing legacy of selenium discharge and what we’ve all been trying to do to address it.
But I would disagree with the member that there has been no championing of Teck by the provincial government. We have worked with Teck. We have worked with First Nations. We have worked with governments south of the border and been very heavily engaged since the Elk Valley water quality management plan was first produced in the middle of the last decade. From that, we have been developing a management plan, as I said, engaging with Teck, with the Ktunaxa, with the nations that comprise the Ktunaxa and with nations south of the border.
I met with officials of Teck and Elk Valley Resources last week. I have met with them on more than one occasion. I’ve also met with the Ktunaxa and environmental organizations that are concerned about how we take effective measures to reduce the presence of selenium and other contaminants. Any new standard that’s produced will be based on the very best science and be part of the Elk Valley management plan, which is being developed in collaboration with Teck and with First Nations.
There have been expenditures by Teck on water quality treatments, which we have been part of evaluating with them, of over $1.2 billion to date and expected to be $2 billion by the end of 2030.
Finally, there’s a lot of information available on the recently established Elk Valley water quality hub, which is a site. If the member hasn’t been to visit it, I would encourage the member to visit it, as it’s regularly updated in the interests of transparency of good, solid, reliable information for the public, for First Nations and for anyone who’s interested.
T. Shypitka: Thanks to the minister for that. I think I see a sincere, honest answer there that we do really value what Teck provides to not only my local economy but the province as a whole. The Elk Valley management plan has been around for a while. It’s ongoing. It’s changing all the time, as the minister stated.
But I guess that the real crux of the matter is that we need to secure that standard of two parts per billion. Some of it’s micrograms per litre, but I’ll use the two parts per billion. We need to secure that in place.
I understand the minister has had meetings. He talks about effective measures. He talked about the $2 billion that Teck is spending right now. I think there are four wastewater treatment facilities. There are a couple saturated rock fills. There are a couple water quality systems in place that treat about 80 million litres per day of wastewater, and I think that’s going up to about 126 million by 2026. It’s about 50 Olympic-sized swimming pools full of wastewater treated every day, taking out 95 percent of the selenium and nitrates.
It’s game-changing. As he said, $2 billion. The world is watching. This is innovative technology at its best, and we need to ensure that that doesn’t go away.
Whether Teck’s there or not, the waste rock is there, and it’s been there for 100 years. That selenium will leach and will get into the water systems regardless of who’s operating, if it’s even operating at all. So it’s really critical that we have these corporate partners that are responsible enough to put this kind of money in place.
So I guess, back to the minister, have there been any negotiations with his ministry to Montana, to cross borders, to have any kind of cross-jurisdictional conversations regarding the water qualities?
Hon. G. Heyman: Those meetings, both technical and strategic, with officials from Montana and officials from British Columbia have been going on for a number of years and are continuing.
T. Shypitka: Back to the question. I don’t know if I heard it or if the minister disguised that a little bit somehow, buthave there been any direct communications with the Ministry of Environment to Montana’s environmental water quality board?
Hon. G. Heyman: Yes.
The Chair: I ask the minister if they would like to make any closing remarks.
Hon. G. Heyman: I certainly don’t want to impede the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation from her appointment with destiny here, but I will take a few minutes.
First of all, I want to thank all the staff from my ministry who have supported me here very ably for today and last Thursday and the day before and also for all the work that they do every day throughout the year to ensure that British Columbians can be comfortable in the fact that the B.C. government and the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change Strategy is creating protected habitat areas, parks that are accessible and enjoyable by British Columbians and working with First Nations to be partners in collaborative management — in some cases, park ranger authorities within parks — to protect the public against pollution, to help deal with water quality and to address what I think is the great challenge of, unfortunately, not just our generation but future generations: climate change.
It’s getting a grip on what we can do about that while, at the same time, understanding that actions we take on climate change actually hold promise for the economy of tomorrow — a healthy economy of tomorrow — for our kids, for our grandkids and for others.
I also want to thank members of the official opposition as well as the Third Party, who asked thoughtful questions, held us to account and in some cases received answers they may not have liked so much but are nonetheless accurate. I appreciate the engagement. I appreciate the thoroughness with which the budget documents were reviewed as well as our CleanBC plans and other plans.
Again, I extend an offer to the official opposition critic, to members of the official opposition, to members of the Third Party who would like technical briefings at any time, on any issue, to contact my office to see about getting those. In the end, it’s a shared environment of all British Columbians. It is something we share with First Nations and have not always shared well and are really endeavouring collectively to do much better, I think, as legislators in this House.
The more that we can build common understanding and move ahead with common purpose and the spirit of reconciliation, the better we will all be.
With that, I close my remarks.
Vote 24: ministry operations, $199,682,000 — approved.
Vote 25: environmental assessment office, $16,392,000 — approved.
The Chair: I now call a brief recess while we introduce a new minister.
The committee recessed from 3:55 p.m. to 4:04 p.m.
[A. Walker in the chair.]
ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF ENERGY,
MINES AND LOW CARBON
INNOVATION
The Chair: Good afternoon, Members. I call Committee of Supply, Section C, back to order. We are meeting today to consider the budget estimates of the Ministry of Energy Mines and Low Carbon Innovation.
On Vote 23: ministry operations, $118,408,000.
The Chair: Minister, do you have any opening remarks?
Hon. J. Osborne: Thanks very much. It’s a pleasure to be here today and to be present for my third set of estimates on my third ministry. It’s been wonderful, actually, to get a sense of other ministries within the government. I’m very proud to be appointed the Minister of Energy Mines and Low Carbon Innovation.
I’m grateful to see my critics here with us in the room, as well as others. I look forward to the questions ahead.
I want to just introduce some of the staff that I have with me today, and as we move through the next hours, I’ll introduce new staff as they come in as well. I’m joined today by Deputy Minister Shannon Baskerville, who, like me, is new to the ministry but certainly not new to the public service. I am also joined by assistant deputy ministers Nate Amann-Blake, Tania Demchuk, Les MacLaren and Simon Coley.
T. Shypitka: Thank you to the minister and her staff for affording us some time here, the next eight hours, I guess, or however long it takes to get through the most important ministry of all the ministries — absolutely. If you don’t grow it, you mine it, right? There are two different ministries that have the biggest impact on human life, and that’s either agriculture or mining. I can see a big nodding of applause here around the room.
Welcome to the new DM. Also welcome to the new minister in the role that she’ll be undertaking. I mean it. Unlike the minister, this is the only critic role I’ve had since 2017, and I’ve fallen in love with it. I’ve never been a miner. I worked at a coal facility for a little bit but never was actually a miner. But I fell in love with the people, salt-of-the-earth people, people who’ll just put their heads down and want to work, want to make an honest dollar and want to provide. They want to contribute to this great province, and it’s been a cornerstone of this province for 140 years. I really love the people.
When you look around the Legislature, you look at the volcanic rock that’s on the outside. That’s the andesite that we get from up in the north Island, I guess, somewhere. I think it’s Haddington Island. Alert Bay, I think, is where all that stuff came from. I see the member from Powell River. All that marble and the foundation that we have. That all comes from Nelson Island, I believe, somewhere up there on the Sunshine Coast. Anyways, it affects all of us. I’m really happy to take part in this.
We’re going to have a little bit of a hodgepodge here today. The critic for Environment — we’re swapping a little bit of something there. I got the tail end of her estimates, and now I’ve given her the beginning of my estimates. So I’ll just turn it over to the member for Kelowna-Mission.
R. Merrifield: I started to ask these questions of the Minister of Environment, and he sent me to you. That’s why we’re going to go in this direction.
A new clean energy and major projects office was just announced. Will this office be part of the B.C. Hydrogen Office that was announced in March of 2022?
Hon. J. Osborne: Thank you to the member for Kelowna-Mission for starting us off in a good way to talk about something that I love talking about, clean energy, and for asking a question around the clean energy and major projects office.
Of course, this is one of the four actions that we announced recently under our new energy action framework, the others being the requirement, first of all, for all proposed LNG facilities entering the EA process, the environmental assessment process, to pass an emissions test with a credible plan to be net zero by 2030; second, putting in place a regulatory emissions cap for the oil and gas industry to ensure that we meet our 2030 emissions reduction target for the sector; creating a B.C. Hydro task force to accelerate electrification, which I’m sure members are going to have questions about as we go through the process of estimates here.
Then, of course, establishing the clean energy and major projects office. This office is to fast-track investment in clean energy and technology and provide really good jobs in the clean energy sector. It will be an office that’s located in this ministry, the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation. It will entail the B.C. Hydrogen Office and use the expertise and staff that we have within the ministry as well to really work across government to help clean energy projects make it across the finish line. This will include hydrogen, biofuels, renewable natural gas.
It’ll help these projects to navigate regulatory processes, to access provincial programs and reach final investment decisions, as I said. The office is also going to continue to monitor implementation of already approved projects. The staffing and the resources for this office will be finalized over the next few months.
If the member has some more questions, I’d be happy to answer them.
R. Merrifield: Thank you so much to the minister for that answer. During the briefing that we received, as well as in the original press conference, it was stated that this would be a new office, that this was an office that would, yes, have hydrogen within it, but as the minister acknowledged, also have the biofuels and RNG, etc.
How is this going to be, I guess, tasked to then coordinate with the B.C. Hydrogen Office? Is this a brand-new umbrella that the Hydrogen Office fits within, or is this taking over the Hydrogen Office that was created last year?
Hon. J. Osborne: The clean energy and major projects office is effectively going to integrate the existing Hydrogen Office and its resources into the ministry resources that we already have and stand up a brand-new office.
The Hydrogen Office would cease to exist as a sole entity upon its own. Those existing resources include the expertise that we have within the ministry, particularly around the LNG secretariat, bringing those together. But as I said before, of course, the new office is going to work across government on clean energy projects to get them across the finish line and, pending approval from Treasury Board, add new resources to this to be able to effectively work with other ministries. The Ministry of Jobs, Economic Development and Innovation is a key ministry that this new office will need to work closely with.
I’ll also add, although the member didn’t ask, that the new office is not going to replace the statutory responsibilities of regulatory authorities such as the B.C. Energy Regulator, but there will be a coordination function that is established.
Again, just to be clear, the final structure and budget for the clean energy and major projects office is still subject to internal EMLI decisions and deliberation, coordination with other ministries, and then it will be finalized in the following months.
R. Merrifield: Thank you, Minister, for the answer.
The B.C. Hydrogen Office was just opened in March 2022. Literally one year ago, we were having the conversation about the FTEs and the new office space and the TIs that were required, etc., etc. So if this is going to be now, then, amalgamated — the Hydrogen Office will be amalgamated into this new office — are those sunk costs that were spent and now no longer are necessary or required? How much are we actually wasting on that opening that will now be introduced into a new office?
Hon. J. Osborne: First of all, not at all would I characterize this in any way as a waste. The opportunity that we’re seizing here is to take the resources that were initially applied to solely stand up a hydrogen-focused office and now integrate them with existing resources and talents inside the ministry to create even more efficient use of those people’s skills and expertise.
For example, a somewhat more siloed approach would be to keep the Hydrogen Office and to have the LNG secretariats as they are. But instead, what we know is that people are excited to work on multiple types of clean energy sources — so hydrogen, biofuels, RNG.
Bringing that all together using the talents and the experience that people bring with their time working in the LNG secretariat, for example, and continuing to build this office, build these resources so we can apply this across the clean energy sector.
I also want to make it clear that there’s no physical office for the Hydrogen Office. This literally is taking the FTEs that were applied to the Hydrogen Office and then bringing them together into this new clean energy and major projects office. Really, it’s a better formulation of existing resources and staff expertise and is a much more efficient and exciting way for people to work together and, again, work across government on these projects.
R. Merrifield: I fully agree that whenever collaborative efforts can be put into place, it’s absolutely, unequivocally better.
[K. Greene in the chair.]
When this office was announced, the news release indicated: “There are currently 50 proposed projects in the hydrogen sector in B.C., representing over $7 billion in potential investment.” How many of these existed a year ago as well? How many new ones are coming in on a regular basis?
Hon. J. Osborne: A year ago approximately, March 2022, when the release went out, we spoke to knowledge of 40 hydrogen projects that were proposed or underway, to a value of about $4.8 billion. Now we are aware of at least 50 proposed or underway projects, representing a value of around $7 billion to $7½ billion.
This is a new sector that is growing. We’ve seen this growth and interest over the past year and, of course, previous to that. In order to attract investment and help these projects cross the finish line…. Of course, that’s why the Hydrogen Office was stood up and is now being integrated into a new clean energy and major projects office.
It really speaks to the need to provide these resources and to work in a coordinated fashion, across government, with regulatory processes in attracting investment and getting these projects up and running.
R. Merrifield: My last question here will just be: how does the minister anticipate these projects helping to contribute towards the emissions targets of the CleanBC 2030 plan?
Hon. J. Osborne: Thank you to the member for the question around how hydrogen is integral to meeting CleanBC 2030 targets. I’ll start off by saying that hydrogen is something that will be required if the province is going to achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. And hydrogen is one of the only practical replacements for fossil fuels, especially in hard-to-abate sectors.
Hydrogen, biofuels, renewable natural gas. These are all direct substitutes for places where we’re using fossil fuels right now, and that’s throughout the economy — so in transportation, in buildings and in industry, and I mentioned hard-to-abate sectors. I think heavy-duty trucking is a good example of that and a place where hydrogen will have some very direct application.
I also want to note that hydrogen is not necessarily a one-on-one direct replacement for fossil fuels but can be blended with existing fossil fuels to lower the carbon intensity, which is key to reducing emissions and a very key strategy to reducing those emissions and reaching those CleanBC 2030 targets.
M. Bernier: Welcome to the minister in her new role.
I’m just going to start with a couple of comments. First of all, thank you to my colleague for allowing us a little bit of time here. I will preface this by saying that my comments are not specifically directed at this minister, but it can be emotional in the sense that there are a lot of things going on, on the land base right now — or in a lot of ways, not going on. I’m just going to start with a couple of comments. First of all, thank you to my colleague for allowing us a little bit of time here. I will preface this by saying that my comments are not specifically directed at this minister, but it can be emotional in the sense that there are a lot of things going on, on the land base right now — or in a lot of ways, not going on.
In the Peace region, the colleague to my left from Peace River North and I will have a few questions around the oil and gas sector. Obviously, this is something that I’ve worked in and been directly involved in for almost 30 years now. In fact, when we look at the oil and gas sector prior to LNG, it was 100 percent, basically, in the Peace region when we talk about natural gas and natural gas development.
It was something that we were seeing huge growth in. Why? Because of demand around the world. In fact, we have enough natural gas domestically to serve Canada for almost 100 years. So there’s no shortage of natural gas.
What we have struggles with is access. We didn’t used to have that problem. We had a lot of activity. We had a lot of jobs. We had a lot of opportunities in our region. It helped for our youth, especially when they were going through a dual-credit program and looking for opportunities to work in the sector going forward. But that’s all changed in the last couple of years.
I’ll start by, I guess, wanting to canvass that with the minister. What we’re seeing now, and this started a couple of years ago, prior to the Blueberry decision…. I know a lot of ministers have tried to focus on, in a lot of different commentaries in different ministries, that this is because of reconciliation with First Nations in the Blueberry decision. That will be a conversation for another ministry and another date, in a lot of ways, I think. Unless my colleague will have some….
This started a few years ago, and it’s the uncertainty that’s on right now in British Columbia. In fact, last year, meeting with companies in Calgary…. I know the minister will, if she has not already, be meeting with a lot of these major players that operate in British Columbia. I’ve worked with them. I know this intimately. We’ve seen over $2½ billion of money leave the Peace region in the last couple of years into Alberta.
That’s jobs. That’s businesses. We are starting to see more and more direct jobs being lost in the oil and gas sector. We’re seeing small mom-and-pop operations having to shutter, close down, in B.C. In fact, even just yesterday, I had a meeting with a large conglomerate of small companies that work in this sector who have now started moving their operations into Grande Prairie or into Fox Creek. This, the minister may or may not know, is because we’re five minutes from the Alberta border. So they move five minutes down the road, and they are now setting up shops there and trying to work in B.C. and Alberta in order to be able to stay viable, because they can’t make a living anymore for a lot of these groups in B.C.
This leads me to my first question. The main conversation that’s coming to my office on this issue is the lack of certainty around permitting and getting permits out the door. I know how the Oil and Gas Commission worked. I know now it’s called, I believe, the B.C. Energy Regulator. I’ll probably, by accident, refer to them as the Oil and Gas Commission, because I’ve called them that for years and years.
When I talk to these companies, the main thing that I’m hearing is that they have permits that are on hold. They’ve had some permits for over a year, waiting. When they go back to their board of directors and their shareholders, those companies say: “We can’t invest in British Columbia if we don’t know if we’re going to have a permit to operate.”
My first question, then, to the minister is: what is this government going to do as a new minister — with new lens, new eyes — to try to alleviate the pressure that is on these companies by ensuring that there is some kind of certainty and plan in place — that when a company applies for a permit, they’ll have some kind of assurance? I know it’s not always yes, but the unknown of when they will even get an answer is creating companies not investing. So what kind of certainty can we start providing companies that we’ll start issuing permits on a timely basis?
Hon. J. Osborne: First of all, I just want to thank the member for Peace River South for the question, for his lifelong experience of living there and understanding the communities and the industry, and for his commitment to ensuring that there are sustainable jobs for people.
I had the opportunity to tour that area last summer, and I really enjoyed the hospitality of the Peace River. I had the chance to speak with representatives of companies and with First Nations, Treaty 8 nations, to meet with mayors and local government representatives, and to talk to people. I can see how important the industry is and how much pride people take in it.
Also, I want to introduce the commissioner and CEO of the B.C. Energy Regulator. Michelle Carr has joined us for support in this part of it.
The member raised the question around Blueberry River First Nations and correctly, probably, identified that I would work this into my remarks. I really think it’s important to say, first and foremost, that there is no certainty without recognition of Treaty 8, the rights that have been affirmed to the Treaty 8 nations all these years, and the importance of the Blueberry River First Nations Implementation Agreement and of the agreements with Treaty 8 nations.
It was a historic agreement — one that, of course, I think we’re all very proud of. Government took the time to negotiate this because we knew it was required to provide certainty and predictability for industry. In response, companies have commented directly to me, to colleagues and to members of the MLA staff about how the implementation agreement really does provide that predictability and certainty that so many were looking for.
I also think there has been a perception that during the negotiation phase, the industry permits that were issued by the B.C. Energy Regulator nearly dried up. That’s not the case. The B.C. Energy Regulator, in the absence of an agreement and while negotiations were still taking place, did continue to review and consult on applications. There was no moratorium that was ever issued on development, or a lack of permits that were issued.
Just to read it into the record, in Treaty 8 territory from January 2022 to January 2023, there were 797 decisions and 289 well authorizations. Since January 2023, when agreements have been signed with Blueberry River First Nations and several of the Treaty 8 nations, the B.C. Energy Regulator has approved a further 260 applications and 325 well authorizations.
I think it’s important to understand that creating pathways to responsible development requires the ability to make these durable decisions. Again, I think this is the kind of certainty that the implementation agreement has provided us. Working together with First Nations is the only way forward.
Part of the implementation agreement, of course, includes the development and restoration plans. This is something that First Nations and companies work on together. Again, it builds more certainty. The Chiefs of the Treaty 8 nations that I’ve spoken to have always been very clear with me that they’ve never been against development and that they needed to see it done in a way that helped to heal the land, that would continue to create jobs and that didn’t infringe upon their treaty rights.
I do just want to tell a short story of speaking directly with the CEO of one of the gas companies, who expressed dismay and sort of not quite understanding, I think, of where things were at. They were expressing exactly what the member has explained here about that feeling of uncertainty and not knowing whether this was going to be a good place to invest.
As we spoke about the implementation agreement and the relationship with Blueberry River First Nations, there was a lot of encouragement to really solidify and approach the nation, and begin to talk to them, to really understand what the core of this agreement was about.
Several months later, I spoke again to the same CEO, and I spoke in a separate conversation with Chief Desjarlais of the Blueberry River First Nations. I was so pleased to hear that they had come together and engaged in a new relationship, in a way that they had not had before, and that the CEO of that particular company was feeling much better about moving forward, working together with Blueberry River First Nations and being able to provide more certainty for the investment that their company is looking for.
I hope this helps to address some of the member’s questions. I’m sure he’ll follow up with more.
M. Bernier: I could have about 20 hours of questions, but unfortunately, I won’t be given that much time with my friend here.
I do appreciate the minister…. Actually, I was going to ask a question about the wells drilled, permits and all that. I appreciate the information she gave. Here’s the nuance to that. I will ask this question, then. When I talked to the companies — again, I know the land intimately — the majority of the permits that I’ve seen approved are on private lands, not on Crown lands. Therein lies one of the challenges.
The minister, obviously, will stand up and correct me if I’m wrong, with the information from staff and those around her, but when I talk to these companies, those who are lucky enough to have tenures for oil and gas — as I say, on private lands — are in a better situation to keep going. Some of them have actually been okay. They’ve slowed down operations. I’ve only seen a few of their rigs moved to Alberta.
Those that rely mostly on Crown land are the ones that bang on my door saying they are being put in a position where there’s no certainty. I wish I shared the optimism that the minister had: that the partnership agreement and the work that has been done after the court ruling have created certainty. In fact, on the ground, it’s not that way.
What we’re seeing — I hate to say this — is a real racial divide that’s happening in the region because of that uncertainty, lack of clarity and, I would argue, lack of information that’s being shared with the public.
How many of those permits have been approved — the minister referenced 2023 — so far this year? How many have been on Crown land and have been approved because of the partnerships with First Nations?
Hon. J. Osborne: To start with this question, I’ll say…. It is important, I think, for us to remember that the court case was really around cumulative effects on the land.
Prior to the agreement, in the absence of a framework to evaluate permits, there was a focus on permits on private land and on Crown land with no to low disturbance. Since the implementation agreement has been signed, we’ve been able to issue a number — a high volume, in fact — of permits on Crown land. I don’t have the specific numbers now, but I will get them to the member.
M. Bernier: I appreciate the minister for that. Again, seeing what has happened in the region, no different than most resources…. Investments are cyclical and depend on world markets in a lot of ways.
Oil and gas, speaking to natural gas mostly, has been a little bit of a different beast for the last 30 or 40 years. We haven’t had the opportunity, like LNG, like we have now, in front of us. The majority of the drilling activity that took place in British Columbia was for domestic use. We saw a huge growth in drilling activity again, up until about 2017-2018, for domestic use.
Interestingly, you would think, with the approval of LNG, with the approval, possibly, of another LNG facility, with a few more that are on the books…. If all of that drilling activity, which was building up into 2016, ’17 and ’18, was for domestic use…. Now, with LNG, you would think we would have to be gangbusters in drilling.
Taking away the discussion that we’ve had around the relationship…. That is, obviously, part of it. I understand that. Companies understand it. Working with First Nations and the cumulative impacts and the relationship on the land base that needs to take place now because of that court ruling and, I will argue, probably should have been anyway….
That aside, how does the minister expect and see the growth of drilling activity taking place over the next few years as LNG comes online? I know my colleague from Skeena will be talking about that more in a bit. I’m thinking more from the Peace region. You can’t have LNG going out without drilling taking place. Plain and simple.
How do we see this happening over the next few years, knowing that more drilling activity will need to take place in British Columbia in order to have LNG plants?
Hon. J. Osborne: With respect to growth of production, I can say, as I’m sure the member is well aware, that the production of natural gas in British Columbia has increased steadily each year. For example, in 2015, 4.65 billion cubic feet per day to last year, 6.97, a steady increase each year. Of course, about 20 percent of this right now is used domestically and 80 percent exported to Alberta and the U.S.
The way forward will be defined by three things. One, technological innovations by companies; second, the new energy action framework and the regulatory emissions cap; the framework that is defined by the Blueberry River Implementation Agreement and the Treaty 8 consensus document and the associated letters of agreement with it.
D. Davies: Thanks to my colleague for allowing us a few minutes, or maybe a few hours, to canvass some of these questions. I’ll leave off where my colleague for Peace River South kind of alluded to here a little earlier.
When we’re looking at the growth in the sector — whether we’re looking at LNG, a potential phase 2, Cedar, Tilbury, Woodfibre, growth in the domestic markets — the need for natural gas is only going up.
Then when we add that into the 50 percent reduction on land disturbance, which is part of the Blueberry Agreement, the carbon cap, the emissions cap that was spoken about, add the Cariboo, add the stuff that’s being spoken about regarding the resource management plan that is in the midst of being looked at right now, the 30 by 30 — the list goes on and on and on. You can start to see where that lays over the land.
I know my colleague answered this question. How is it even possible for British Columbia to provide the natural gas that these projects are going to need without having to look towards our neighbours, Alberta, to utilize their gas?
My question is going back to: what is the ministry’s vision for allowing the expansion and knowing the expansion that must happen before being able to provide these different LNG facilities? What’s the plan to be able to move forward and fill the pipe that needs to be filled?
Hon. J. Osborne: So to begin with, I think the member really accurately described a number of factors that need to be taken into account when regulating an industry like natural gas and speaking about wildlife and other things that British Columbians care about — reconciliation, cumulative effects, emissions targets, jobs and a sustainable economy for local communities.
We are very fortunate here in British Columbia to have a one-window energy regulator, the B.C. Energy Regulator, which has the ability to issue permits across a variety of different acts. That legislative structure enables it to issue the permits that have to do with the whole life cycle of a natural gas project.
With respect to investments, the decisions that companies make or commercial agreements between producers, pipeline companies and, say, liquid natural gas facilities, those are really questions, I think, best directed to the market, and it is for the market to decide what those arrangements will be. I think there must be some degree of optimism out there, because immediately after the environmental assessment certificate decision for Cedar LNG was announced, ARC Resources announced its agreement to be able to supply some of the gas to that facility.
D. Davies: That doesn’t, then, really answer the question. I go back to…. The minister stated herself that agreements have been made. We know that the province has signed agreements with LNG Canada about the process of getting gas.
It begs the question, then: is there a certain level of liability that the province will assume if the province is…? Due to all of these plethora of blocks that allow the natural gas sector to do its business in British Columbia, is there a liability to the province, then — and then, in turn, to the taxpayers of British Columbia — if these commitments aren’t met?
Hon. J. Osborne: First of all, to be clear, the province doesn’t participate in commercial agreements between companies. We don’t underwrite them. We don’t guarantee them. They exist solely between private companies.
We do, however, set the framework for this kind of activity, and that’s done primarily through the B.C. Energy Regulator, of course. So we’re enablers to create the conditions for investment, and we do that in a way that protects the values that British Columbians care about — again, around reconciliation, around emissions and our CleanBC targets, around wildlife, around respecting First Nations rights and title.
What’s the vision? The vision is to be a leading investment jurisdiction for energy, for critical minerals, for materials that we need for a clean economy, for clean tech, and so much more. The ESG values that we have here in the province — a stable, secure, safe place to invest and incredible living conditions, respect for First Nations rights and title and the work we’re doing there — create those conditions. I’m really proud of the work that we’re doing — I think we all are, in fact — and we’ll continue to stay focused on just that.
D. Davies: Unfortunately, it’s still not an answer we’re looking for and I’m certain that industry is looking for. Two key words there. “We” — the government creates the framework. Yes, understood. You “enable.” Understood.
These agreements that are made with these providers of LNG, whether they’re LNG Canada or others…. So 2015, when the agreement was signed — I think it was 2018 with LNG Canada — versus now, as a government which creates this framework, is dramatically different. We all know that. I mean, it’s very known that the framework is different. We just saw, of course, the Blueberry announcement. It’s a piece of that, along with the other pieces.
My question goes back to…. If the government is the holder of the framework, if the government is the enabler, but they’re not allowing this activity to happen, I go back to my original question: how and where will the gas come from that is going to be providing these LNG facilities? As my colleague said, there’s no LNG without NG. So where is the gas going to come from?
There is no way…. Again, I’ve lived up there my whole life, and my whole family has been in the oil and gas sector. There’s no way that there’s going to be enough natural gas in British Columbia to fill the pipeline.
Hon. J. Osborne: The member refers to not allowing this activity, but clearly, that’s not true. This activity is taking place. In fact, in 2022, we had record natural gas production in the province, with 6.97 billion cubic feet per day, and there’s no limit on production.
We’re setting frameworks that protect the values that British Columbians care about, balancing the rights and title of First Nations, respecting Treaty 8 and protecting the interests of British Columbians in wanting to reach our 2030 emissions targets, of course. Industry is continuously improving and finding technological innovations for higher-producing wells.
Again, with the 6.97 billion cubic feet per day produced last year, 80 percent of this was already leaving the province. How companies make arrangements for selling gas is up to them. Again, the government has no involvement in that. We’re not involved in commercial agreements between companies.
I think those questions are better directed towards them, with respect to those kinds of commercial agreements.
D. Davies: I go back to maybe clarify a comment I made earlier as well — that B.C. doesn’t have the gas. We do have the gas, between the Montney, the Horn, the Liard. I mean, there are 200-plus years or more of gas reserves.
The minister, I think, tries to paint a picture that isn’t the reality on the ground. Investments are leaving British Columbia. People are leaving British Columbia. I know up in mine and my colleague Peace River South…. I mean, we see it. We see our families leaving our communities. They are leaving the industry. When we start hearing of all the pieces….
I want to make it clear. We understand, certainly, making sure our First Nation communities are partners, benefiting, obviously, from the opportunities, protecting the land. We get that. We all want that.
I think that’s why British Columbia has become, probably, one of the best jurisdictions in the world. Not probably. I think British Columbia is the best jurisdiction in the world when it comes to all of our resource extraction because we’ve innovated and because we recognize the importance of our environment, the importance of community.
We also need to recognize the realities on the ground. Companies don’t want to come here to do work right now because it’s very hard to do the work here. My concern is…. I mean, to leave it up to the market, to the companies to organize…. I can see where this is going.
I’m curious to see if the minister would agree with this statement. The plan, then, would be to bring gas from Alberta or other jurisdictions to fulfill the needs of these different LNG products. Does the minister agree with that?
Hon. J. Osborne: I think the member is exactly right. We are one of, if not the, best jurisdictions on earth to invest. What the member is speaking about doesn’t match what we are seeing on the ground. We’re seeing that companies do want to be here.
We’re continuing to receive new applications for wells. In fact, in 2022, there were 1,146 applications for new wells, and in the first three months of this year alone, 318.
Companies are sitting down with Treaty 8 Nations and the B.C. Energy Regulator, and they are looking at five- and ten-year development plans, looking at how to innovate, how to minimize the footprint and create less disturbance for the production that they’re seeking. These aren’t signs of exiting, so we’re confident that we’ve got the framework right. It provides the right balance that companies are seeking to provide the gas that’s needed.
D. Davies: Maybe I’ll end in a statement, and then I’ve got a couple other questions here to move on to.
The challenge is that the jobs that are created in the gas sector are from the drilling component. That’s where all the jobs are for communities. When we’ve seen in 2022, as part of a DOB report, a 40 percent increase in Alberta on drilling activity, at the same time, there is a 25 percent reduction in British Columbia over the same period in 2022.
Again, painting the picture, as rosy as it is, isn’t that rosy on the ground. Yes, we have increased gas flow. Those are from previously drilled wells that have happened already in the previous years. I get that. But moving forward, under all of these new regulations, the framework that we’ve established that government is responsible for, the enabling that we’ve established…. Those are what’s going to jeopardize this increase in production, to be able to meet the needs and the expectations from these new LNG facilities that are being built.
Applications. The minister mentions an increase in applications. Maybe the minister will comment on what I mentioned earlier, but I’m going to lead this into my next question, around the Blueberry decision. With the applications, we understand there are challenges.
My question is: what is the expectation of government for Blueberry to set up some sort of governance framework to manage these permits? Can the minister share what that is? That’s one question. Then, if the minister also wants to comment on my first piece.
Hon. J. Osborne: With respect to the framework on permits and decision-making, first I’ll be clear that the B.C. Energy Regulator is still the decision-maker.
What the implementation agreement with Blueberry River First Nation has enabled is outlining the responsibilities of the Blueberry River First Nation and the Energy Regulator and companies to work together and the way that they’re going to engage. I’ll add that the B.C. Energy Regulator is working very collaboratively with the Blueberry River First Nation right now, and it’s going to continue to do so.
D. Davies: I’m feeling the hook being pulled that I’ve got to wrap up here, from my colleague. I’m going to try and be fancy here and combine a couple of questions, if I can. With that being said, I did understand that there is a governance structure that is supposed to be created. I’m still curious about that, and if there is, is there some sort of follow-up on what this looks like to help Blueberry in the permitting processing piece?
With that, I guess my second question is: what is being done to help Blueberry and other First Nations — I shouldn’t just leave this with Blueberry — to help the different First Nations build the capacity around being able to process these permits?
So a couple of questions there. The governance structure. Like I say, I was under the understanding, and I’ve heard from numerous sources, that there is a governance structure that is going to be created or needs to be created, but the other part is building capacity. What’s being done to help First Nations process permits?
Hon. J. Osborne: If I understand the member’s question correctly, it’s asking about a governance structure on permitting. Again, the B.C. Energy Regulator retains the sole responsibility for the decision-making around permits. The relationship with Blueberry River First Nations is a good, collaborative relationship, and that will continue — and with the other Treaty 8 nations as well. Capacity funding has been provided to the Blueberry River First Nations, and there are additional financial benefits outlined in the agreement that give the nation further opportunity to do capacity-building, should they choose, with those funds.
There may be some misunderstanding between governance structures and two other main parts of the agreement. One is around the restoration funding, which will need a governance structure. The second is around the modernized land use planning processes that will take place, which again require a governance structure. I would absolutely offer to the member that if he would like a more detailed briefing — just to understand the different parts of the agreement, where governance structures come in, and how they work together — we’d be very happy to provide that. I see that he’s nodding, so we’ll do that.
T. Shypitka: Thanks to my colleagues here. Before I turn it over to Skeena here, just a qualifying question. I’ve been listening. I wasn’t going to go down this road, but something that kind of triggered me a little bit was on gas production here in British Columbia.
The minister seemed to allude to it as just going up and up, but when I look at the statistical chart that CAPP, the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers, released in February 2023 and that talked about production in British Columbia, it didn’t show that story, really. It shows a fairly flat line from 2020 to 2022, about 5.7 billion cubic feet per day in 2020, 5.9 in 2021 and back to 5.7 in 2022. Now, the minister can correct me on this if I’m wrong or if I’m reading this wrong.
Meanwhile, over in Alberta, we saw a little bit of a different story. We saw about 9.6 billion cubic feet in 2020, and I think it was about 10.4 in 2021 and 11.9 in 2022, which is about a 20 percent increase. Exactly as the member for Peace River North was saying, we’re seeing a slow exodus of people leaving the province on the production side.
That didn’t even address the wells that have been reduced here in the last couple of years. I think we’ve got about a 25 percent reduction in wells drilled in the province in the last couple of years. Maybe the minister wants to just verify those numbers for me.
Hon. J. Osborne: There are a number of metrics that are being discussed here: number of rigs, production, number of wells — those kinds of things. I think that probably, rather than list numbers, it would be most effective for us to send the member the statistics that the B.C. Energy Regulator has, which are all available and, obviously, public. Then he can crunch the numbers, take a look and come back if he has any other questions.
I will state that yes, certainly, there was some activity that was down in 2022, as we were in the depths of negotiating an agreement with the Blueberry River First Nations, but — as I described earlier in some of the answers to my questions — we’ve seen a real uptick of activity, and I’m very confident that it is a strong sector today.
E. Ross: Just to follow up on the conversation regarding the Blueberry River agreement, I do feel for my colleagues in the Peace region, because the extraction of gas means the survival of the communities. It means the survival of the North, especially when you combine that with the forestry provisions and the land restoration provisions.
There seems to be a disagreement between what my colleagues from the Peace region see, in companies leaving town, versus the minister, in what they’re seeing in their data. Somebody has got to be right; I’m just not quite sure.
In Skeena, we don’t have the same problem in terms of the source of the gas. I’m assuming that if the gas doesn’t come from the Peace region, then for projects like LNG Canada, Cedar LNG, possibly Tilbury and possibly Nisg̱a’a Ksi Lisims LNG, it will come from Alberta. I think that’s the main point of what’s being debated here.
I can see my colleagues from the Peace region wanting their communities to have the jobs, the contracts, the training. I can also see the government having interest here as well, in the economy and, more importantly, in the revenues that flow from the extraction of gas from the Peace region. I read the agreements that the government signed with Blueberry River, and apart from the clauses that were blacked out, it’s a really complicated document — really complicated.
I could see it in government, being just normal business in the agreements they might sign with other entities. With a First Nation, the word “capacity” gets thrown around quite a bit. Being a councillor for eight years, and then being a chief councillor for six years, I know full well what capacity means, or the lack thereof.
That’s the reason why I never really signed any complicated agreements. It’s because I didn’t want to hire more lawyers, more consultants, more advisers, just to kind of implement one of the conditions of an agreement that was supposed to benefit our people.
What I could gather from the Blueberry River agreements and the other associated agreements was that it wasn’t really shared decision-making, what people think shared decision-making is. I always thought shared decision-making means that there’s a permit in front of you, and both parties sign it. That’s how a decision gets relayed to a proponent.
I didn’t see that in the wording. What I saw was a commitment for the government to fund the First Nation, to collaborate with the First Nation, to ensure the interests of the First Nation were in place for a decision to be made by the Crown.
I don’t want to put words in the minister’s mouth, but I think that is what she was inferring when she said that the decision-making still lies with the Crown. So is that essentially what the Blueberry River agreement is meant to do?
Hon. J. Osborne: Welcome to the member. Good to see you here, and thank you for the question.
I think the way I’ll answer this is by going back up and reflecting on the intention of the entire agreement and the purpose of the court case, which was, and successfully demonstrated, the cumulative effects of decades of industrial activity in Blueberry River First Nations territory and the impact it had and infringement on their treaty rights.
The agreement is complicated. The member is absolutely right. It’s complex and has many different parts to it. But the heart of it is about restoration and remediation of the land — in the face of all of these industrial activities that have taken place for so long — and planning for the future. That planning for the future includes a new framework for rules for the PNG sector and taking a strategic approach in working not just between Blueberry River First Nations and the Crown but also between all Treaty 8 nations.
That adds another layer of complication, of course, because there’s the Blueberry River First Nations Implementation Agreement, and then there are other agreements with the Treaty 8 nations.
That’s one of the successes, I think, too, though — to take such a large area of the province and be able to reach agreement on these frameworks, on a way moving forward to remediate and to co-manage the values that matter to the nation so much, again, around wildlife, around water, around disturbance.
That collaboration with the Crown…. Yes, B.C. Energy Regulator remains the decision-maker on permits, but that’s just one element of the agreement. The governance frameworks I referred to in a previous answer to another member, around the restoration agreement, around the land use planning, really form the heart of the agreement.
E. Ross: I’ll take that as a yes in terms of collaboration, because I still don’t see anything in the agreement that says both the Crown and the First Nation will sign a permit or decision. All that work will be done, to use the minister’s terminology, as co-management.
But I don’t see anything in terms of having the First Nation having a veto or approving a decision made by the minister. I don’t see anything fettering the statutory decision-making power of the Crown, of the government.
This still gets back to capacity. Maybe I’ll throw out an easy question, because I think a lot of people read into the announcement what I read into it, in terms of the $200 million plus that was part of the initial announcement. Was that outright money with no strings attached, on top of some of the other funding that might have been attached to, say, certain clauses in the agreements that spoke to some of the initiatives that the minister was just mentioning?
So was the $200 million plus…? Does the First Nation in question here get to do whatever they want with that? Is it a form of compensation? Or some type of goodwill payment that kind of flows out of the court decision?
Hon. J. Osborne: With respect to the $200 million the member is referring to…. I believe he’s referring to the Blueberry River First Nations restoration fund. That is a fund of up to $200 million — the commitment is within three years — to be established for the purposes of restoration planning and undertaking that restoration work. That’s work that is being led by the Ministry of Water, Land and Resource Stewardship. So I can’t provide a ton more details there.
I can say that the agreement also includes funding for capacity-building, capacity funding; for wildlife management; for water quantity management; and for honouring the treaty action plans. What I can commit to is getting the member as many details as I can that are more specific than that.
Then, noting the hour, I’ll move that the committee rise and report completion of the estimates for the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change Strategy and progress on the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation and ask leave to sit again.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 6:18 p.m.