Third Session, 42nd Parliament (2022)
OFFICIAL REPORT
OF DEBATES
(HANSARD)
Monday, May 9, 2022
Afternoon Sitting
Issue No. 201
ISSN 1499-2175
The HTML transcript is provided for informational purposes only.
The PDF transcript remains the official digital version.
CONTENTS
Routine Business | |
Orders of the Day | |
Proceedings in the Douglas Fir Room | |
Proceedings in the Birch Room | |
MONDAY, MAY 9, 2022
The House met at 1:33 p.m.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Routine Business
Introductions by Members
Hon. A. Dix: It is, of course, Nursing Week in British Columbia and in Canada, and there will be lots of nurses here through the week representing organizations and representing nursing. I think everyone in this House can agree that nurses have done extraordinary work. They do every day, but particularly during the two public health emergencies we’re facing now, exceptional work in every part of B.C., in every community.
It’s my honour to introduce, visiting us today, Aman Grewal, the BCNU, B.C. Nurses Union, president; Adriane Gear, the B.C. Nurses Union vice-president; Sharon Sponton, the BCNU treasurer; Aida Herrera, the executive councillor for occupational health and safety; Michelle Sordal, the executive councillor of pensions and benefits; Katharine Kitts, from BCNU communications; and Jim Gould, who is the BCNU CEO. I wanted to wish all of these people welcome. I look forward to seeing them this week during Nursing Week.
I’ll ask all members to applaud for this important week every year.
S. Bond: I’d like, on behalf of the official opposition, to join with the Minister of Health to express our incredible gratitude to all those involved in the nursing profession in British Columbia. They have done an exceptional job. We want to welcome them here to the gallery today.
We know there are many issues that need to be raised and need to be discussed. So certainly, we do want to welcome them warmly and thank them for the incredible work they do in communities right across British Columbia.
Hon. B. Ralston: Joining us in the gallery today is Doug Hooper, who is director of policy and regulation at Advanced Biofuels Canada. Advanced Biofuels is a national industry association established to promote the production and use of clean fuels in Canada. Doug has long been a champion of clean fuels and has been working with the province on the development of low-carbon fuel policies since 2005.
Would the House please make him welcome.
Hon. A. Kang: I would like to welcome some special guests from the Chartered Professional Accountants of British Columbia who are joining us here today. Joining us in the gallery are Lori Mathison, the president and CEO; Jamie Midgley, the executive vice president of regulation and registrar; and Kerri Brkich, the vice-president, external affairs and communication.
The Chartered Professional Accountants of B.C. regulates the practising of accounting on behalf of the B.C. government. With over 38,000 members and 6,000 candidates, they are one of the largest professional associations in the province. CPABC carries out its primary mission to protect the public by enforcing the highest professional and ethical standards and contributing to the advancement of public policy. CPAs contribute to the solid financial foundation that B.C.’s modern economy relies on. They also help maintain a quality, sustainable and equitable business environment that benefits all British Columbians.
Will the House please make them feel very welcome.
M. Dykeman: Nineteen years ago my life was changed for the better. Quite interestingly, May 9, 19 years ago, was Mother’s Day, and I received the best Mother’s Day gift one could ask for. My son A.J. was born.
I really wish I had believed people when they told me how quick it would go. I was totally unprepared. I had no idea what I was doing. I had never even babysat, so I was surprised that they let me go home with him. But it worked out. He’s still here. He’s quite happy. I have to say I have the most generous, kind and wonderful son anyone could ask for. He’s in school to become a high school counsellor. He works at the YMCA right now, and he’s just one of the kindest spirits I have ever met.
I’m wondering if the House could please join me in wishing my son A.J. a very happy birthday.
K. Kirkpatrick: As a chartered professional accountant myself, I would like to welcome, as the Minister of Advanced Education has, three special guests from the Chartered Professional Accountants of B.C.: Lori Mathison, president and CEO; Jamie Midgley, the executive vice president of regulation and registrar; and Kerri Brkich, the vice-president, external affairs and communications.
Thank you for letting me into your profession. I’ve just been so impressed with CPABC and all the work that you do. Thank you for being here today.
J. Sims: It’s an absolute delight to introduce to this House my youngest granddaughter, Jessica Sims. I have waited to introduce her on this particular day because this is Nursing Week.
She qualified as a nurse in the month of April, and in May, she started her nursing career at the Nanaimo Regional Hospital. She’s an amazing young woman who knew very early which career path she wanted to choose. While still in high school, she started doing her university courses and carried on working to earn her spending money as well. I’m very, very proud that she is joining a very noble profession of serving and care.
I want to say to everyone who chooses nursing and who is in the nursing profession today: thank you, thank you, thank you.
Hon. B. Ralston: Since being introduced over ten years ago, with little precedent to draw upon, B.C.’s low-carbon fuel standard has been the single largest contributor to meeting our CleanBC targets. In a few minutes, I will be introducing a bill intended to ensure that the low-carbon fuel standard will continue to be successful in the future.
Today in the gallery we are joined by some of the people from the low carbon fuels branch in the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation who have worked hard to create this bill and are here to witness its introduction. They are Dr. Michael Rensing, director, low carbon fuels; Jennifer Kroll, manager, compliance and enforcement; Anna Ringsred, acting manager, verification; Amy Teucher, acting manager, policy planning and legislation; Joel Zushman, senior policy analyst; and Caitlin Moran, policy analyst.
I want to thank them for the work they do and ask the House to make them feel very welcome.
A. Mercier: I just would like to introduce two folks that I’ve got here with me in the precinct today, my constituency assistants, Dawn Fidler and Jennifer Loftus. They are two of the hardest-working, most dedicated people that I know. I can truthfully say I couldn’t do my job as the MLA for Langley without them.
Will the House please give them a big round of applause.
S. Furstenau: In the gallery today is Lia Schulz. Lia was here with a group of youth from CPAWS last week, and she took me up on the offer for a shadow day, the most efficient person to ever take up that offer. We’re delighted to have her join us today.
Lia moved here from Germany in 2013 and just graduated from UBC in Sciences Po with a political science and geography degree, and we’re delighted.
Would the House please make Lia feel most welcome.
Introduction and
First Reading of Bills
BILL 15 — LOW CARBON FUELS ACT
Hon. B. Ralston presented a message from Her Honour the Lieutenant-Governor: a bill intituled Low Carbon Fuels Act.
Hon. B. Ralston: I move that the bill be introduced and read a first time now.
I am pleased to introduce Bill 15, the Low Carbon Fuels Act. This bill creates the Low Carbon Fuels Act, replacing the Greenhouse Gas Reduction (Renewable and Low Carbon Fuel Requirements) Act.
The new act will modernize the low-carbon fuel standard to support CleanBC’s fuel carbon intensity reduction targets, will expand the act to include new categories of fuels, such as aviation fuels, and enable utilities to reinvest credit revenues into projects supporting electricity in transportation.
I will be pleased to elaborate on the nature of those amendments during second reading of this bill.
Mr. Speaker: Members, the question is the first reading of the bill.
Motion approved.
Hon. B. Ralston: I move that the bill be placed on the orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.
Bill 15, Low Carbon Fuels Act, introduced, read a first time and ordered to be placed on orders of the day for second reading at the next sitting of the House after today.
Statements
(Standing Order 25B)
TEACHING AND ANTI-RACISM
CONTRIBUTIONS OF LLOYD
EDWARDS
J. Sims: On Saturday, April 30, the building that the Surrey Teachers Association calls home officially became the Lloyd Edwards Building.
Lloyd Edwards emigrated from Trinidad and Tobago in the 1950s and began his teaching career in the early ’60s. He was a teacher in the Surrey school district for over 30 years, 25 of those spent at one school, Princess Margaret Secondary.
In the early ’70s, he noticed that students of South Asian descent were facing incidents of racism in the school. Recognizing the growing issue, he acted. He set up a committee against racism and began engaging students in discussions about racism. Five years later the first South Asian student president was elected at Princess Margaret.
In 1975, at the annual general meeting for the BCTF, he raised the issue of racism in our schools. The result was the creation of the federation’s anti-racism program. Edwards worked actively with the program, delivering workshops for teachers in every corner of the province. His legacy continues. The Surrey Teachers Association, under President Jatinder Bir, has initiated a racial equity assessment, and the BCTF is working on a new anti-racism and anti-oppression office.
Lloyd Edwards was elected president of the Surrey Teachers Association. He was a champion for small class size. In 1974, he led over 100,000 teachers to the Legislature. As a result, teacher locals across the province negotiated a reduction in class size and the hiring of close to 4,000 teachers. At 90 years young, Lloyd Edwards continues to be an activist and a leader in anti-racism.
Thank you, Mr. Edwards, for fighting racism, creating a platform for discussion and creating change.
Thank you Surrey teachers, BCTF and all teachers across the province for all you do to build more just and inclusive classrooms.
NURSING WEEK AND SUPPORT FOR NURSES
S. Bond: If there’s anything that the past two years have taught us, it is the importance of our health care system and the courageous, dedicated people that keep it running — those who provide outstanding care, even in the most challenging circumstances.
This week is National Nursing Week, a time to honour and recognize the incredible nurses, nurse educators and nursing students here in B.C. and across the country — the people who have always made sacrifices for our safety, the people who have provided care for us and our loved ones during some of the most difficult times in our lives.
Long before the COVID-19 pandemic and the stress that came with it, nurses were already our health care heroes, working long hours in a physically and emotionally demanding job to look after the health and well-being of British Columbians. Over the past two years, their commitment to care has not wavered, and nurses have continued to look out for the people of this province, even during the most stressful times.
This year’s theme for National Nursing Week is: “We answer the call.” Because our nurses always do. Amid staffing shortages, overwhelmed and overcapacity hospitals and the day-to-day demands of the job, thousands of B.C. nurses have continued to answer the call, and we are so grateful for that. They went to work so that we could stay home.
We must ensure our gratitude extends beyond words to action. I hope we can all work to ensure that our B.C. nurses feel appreciated, are valued and, most importantly, have the resources they need to continue in their invaluable roles.
We know that right now so many of our health care workers are burned out. We must work together to make sure that they are getting the necessary support, because they have always answered the call to support us in our time of need. It is our turn to listen and answer the call to action.
ABORIGINAL HEAD START
CHILD CARE CENTRE IN
LANGLEY
M. Dykeman: Earlier this month I had the honour of attending the grand opening of the Aboriginal Head Start child care centre at Parkside Centennial Elementary School.
Thanks to the support of the Aboriginal Head Start Association of British Columbia, Indigenous children in Langley will have access to 24 free child care spaces. The centre will have six full-time staff and receive visits from community Elders and infant development workers, creating a warm and loving space for Indigenous children to build strong connections to their culture and communities, supporting both children and their families.
This centre would not have been possible without the tireless dedication and hard work of the Lower Fraser Valley Aboriginal Society, under the leadership of CEO Katie Pearson. For 22 years, this organization has been supporting Indigenous families in Langley, offering housing services for at-risk and homeless Indigenous people and families, supporting parents through COVID-19 and now leading the creation of a child care centre.
I would also like to acknowledge Brandon Gabriel, of the Kwantlen First Nation, for contributing his artwork to the centre. Together, with Lekeyten Gabriel and Jonas Bige, Brandon designed and carved a pole which will stand outside of the child care centre.
Recently the Minister of Education and I visited the centre and saw firsthand the passion that Katie Pearson, Lorie McDonald, Chef Millie and the rest of the team have.
Thank you again to the Aboriginal Head Start Association and the Lower Fraser Valley Aboriginal Society and to the talented artists and everyone else whose hard work made this child care centre possible. I am so honoured to have attended the blessing ceremony and the grand opening.
I look forward to watching your facility grow and thrive for many years to come.
VOLUNTEER FIRE DEPARTMENTS
C. Oakes: I’m excited today to rise in the House to bring attention to the incredible volunteer fire departments across British Columbia.
Cariboo North constituents are fortunate to have these incredible volunteers in our communities. They are there for us when we need them, often at our most difficult time.
Volunteer fire departments in rural areas supply so much in the way of service, including public information and education, disaster response and emergency operations, in addition to fire fighting, wildland protection, first responder and traffic control to otherwise unprotected areas.
Many of these departments in small, unincorporated areas raise revenue through bottle drives, garage sales and grants. Like so many other organizations, COVID-19 has had an impact on the revenue of these very important departments, and they depend on support to pay insurance, purchase equipment for training and ensure that all their members are trained according to the requirements of the B.C. Wildfire Service and to the training standards and protocols established, also, by the B.C. emergency health services.
I want to highlight today that the Horsefly volunteer fire department is celebrating their 30th anniversary of the department with a special event to be held this annual Father’s Day with a pancake breakfast. The Horsefly volunteer fire department is an unincorporated volunteer department that provides all levels of emergency services in the community of Horsefly and surrounding area. They provide fire protection, assist B.C. Ambulance on medical calls, wildland fire protection, vehicle incidents and rescue calls, whether it be on the river, ice, lake or in the mountains. They also provide public education about fire smarting and safe living.
They have done so much. Check out their Facebook page to help them celebrate their 30th anniversary. I know each of the volunteer fire departments spend much time in all of their communities.
Let us all say thank you to all of the incredible volunteers in fire departments across British Columbia.
ANDREW SAVIN AND HOSTING OF
UKRAINIAN REFUGEES IN
CHILLIWACK
K. Paddon: Later today a plane will land in Abbotsford, and Andrew Savin will arrive in B.C. Andy, who was born in Pershotravensk, Ukraine, is to be Chilliwack-Kent’s newest resident.
When the war on Ukraine began, Andy was just finishing up temporary work in Poland. Just four days before he was supposed to fly home to his parents in Poltava, the attacks began. Andy found himself in Poland with more than 2.5 million Ukrainians displaced and fleeing the attacks, without a job, an apartment and no way home.
His brother, who is a pastor, as well as his mom and dad, made the decision to stay in Ukraine — a difficult decision, as the city is surrounded by conflict. But the fighting is still far away. Andy, however, needed a new home, a safe space. So he went online on Facebook and eventually found an instant connection and bond with Bradley Gionet of Chilliwack-Kent.
Facebook has been a powerful vehicle to support those in need. A local Facebook group — Chilliwack Emergency Host Families — originally started to support people during the atmospheric rivers, floods and landslides in November and has evolved and repurposed into a place for potential hosts, employers and Ukrainians to connect.
The visa came, the plane took off, and now Andy will have a place in Bradley’s multigenerational home for as long as he needs. He has already had job offers for when he is settled and ready, and he is now part of Chilliwack-Kent and the growing community of Ukrainians being homed in our area.
When asked why B.C., Andy said: “When you can’t come back home and don’t have enough knowledge about other countries, when you pick the place where you stay, you can only trust your intuition and believe in the people’s kindness. I met a good host family that accepts me as part of their own family. That gives me confidence that I will be safe for as long as I need, and no matter what.”
To Andy and the other individuals and families who are being hosted by community members across Chilliwack-Kent and beyond, I say welcome.
To Bradley and all who have opened their homes and hearts, I say thank you.
ABBOTSFORD INTERNATIONAL AIR SHOW
B. Banman: The Abbotsford Air Show is in full this August 5, 6 and 7. After two years of restricted and reduced events, B.C. residents are excited to witness everything this showcase has to offer in its full capacity.
The Abbotsford Air Show is not only an important piece of Abbotsford history but of B.C.’s history as well. The first air show was held in 1960, attracting about 15,000 spectators, and went on to become the biggest air show in Canada by 1965.
In 1970, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau officially recognized the Abbotsford Air Show as Canada’s national air show. In 2014, USA Today named Abbotsford one of the top-ten best air shows in world, and that same year the International Council of Air Shows recognized Abbotsford as one of the best civilian air shows in North America. Currently the Abbotsford Air Show is consistently listed as one of the top-three best air shows in the world — not too shabby.
Today I would like to urge everyone to block off August 5 to 7 on their calendars and attend this historic event that is such a huge part of B.C.’s history, especially the first day of the show. Friday, the twilight show, from three to 10 p.m., is chock full of events you don’t want to miss, such as the Hot Air Balloon Glow, the Drone Light Show and the Fireworks Finale.
I was there, myself, last year at the twilight show and got to experience pilots that set off fireworks from their planes while doing aerobatic displays. There’s nothing like watching the afterburners of an F-18 when you take a look at Mount Baker as its backdrop. It’s truly amazing.
B.C. has had a tough year, and Abbotsford has had more than its fair share of negative events. But this is something all British Columbians can come together and enjoy. From ground displays to high-flying aerials, the Abbotsford Air Show has something for everyone in the family.
I urge everyone to come out and enjoy it with me. Come see the Abbotsford Air Show again or for the very first time.
Oral Questions
NURSES’ CONCERNS ON
CONDITIONS AT HOSPITALS AND
GOVERNMENT ACTION ON ISSUES
T. Stone: I think we can all agree that B.C.’s health care system is in crisis. We recognize National Nursing Week this week, and as we do so, we also acknowledge that burnout of health care professionals and, in particular, nurses has reached a level never seen before.
In the gallery today, demanding action from the government, include B.C. Nurses Union President Aman Grewal. Aman recently said: “On a daily basis, nurses are facing an unmanageable number of patients who need care, and despite all of their very best efforts, they’re watching their patients suffer. Nurses are burnt out. It’s reached a point where many are telling us they just can’t do it anymore.”
My question to the Premier is this. Will the Premier tell the nurses in the gallery here today what he is going to do to take action to address the concerns of these nurses and the dire situation which is unfolding in B.C.’s hospitals?
Hon. A. Dix: I agree with the hon. member that nurses have done extraordinary work, not just in the last two years but every day in our province, supporting patients often at their most difficult moments, and that these have been exceptional and difficult moments for our health care system — the public health emergency that is the COVID-19 pandemic, the public health emergency that is the overdose public health emergency.
Both of these have put, in particular, extraordinary pressure on nurses. That’s why you’ve seen the government take, in the last number of weeks, often in consultation with the B.C. Nurses Union, I think exceptional steps to address the need to have more nurses in our province.
As the members on the other side and all members will know, B.C. historically has had some of the lowest rates of nursing in Canada per population. We’ve made some moves to change that significantly in the last number of years.
We have led Canada in the recruitment of new LPNs. We’re third in Canada of the ten provinces in recruitment per capita of new registered nurses. We just added 602 nursing spaces, which is significant. We’ve added 299 net new surgical nursing positions since the beginning of the surgical renewal commitment. And of course, we’ve taken action to make it easier for internationally educated nurses to join our outstanding team of nurses in B.C.
These are all steps we’re taking now to support nurses, in the future, and get the nurses we need for the coming generations of people in B.C.
Mr. Speaker: Opposition House Leader, supplemental.
T. Stone: Well, there’s no quibble from the official opposition — and I think British Columbians, generally — when the minister says nurses have done extraordinary work. They really have, in every hospital and every health care setting across this province. We are all extremely grateful for the efforts of nurses.
Nurses don’t deserve what’s happening to them today. Nurses deserve action on burnout and workloads and their safety concerns, and nurses deserve action from this government on the dire situation which is unfolding in our hospitals.
Frankly, the efforts that the minister just mentioned are simply not good enough. This is a two-term government, and the results don’t match the rhetoric, especially with respect to our hospitals. Our system is in crisis. Tomorrow there will be 250 nurses on the lawns of the Legislature, demanding action from this minister and this government.
One nurse recently described “feelings of moral distress, panic, sobbing, making errors and knowing it is not only me. How many will leave because of burnout? Will it take a death or serious effect on a patient before things change? We need nurses, and instead we’re losing them every single day.”
Will the Premier stand up and tell the nurses in the gallery today when the NDP rhetoric on health care in our hospitals will be matched by action and results?
Hon. A. Dix: I think the member agrees with me. I would note that with respect to LPNs, we were last in Canada per capita. In 2017, we were below standard in terms of registered nurses. This has an impact.
Yes, significant steps have been in place for some time now to increase the number of nurses. Clearly, we need to do more. That’s why the government has taken the steps that I described in the last number of weeks alone to significantly increase the number of nursing spaces in our province.
Nurses contribute at every level. We’ve, as the members will know, doubled the numbers of nurse practitioners in B.C., principally in primary care and all over the health care system. We were last in the country in 2017. We’ve doubled those numbers. We have increased the role of nurses in primary care networks. Between nurses and nurse practitioners, 450 new nurses in primary care. We were below standard in terms of nursing and care in 85 percent of our care homes in 2017. Now we’re above standard. I think all of these are significant changes.
We’re going to have to do more. We have to train more nurses, and we have to support what is obviously an issue around attrition for nurses in our health care system, particularly after these extraordinary two years.
K. Kirkpatrick: Well, apparently what the minister is describing is just simply not working. Nurses are speaking out about this crisis happening under this NDP government. Adriane Gear of the B.C. Nurses Union is here in the gallery today. She says: “One thing that we want the Premier to know is that nurses are exhausted. We are burnt out. We need you to step up and do something. We are done asking. We need you to listen, and we need you to take full action to help us.”
My question is: will the Premier speak to the nurses in the gallery and across the province and tell them what he is going to do to step up and do something?
Hon. A. Dix: We did and have described…. By the way, when we announced 604 new nursing spaces in B.C., we were there with the B.C. Nurses Union. When we announced changes for internationally educated nurses, we were there with the B.C. Nurses Union. We’re working with the B.C. Nurses Union every day. They do exceptional work representing nurses in our province.
Of course, I’ll be meeting today with representatives of the B.C. Nurses Union, as we continue to work together to address what has been an extraordinary period in health care in B.C.
I think British Columbians can be proud of our public health care system. Proud of how it has responded to COVID-19. Proud of the work of health professionals and health care workers dealing with the other public health emergency, the overdose crisis. Proud that we’re no longer substandard in 85 percent of care homes in terms of staffing. Proud that we no longer lay off women workers, but we give them rights in the workplace. Proud that we have added 600,600 workers in that sector through HCAP and other programs.
We obviously, we clearly, need to do more. I meet with nurses on a regular basis. I hear from them. I hear their concerns about the quality of work, about the pressures, of violence in the workplace, about the challenges they face. We’re going to continue to work with them to address those issues so that we don’t just recruit more new nurses but that we, of course, every day, support the ones that are working in B.C.
Mr. Speaker: Member for West Vancouver–Capilano, supplemental.
K. Kirkpatrick: The minister’s pride is not enough to make change. This crisis is hurting nurses, and it’s hurting patients. Eighty-two percent of nurses say their mental health is suffering, and 74 percent report that patient care has been compromised.
This is what one nurse says: “I haven’t worked days or evenings for over two months without being short-staffed. This is a crisis. We are all getting burnt out, and corners are being cut. It’s unsafe.”
Will the Premier get up and tell nurses here today what he is going to do to take action to fix this crisis?
Hon. A. Dix: At every level, we are investing in our health care system. I described specific actions that were taken in consultation with the B.C. Nurses Union. I know that one tends to ask the question regardless of what the answer is, but really, those are specific responses now and in the future to support nurses.
We have to continue to do so. That means getting nurses the best facilities. That’s why there are 16 major health capital projects. It means, in long-term care, ensuring that residents and nurses have the support they need to deliver the care that must be given in long-term care. That means increasing community nursing, which changed dramatically as a result of the pandemic but also increased in terms of visits, dramatically, in 2018, 2019 and ’20.
Of course, in acute care, where we feel the problems and nurses feel the problems that the member describes so passionately and so personally, we need to continue to take steps to both ensure that we have the staffing we need in our acute care hospitals and the supports we need for the staff that are working in those hospitals today.
NURSES’ WORKING CONDITIONS
AND CULTURE
S. Furstenau: As we recognize National Nursing Week, I think it’s important to also recognize that, in British Columbia, nurses here are facing some of the worst working conditions in the country. Staffing shortages put patients at risk, and nurses face the emotional toil.
Nurses are being denied personal protective equipment. A 2021 report from the B.C. Nurses Union found that over two-thirds of nurses interviewed were thinking of leaving their profession in the next two years. They’re leaving due to burnout, bad workplace conditions and stagnant salaries.
B.C. Nurses Union president Aman Grewal has said that nurses are “not allowed to share this reality openly.” The minister will deny that there’s a gag order, but the reality is clear. Nurses are afraid of being reprimanded for speaking out about the state of health care and their working conditions.
My question is to the Minister of Health. What is he doing to address the culture of fear within health care?
Hon. A. Dix: All health authorities have whistleblower protection rules, as they should. All professionals in those health authorities have a duty to bring forward issues. They have a professional duty to, one that they and we take very seriously. There’s simply nothing in place that stops people from speaking out. That’s as it should be in a democratic society.
I think our nurses in B.C. have very eloquent spokespeople — I think we’ll hear them this week — who bring forward their issues all the time and represent nurses with passion and determination. B.C. can be very proud of its nurses and very proud of the B.C. Nurses Union.
We’re going to continue to work — it’s fundamental and important to me, something I worked on for many years — to support people working in health care and their right to speak out. It’s important to me that people have the right to do so. It’s also very important to me that we recognize the value of the public health care system, the exceptional work done by that system by any standard, national or international, that you want to put forward, over the last couple of years. The credit for that is due to our nurses, our doctors, our health sciences professionals, our health care workers everywhere in B.C.
Mr. Speaker: Leader of the Third Party, supplemental.
S. Furstenau: I think it’s really important to recognize that a culture impacts the people that are working within that culture. What I asked the minister about was the culture of fear that nurses and health care workers have in terms of speaking openly about their working conditions. I know that that is an experience that nurses and health care workers are having. They reach out to us, and they speak about it.
It’s not the minister saying that people have a duty. It is the reality that there is a culture of fear.
My question to him was specifically about what he is going to do to address that culture of fear, particularly in light of the conditions that nurses are facing right now — stagnating wages, the cost of registration fees, the cost of parking, the cost of living. Nurses are being emotionally, mentally, sometimes physically abused at work, and 82 percent of BCNU members say that their mental health has worsened and that they feel unsupported.
I’m going to ask the minister again. What does he intend to do to address the culture of fear that exists for nurses not wanting to speak about their working conditions?
Hon. A. Dix: I think nurses are never, in my experience, shy of expressing their views to me directly about their concerns with the public health care system. They continue to do this both when I visit facilities and when I meet with their representatives. I would expect that to continue.
We have just been through and are living through a pandemic that continues — where there are, as of last Thursday, about 550 people in hospital with COVID-19, where we have a public health emergency that is the overdose crisis. I think the member would understand that typically, certainly prior to 2017, we had lower than the Canadian average per-capita number of nurses in B.C. We were last in LPNs. That has a significant impact now, when the pressure is on and we need supports.
I think the reality has been extremely difficult for our health sciences professionals, our health care workers, our nurses, our doctors, everyone in health care. The reality has been extremely difficult. I think they have responded exceptionally well.
We are going to continue to support them with more resources, recruiting more nurses, making it easier for people to become nurses, creating more nursing spaces, allowing for people within the profession to seek new forms of education, including becoming nurse practitioners.
I think those are extraordinary successes that nurses themselves have achieved. We have to continue to do that work every day to support them. That will be what I will be continuing to do and, I think, everyone involved in health care will be continuing to do.
NURSES’ CONCERNS ON
CONDITIONS AT HOSPITALS AND
GOVERNMENT ACTION ON ISSUES
L. Doerkson: With all due respect, I think we’re hearing from all levels in this field that what the minister is doing here is not working. Nurses continue to speak out about the health care crisis.
I want to quote another one: “Our system cannot keep operating like this. We can’t care for that patient in chronic pain. We cannot comfort the daughters sitting by their dying father. We cannot hold the hand of a lonely patient who has just been told they have terminal cancer. When nurses cannot do their jobs, it doesn’t just hurt the nurses. It hurts the patients.” This is a heartbreaking quote from another nurse in this province that is afraid to be named.
Will the Minister of Health do his part and tell the nurses here today when he is going to do his job and fix this crisis so that they can do their jobs?
Hon. A. Dix: There are no nurses in B.C. who don’t recognize that we were dramatically under the Canadian average in terms of nursing in 2017. The facts are that in very challenging circumstances, I would say, including two major public health emergencies, the nurses who are working in our system have done an exceptional job.
We’ve added and we’re leading the country in the recruitment of new LPNs. We’re leading the country in the recruitment of health care assistants.
In many places in health care, we were operating below standard, and we’ve raised those standards, particularly in long-term care. The member talks about not doing things. Six hundred and two new nursing spaces. Changing and taking down the barriers stopping internationally educated nurses to come and be members of the BCNU and join nurses in B.C. in providing great care in B.C.
I absolutely hear the voices and concerns of nurses all the time. They communicate with me, and I talk to them. I hear the challenges they’ve gone through in the last couple of years, in particular, but really throughout recent years in their careers.
We need to — as the member, I think, rightly says — do more to support them. That includes more in the workplace to ensure that they aren’t subject to violence, more in the workplace to support nurses. That’s what we’re going to continue to work with the BCNU and other people in nursing to do.
P. Milobar: The minister seems to want to point a finger everywhere but in the mirror. The reality is that under the NDP, health care spending has dropped to just 7.3 percent of GDP compared to 8.1 percent not that long ago. It’s important because the system is failing, and we’re hearing that time and again today.
Over the weekend, the emergency department in Clearwater was closed yet again, further impacting the emergency department in Kamloops. So it’s no surprise that the stories of crisis continue to be told at Royal Inland Hospital in Kamloops.
Here’s what an emergency room physician had to say about this weekend: “Yesterday evening when the night shift came on, there were three ER nurses.” Only three, Mr. Speaker, coming on to the shift — three. “All 40 beds in the department were occupied. Another 40 patients were in the waiting room. It’s so far from safe that it’s hard to even remember what safe looks like.”
Three ER nurses for 40 people needing critical help, with 40 more waiting, and the minister keeps saying how proud he is of the health care system right now that he’s in charge of.
We’re proud of the workers. We’re not proud of this minister’s outcome.
When is the Premier going to act so that nurses and patients finally get the support they actually need?
Hon. A. Dix: The exceptional actions that have taken place throughout our health care system over the last two years have resulted in some of the best outcomes in the world with respect to the COVID-19 pandemic. That’s the work of nurses, and the member is right to say they deserve credit.
I have to say this. When you look at what’s happened with nursing in B.C…. The members opposite talk about the numbers of nurses. LPNs, up 11.9 percent. Registered nurses — not my numbers, the college — up 15.1 percent from 2017 to 2020. Registered psychiatric nurses, up 16 percent. Nurse practitioners, up more than 100 percent. Those are the numbers. That’s what has happened.
Is that sufficient? I don’t think so. That’s why we’re adding more nursing spaces. That’s why we’re making it easier for internationally educated nurses to come.
Where the members do need to reflect, it seems to me, is on the situation that we had in 2017 — why that was the case. If the member is actually suggesting that the previous government invested adequately in health care, he is sadly mistaken. How could it be that the vast majority of long-term-care homes…? And yes, thankfully, we took action to correct this in advance of the pandemic.
I’m talking about health care assistants and LPNs and registered nurses. Eighty-five percent of care homes below standard. The member is talking about that record. Yes, we took action to change that, and we’re going to continue to take action to support nurses.
R. Merrifield: Well, we increased health spending every single year of government. We had doubled it from $10 billion to $20 billion by 2017.
I find it disappointing that the minister responds to the stories that we’re bringing from the nurses with empty statistics or with rhetoric. Nurses are facing severe staffing shortages and stress without help from this government.
I heard from a 20-year OR nurse this weekend, who said that her co-workers at the hospital are severely stressed. “Emergency has one LPN for 54 patients. She’s in tears. This place has completely fallen apart.”
Will the Premier act now to fix this system in crisis?
Hon. A. Dix: When you add a significant number of nurses every year, some specific actions taken — this is an extraordinary profession — that’s not empty. That’s real. Those are people, and they matter if you are looking for care. They matter if you’re looking for care.
I would say to the hon. member that on the very issue of LPNs — where, you know, last in Canada — we’ve made significant progress. We have to make more. We simply have to make more, because the demands on nursing and acute care and long-term care in the community continue to grow.
Our need and support for nurses, with an aging population, will continue to be there. That’s why we’ve taken specific action — specific action supported, by the way, by the BCNU — to increase nursing spaces. We took specific action to train surgical nurses when we engaged in the surgical renewal plan, a net increase of 299 surgical nurses. That may seem like a statistic, but it means a lot when you need surgery. It means a lot when you need surgery.
We took specific action now, with the additional nurse practitioner positions at Thompson Rivers University. We’re going to more than double the number of nurse practitioner positions, and we’ve more than doubled the number of nurse practitioners.
I think these are significant steps that have been taken. We absolutely have to do more. The health care system has responded to extraordinary events with strength. We need to help the health care system now, and that’s precisely what these measures are intended to do.
CONDITIONS AT
EAST KOOTENAY REGIONAL
HOSPITAL
T. Shypitka: The minister is failing and knows it.
Today the head of the emergency department at East Kootenay Regional Hospital, Dr. Fraser Bowden, is speaking out about the crisis. He says: “I feel it is my duty to inform you of the incredibly dangerous, unsafe and unacceptable conditions that currently exist in our hospital. Yesterday morning there was literally not a single bed to see actual emergency patients. We had a patient with a gastro-intestinal bleed that collapsed in the waiting room while waiting to be seen.”
Question, quite simply. When is the Premier going to wake up and take action?
Hon. A. Dix: It’s been two years of taking extraordinary action. I think it will be two years continuing to take more extraordinary action to support our nurses in the system.
These are — I think everyone would acknowledge this — extraordinary times. The response of the system in providing care to people has been exceptional, and there are real challenges facing the system, particularly, on occasion, in some regional hospitals. The member refers to East Kootenay in his question.
I think that our staff teams, under the circumstances, are doing exceptional work and that we have to continue to support them. How do we do that? By recruiting more nurses, by adding resources in emergency rooms, as we have in Kamloops, as we have in many communities. We’ve just got to continue to do that work.
We were — all members of the House will acknowledge this; the statistics are just the statistics — under-nursed as a population in 2017. We’ve been taking action every year to improve that, and we need to continue to take that action. I’m glad to have the support of the hon. member when we do that.
NURSES’ CONCERNS ON
CONDITIONS AT HOSPITALS AND
HEALTH
HUMAN RESOURCES STRATEGY
S. Bond: While the minister stands up day after day after day in this House, nurses are finding the courage to stand up and tell British Columbians the frustration, the anger and the fear that they feel.
Here’s the fact. Nurses are being asked to do more with less every single day. They have said to this minister repeatedly that their physical and mental well-being are at risk.
The one thing I will agree with that the minister said today is that clearly he and this Premier need to do more. He’s had every opportunity to do it. He can continue to look in the rearview mirror, but this situation is on his watch.
Let’s be clear. Nurses are frustrated, angry and fearful. When they have the courage to speak up, what they want to know is that this minister acknowledges the state of the system that they are forced to work in and see ongoing action by this minister.
I would urge the minister to listen carefully to this nurse today. “We are burnt out. We are tired of witnessing the suffering that we are witnessing on a daily basis due to inappropriate staffing levels in all departments. We are fearful for our patients. We are fearful for ourselves.”
This is a two-term government. They’ve made a lot of promises about health care, and they have failed to deliver on even the most basic promises.
I’ll be really interested to hear the minister’s answer to this. He promised and the Premier promised that there would be a comprehensive health human resources strategy. The last time we heard about that, it was going to be tabled in the fall. The minister should look at the calendar. It’s May 2022. There is no plan.
He can stand in this chamber and talk about adding nurses. What we want to know — nurses want to know, British Columbians want to know — is: where’s the plan? What specific action will he take to continue to add nurses to a system where people feel afraid, angry and desperate?
Hon. A. Dix: I’ve taken the member through the fact of the matter, which is that we were at the bottom of the list for nursing in 2017, that we’ve significantly added not just new nurses but net new nurses in that time and that we continue to take specific steps with a human resource plan.
Adding seats in post-secondary, 602 of them — that’s the plan. Doubling the number of nurse practitioner spaces — that’s the plan. Doubling the number of nurse practitioners — that’s the plan. Adding, through the HCAP program, in the midst of a pandemic, more than 6,000 positions — that’s the plan.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members, let’s hear the answer.
Hon. A. Dix: These are specific actions taken to address the health human resources, and they have had a real impact on the ground. Still, because of the circumstances we’ve all been going through together, there have been, obviously, enormous challenges facing the health care system, so we’ve got to continue to take action.
Members come up, question after question, and say: “What are you doing?” We are adding nursing spaces. “What are you doing?” Making it easier for internationally educated nurses. “What are you doing?” Adding resources to emergency rooms. “What are you doing?” Adding resources to long-term care.
Interjections.
Mr. Speaker: Members. Order.
Hon. A. Dix: “What are you doing?” Adding resources in the community. We’re going to continue to do that….
[End of question period.]
Orders of the Day
Hon. M. Farnworth: In this chamber, I call third reading on Bill 16, Transportation Amendment Act.
In the Douglas Fir Room, I call committee stage on Bill 10, the Labour Relations Act.
In the Birch Room, Section C, Committee of Supply, the estimates to date for the Ministry of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation. When they are finished, we will then start with the Ministry of Health estimates.
Third Reading of Bills
BILL 16 — TRANSPORTATION
AMENDMENT ACT,
2022
Bill 16, Transportation Amendment Act, 2022, read a third time and passed.
Hon. D. Eby: I call committee stage, Bill 23, Mental Health Amendment Act.
Committee of the Whole House
BILL 23 — MENTAL HEALTH
AMENDMENT ACT,
2022
(continued)
The House in Committee of the Whole (Section B) on Bill 23; J. Tegart in the chair.
The committee met at 2:33 p.m.
On clause 4 (continued).
T. Halford: In follow-up from Thursday, is the Attorney able to explain what the estimated time frame would be? Once the rights adviser is sought, how long would that be — a few hours? Would it be a couple days?
Hon. D. Eby: I’m joined again by Wendy Jackson, executive director, legal access policy division, justice services branch; Shannon Gibson, senior policy analyst, legal access policy division, justice services branch; and Sharna Kraitberg, legal counsel, legal services branch. All in Ministry of Attorney General. I thank them in advance for their assistance.
During the engagement, obviously, those with lived experience wanted rights advice to be delivered as quickly as possible. Our expected time frame is likely within 24 to 72 hours. Some requests, for example an initial admission request, may receive higher priority or a faster response time.
Any specific timelines will be set out in the Mental Health Act standards, so there will be standards set. Any specific timelines on how soon a rights adviser must meet with the patient, after receiving a request, will also be set out in the service contract that’s signed with the organization that provides that service.
We do expect that limited rights services will be available during extended hours, evenings and weekends, because admissions do happen 24 hours a day.
S. Furstenau: Just one question on this clause, 34.3(2). It says a director must ask a patient if they desire contact with the rights adviser. My question for the Attorney General is: what if the person is incapacitated or otherwise determined to be unfit? Could a near relative contact the same rights adviser under these circumstances, or another designated person?
Hon. D. Eby: The right to access the rights adviser is held by the patient. If, in the case of a person under 18, a child patient agrees, the parent or guardian may attend the meeting with the rights adviser, with the patient. However, the patient may also select another support person to attend the meeting with them or may choose to attend the meeting alone.
The legislation is focused on establishing rights advice service for patients, to understand their rights under the Mental Health Act. There is a form that near relatives receive that does include some information about rights and the process. But there’s currently no intention to include a right for parents or near relatives to meet with the rights adviser, and it’s not in this legislation.
Certainly, there’s a recognition that parents and near relatives would benefit from this kind of advice, but our current focus is on the patients. We understand that a rights advice service is likely to produce materials for family and other near relatives — brochures, information sheets, websites, and so on — but it’s not planned that this legislation creates some kind of broad right to have a separate meeting with a rights adviser.
I hope that’s of assistance to the member.
T. Halford: Clause 4, 34.3, makes clear that a request from a patient can be orally or in writing. So can notice from a director be orally or in writing or both?
Hon. D. Eby: We will be working with health authorities on a form that is required to be completed to indicate that this process was followed, and it will be developed concurrently with practitioners to make sure that it’s practical but also, for the protection of the patient, that there’s a record.
Clauses 4 to 7 inclusive approved.
On clause 8.
T. Halford: Can the minister provide examples of what is expected to be a rights advice service — so just examples of what would constitute advice being given?
Hon. D. Eby: The bill that’s in front of the House sets out a statutory minimum, in terms of the advice that must be provided. The member will find that at clause 8.08, which adds a new section, 51, to the Mental Health Act. In that section, it goes through that a rights adviser “must make reasonable efforts to explain and discuss” the following topics with patients.
First, processes and timelines involved in involuntary admission. Second, the impact on the patient’s ability to move around or leave a mental health facility. Third, how involuntary status impacts the need for consent to treatment. Fourth, the patient’s rights under the Mental Health Act.
Now, those rights we went through the other day are contained on form 13 of the Mental Health Act, which is provided — a physical copy — to the patient. But under this proposed section, the rights adviser would go through these rights as well and explain them to the patient. Examples are the rights to contact a lawyer, to be examined regularly by a doctor to see if involuntary admission still applies, to apply to the review panel, to apply to a court on various matters and to get a second medical opinion. So all of those are the minimum.
Beyond that, we do believe that there may be a range of additional topics that might be addressed, depending on the patient’s questions, areas of interest and level of understanding. So it’s not a limitation. It’s just the floor. This is the minimum that a rights adviser must endeavour to try to ensure the patient understands.
S. Furstenau: On subsection 45, further to this: “The Attorney General may make one or more agreements with respect to providing rights information and related services to patients.”
I’m just curious about the funding for this and when this service would be automatically triggered. Would there be the potential for the burden of funding being placed on the patient?
Hon. D. Eby: There will be two phases to implementation here. Phase 1 is: by request, the patient will have to indicate that they want to have this rights advice. Phase 2: a notification will go to the rights advice service on admission, and then they will contact the patient, regardless, and the patient will then have the opportunity to tell the rights adviser whether or not they wish to hear the information that the rights adviser can provide.
It’s difficult to project the volumes, for phase 1 especially, where we don’t know how many people will say: “Yes, I do want this kind of advice.” And for phase 2, this is a new service. We know the number of admissions that we see in the province — about 28,000 total; about 20,000 unique admissions. We don’t know how many of those people will take up the proactive offer of the rights advice service.
The Ministry of Finance has given us access to contingencies for this and next fiscal year. Our current projection — which is completely dependent on the service provider, their implementation and any challenges that they face — is that phase 1 would last a year and that in year 2 we would be implementing automatic notification.
Again, this is a new service, and there are some systems to work out, both with the service providers and with the health authorities. But that is our target. It will depend very much on the uptake by patients of this service — how much it’s going to cost. So that’s why we’ve been given contingencies access at this stage.
S. Furstenau: Just for clarification, the cost of this won’t be on the patient. It will be covered entirely by the system?
Hon. D. Eby: That is correct. The cost of this will not fall to the patient. It will be borne by government and British Columbia.
S. Furstenau: In subsection 47, it indicates that it requires a director to give notice of an event to a rights advice service as soon as practicable following a request by the patient or following the occurrence of a prescribed event. The advice service is only triggered when someone requests it or in prescribed events. Could the Attorney General explain what qualifies as an event?
Hon. D. Eby: In this proposed section of the bill, an event means a request. Obviously, that’s where the patient asks for it. That’s phase 1. Phase 2 includes request, so there will be automatic notification at certain event times, but the patient can still request the advice at any point.
The prescribed events in our engagements indicated two points of notification. One is on initial admission. Now, there are some challenges with initial admission. Sometimes people are not quite in a state to be able to receive advice or make a decision about whether or not to receive advice. The other day we did canvass regular obligations of checking in after that initial notification for the point at which the person is ready to receive and understand the option of rights advice.
The second point is release into the community but still under conditions. So they’re living in the community, but they’re still under conditions. They’re still an involuntary patient, technically, even though they’re living in the community just before release so that they can understand the terms of the release — that they are still an involuntary patient — and the process for oversight and regulation of that process.
At this stage, those are the two events that we anticipate are most likely to be prescribed events in the regulations. But I do want to advise the member that staff have told me that they would like to do further engagements and consultations on these two points to make sure that there are not other points that could be included in the regulations or clarifications about those two to ensure that it works properly from the perspective of people with lived experience about the most appropriate times for notification.
S. Furstenau: Thanks to the Attorney General for that. That helps explain.
Subsection 48 says it requires a director to reasonably try to make a private space with appropriate furnishing and equipment for a rights adviser to communicate with patients. A director must also facilitate the communication between a patient and rights adviser, including accommodating special needs of a patient and providing the rights adviser personal information related to the patient.
Can the Attorney General explain what qualifies specifically as a “reasonable effort” for the director? If they tried to connect the patient to the rights adviser once, does that count? If they call and leave a voice mail or leave no voice mail, does that count? How is it assured that that reasonable effort is met?
Hon. D. Eby: One of the pieces of feedback that were received during the engagement was that the obligations on the director to facilitate communications shouldn’t be discretionary. This is not a discretionary standard that’s proposed in the legislation. It’s mandatory. So in 48(1), a director must make reasonable efforts to provide the space for these meetings.
The balance is, of course, that the situation the person is in — in a hospital, for example — may not permit a private space and so on for the communication.
For example, if the person is in the intensive care unit or in a cardiac unit and there may be security or safety concerns that require staff to be nearby…. That is the operational challenge of simply saying “must provide a private space.” We know that there are situations when that’s impossible or would compromise patient care or safety.
What is here is an obligation to make reasonable efforts in the context of the patient and their health in the facility. This is a reviewable standard, and it is a mandatory standard.
S. Furstenau: Is there or would there be expected to be a specified time limit to how long a patient could communicate with the rights adviser?
Hon. D. Eby: It is possible that we may need to set requirements, either minimums or maximums, for the rights advice service in the service contract or in the standards. It’s something that staff advise they’re going to have to monitor because, from other provinces, they’ve heard that these appointments can take between 15 minutes and one hour, typically. But there is no preconception and there are no standards anticipated at this stage that would be imposed about minimums or maximums in terms of the amount of time of these appointments.
S. Furstenau: Just wondering what the expectation of the meetings would be and whether they would be supervised by a member of the facility and the implications for the ability for the patient to speak freely if that were the case.
Hon. D. Eby: The default under this proposed legislation is a private space with appropriate furnishings and equipment, including communications equipment for rights advisers to communicate with patients.
The descriptor of “private” there sets out the default of what the director must make reasonable efforts to provide. To depart from that, the director would need to have a reasonable reason for doing so. I outlined some of those: the health condition of the patient that requires medical staff to be nearby, or there could be security or safety concerns that require facility staff to be nearby. But the default is a private space for private communications.
S. Furstenau: Could the Attorney explain what specifically is meant by communications equipment and whether the expectation is that the province would be providing this equipment to the wards?
Hon. D. Eby: The province will provide the equipment that’s necessary. It might be as straightforward as a tablet. There might be something more involved. But we anticipate most meetings between patients and rights advisers will take place virtually. The first-line mode of communication will be video conference. Telephone communication will be acceptable.
In-person will be delivered in certain circumstances, such as if the patient has a disability or medical condition that makes communication by virtual means difficult or if attempts to provide virtual rights advice service have failed.
During consultation, the facilities were canvassed about the space and technology available to support virtual communication. They advised that they had that. Some facilities did indicate that they may have more work to do in terms of identifying a private space but that they did have the technology available for virtual communication with a rights adviser.
S. Furstenau: Currently patients are not typically permitted to have their own cell phones, so would it be the expectation that communication would only be through these communication means that are provided?
Hon. D. Eby: Yes, that’s correct. It would be through the provided medium.
S. Furstenau: I’m going to go backwards a little bit. Just in terms of making sure that all of these expectations are being fulfilled, what are the anticipated mechanisms for compliance-checking?
Hon. D. Eby: Staff have put together a comprehensive evaluation plan. It involves qualitative and quantitative measurements. The qualitative information will be gathered through surveys, likely interviews, targeted at patients, family members, rights advisers and facility staff. Quantitative measurements will include the number of requests, when in the process requests are made and response times for requests for rights advice.
There will be an auditing function within the health authorities. The new forms that will be developed in partnership with the health authorities will include, potentially, an indication for when a patient has requested or not requested rights advice. The updates to forms are likely to include a yes-or-no indicator for the patient when they receive that form about their rights to indicate whether or not they want that advice.
An additional form will be required when a request has been made, and it will indicate when the request was made and submitted, as well as when it was complete. These forms will create a paper trail that will be able to be and will be audited by the health authorities and will be available for external audit, as well, by oversight agencies like the Ombudsperson’s office.
S. Furstenau: This is my last question before I hand it back to the critic for the official opposition.
Just on subsection 54, the Offence Act “does not apply in respect of this Part or the regulations made under section 55.” Can the Attorney explain what the implications of that are and whether it means that if a director does not comply with the requirements set out in this act, that director does not commit an offence?
Hon. D. Eby: If a patient doesn’t get access to rights advice service, it is possible that that patient could judicially review the director or the staff decision that prevents them from accessing that service. There could be additional reports and accountability through offices like the Ombudsperson’s office.
I will, on the advice of staff, refrain from speculating about liability of the province in relation to failing to provide rights advice, but I can advise that the director and staff are protected from liability through the operation of the Mental Health Act, so they would not be able to be sued.
The Offence Act relates to administrative penalties for failing to meet obligations, and this section disapplies the Offence Act. So fines would not be paid by the director or by staff under the Offence Act. Administrative penalties would not be administered against them for failing to provide rights advice, but that does not mean that there aren’t accountability mechanisms.
T. Halford: Just on subpoint 49. What types of cultural and translation services will be provided to ensure communication with the adviser and the patient will be done in a culturally respective manner?
Hon. D. Eby: With respect to Indigenous and racialized people in the province, in line with recommendations received during consultations, the following measures are planned to make the rights advice service accessible to Indigenous peoples and racialized people.
The rights advice service will be connected with existing resources and supports within the designated facility’s health authorities and broader community. This could include services for Indigenous peoples or services like interpretation services through the provincial language service, the Provincial Health Services Authority.
Individuals will be able to include any family member or other support person they would like in a meeting with a rights adviser. That could include extended family, community members or other supports.
Mandatory training for rights advisers will include trauma-informed approaches, cultural safety, intercultural competency, anti-racism, decolonization and intergenerational trauma. The rights advice service will have inclusive hiring practices and encourage applications for rights adviser positions from those who identify as Indigenous peoples or racialized people. Also, people with lived experience in the mental health system will be encouraged to participate as well.
Additional consultations with Indigenous peoples and organizations are planned for the implementation phase, to ensure informational materials and referral and support processes are culturally appropriate and that the rights advice service is accessible.
T. Halford: On subpoint 50, would the Attorney General be able to give examples of prescribed information or materials that a rights adviser must convey?
Hon. D. Eby: The front-line source of information for a patient will be the modified form 13, which is the notification to involuntary patient rights under the Mental Health Act. It will be modified to include, should this bill pass, the rights of access to a rights adviser. On the back of that form, there is a list of information about reasons for involuntary admission, how to contact a lawyer, renewal certificates, review panel information, what judicial review is and how it works, how to appeal to the court and a second medical opinion.
As we discussed, these are all rights that will be canvassed by the rights adviser. We also anticipate that the contracted service provider will be working with the Ministry of Attorney General to develop a range of informational and communication materials. This could include brochures, information sheets, website content, posters and videos. We expect that the materials will be adapted for a range of audiences based on age, developmental ability and cultural background. We also anticipate that certain materials will be translated into different languages.
T. Halford: Would this mean that this section — that you’d have to give patients all the prescribed materials to meet that standard? Or could a rights adviser hypothetically give a patient one of the prescribed materials, and then meet that threshold?
Hon. D. Eby: The legislation sets out the baseline information and advice that a rights adviser must give in the new section 51, which is in clause 8.08 of the bill. That standard is not met by simply handing over a brochure or pulling up a website for a patient to read. The statute explicitly says that there must be reasonable efforts to “explain to and discuss with the patient all the matters described in this section.”
T. Halford: Under this section, when it says “must explain and discuss effects that the event may have on the patient’s exercise of autonomy,” how is this confirmed to have happened? Does a director supervise? How is that event confirmed to have taken place?
Hon. D. Eby: We’ve canvassed the evaluation plan that would be implemented to determine — through interviews and surveys with patients, facility staff, family members — how this process is working. So that is one way that that is going to happen.
From a legal perspective, by putting in legislation that a rights adviser must explain and discuss the effects that this event may have on the patient’s autonomy: “You have been involuntarily admitted; this means that you will not be able to do these things in your life,” is really us trying, in the statute, to explain that not every person that is involuntarily admitted will have the same level of understanding about what’s happening. The rights adviser is going to have to adapt the information that they have about the system to the patient’s level of understanding.
Providing someone that has very limited English skills as well as a profound mental health issue, and maybe a physical health issue that brought them into hospital…. Explaining at a high level, in English, what is going to happen does not meet the standard. It must be reasonable. That reasonableness standard includes taking into consideration the particular situation faced by the patient in front of the rights adviser.
T. Halford: Moving on to subpoint 55, what would be an example of possible training or qualifications?
Hon. D. Eby: This isn’t a requirement, but it is our understanding that the rights advice will primarily be provided by non-lawyers. Lawyers are certainly welcome to participate in the rights advice service with the contracted service providers, but it won’t be a requirement to the service contract.
In most other provinces, that’s the way it works. In New Brunswick and Alberta, many rights advisers have a social work background, for example. Individuals can be referred to a lawyer or advocate if a mental health review board hearing or court hearing is requested.
We expect that the rights advisers will have qualifications and background in health services, social services or community mental health and experience working with people with serious mental health issues. Ideally, rights advisers will also have diverse backgrounds, and the training that they receive will bring all of the rights advisers to a standard in terms of understanding what their obligations are and topics such as cultural safety and trauma-informed approaches.
Specialized training or qualifications may be required above and beyond the person’s background and the standard training for certain groups of involuntary patients — for example, children and youth, and patients with developmental disabilities. Mandatory training, as we have discussed, will include trauma-informed approaches and cultural safety approaches as well.
T. Halford: Thank you to the Attorney for that answer.
What would be an example of when a director is authorized not to give notice of an event when a notice is otherwise required?
Hon. D. Eby: This section relates to phase 2 of implementation, where there’s automatic notification.
When we set out when notification must happen, it seemed useful to perhaps have provisions — and more work will be done in engagement on this — when notification may not have to happen.
As a rights advice service, to get notification that someone has been admitted, and then you make efforts to attend and to offer the service to the individual and you find out that that person is in a coma, or it’s functionally impossible for that person to communicate, it might feel that that is a waste of time and resources and that the hospital should be able to identify that this is not someone who is going to benefit from a rights advice service.
The current standard for someone who is in a situation where it’s impossible for them to communicate or in a medical coma or whatever the situation may be is that the hospital must reassess every 12 hours whether the person is ready to hear and understand about their rights and the situation they find themselves in as an involuntary patient of hospital. This is an aim to be, if it’s possible, more practical about not calling out rights advice service for people who can’t use it.
Also, we’re going to have to engage in more consultation on any regulation about this before we implement it, because we do want to make sure that people do have that opportunity for rights advice. We don’t want that creep of: “Well, maybe the person is not quite ready for that rights advice.” There is some balancing to be done here.
T. Halford: On subpoint 55(2)(c), second bullet in, it says: “events associated with a type of process or a set of circumstances.” Can the Attorney describe what process or set of circumstances, beyond what has been described in the rest of the bill, that a director would have to give notice of, as per this section?
I guess I’ll just put my follow-up on there as well. Would that include being required to notify a relative if the patient is under the age of 19?
Hon. D. Eby: This relates to the ability to prescribe events where, for the phase 2 process, the director must give notice to the rights advice service that this event has happened involving this patient so that the rights advice service can reach out. Our current expectation is that that would be the point of admission.
The second is where the patient is about to enter into an extended community leave for the reasons I outlined earlier. This is not what already exists under the Mental Health Act in terms of notification to near relatives. Those are set out in sections 34.1 and 34.2.
So 34.1, under the Mental Health Act, relates to notice to a patient under 16 years of age. Pardon me; 34.1 is not relevant to this.
The notification is under section 34.2, which is advice to a near relative. That section of the Mental Health Act requires as follows: “The director must send to a near relative of the patient a written notice setting out the patient’s rights under sections 21, 23, 24, 25 and 33 immediately after (a) the admission of the patient to the designated facility…or (b) the admission and detention of the patient in the designated facility….” The director must do so in the prescribed manner, which is a form called form 16 notification, to near relatives.
Those provisions do exist in the act, but that is not what is created under sub 55(2)(c).
T. Halford: Will the records that the director or rights advice service do keep be captured under FOIPPA?
Hon. D. Eby: Those would be, on our understanding, the medical records of the patient, and the patient would be able to access them. If they weren’t able to just get copies from the facility directly — many of the forms are designed to be handed to the patient at the time of admission or when the patient is able to receive them — then they could get copies through the freedom-of-information process, because the medical records belong to them. But they would not be accessible to members of the public because it’s private medical information.
T. Halford: On subpoint 55(2)(f), what would be an example of an additional duty that may be imposed on a rights adviser that’s not included in this act?
Hon. D. Eby: We have gone through the baseline obligations that the legislation imposes on rights advisers. This section creates the ability for additional obligations to be placed on rights advisers through regulation.
We’re approaching this as a new service, an iterative process where we will roll it out. We will gather feedback through the evaluation process, and that feedback may indicate to us that there needs to be other obligations placed on rights advisers.
The member asked for an example. An example could be that rights advisers must refer to other legal services in certain circumstances, as just an example.
The idea is that we’re in this process where we’re refining and improving the service as we go forward. This creates the ability for us to respond to concerns without having to go back to the full House and amend the legislation to impose additional obligations on rights advisers.
T. Halford: On subpoint 52(3), a rights adviser can disclose personal information to a director if they believe it’s relevant to the patient’s exercise of their rights. Is there any constraint on what a director can do with this information? If a director is associated with the mental health facility, could they use that information from a rights adviser to make care decisions? This is kind of the thesis of the question there.
Hon. D. Eby: Sub 52(3) relates to the ability of the rights adviser to release personal information to the director, but only if the rights adviser is of the opinion that the information is relevant to a patient’s exercise of the patient’s rights under this act.
This would be information like the patient has had an initial medical assessment, but the patient would like a second opinion. They would like a second medical opinion, so that release of information to the director is consistent with the exercise of the right to a second medical opinion. They may provide that information if they wish, but that is a limitation on the ability of the rights adviser to disclose personal information. It must be to support the rights adviser’s opinion that that information is relevant to exercising the patient’s rights under the act.
Clauses 8 and 9 approved.
Title approved.
Hon. D. Eby: I move the committee rise and report the bill complete without amendment.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 3:35 p.m.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Report and
Third Reading of Bills
BILL 23 — MENTAL HEALTH
AMENDMENT ACT,
2022
Bill 23, Mental Health Amendment Act, 2022, reported complete without amendment, read a third time and passed.
Hon. D. Eby: I call committee stage, Bill 24, Anti-Racism Data Act.
Committee of the Whole House
BILL 24 — ANTI-RACISM DATA ACT
The House in Committee of the Whole (Section B) on Bill 24; J. Tegart in the chair.
The committee met at 3:38 p.m.
The Chair: We’ll call a recess while we wait for staff and the minister.
The committee recessed from 3:38 p.m. to 3:47 p.m.
[J. Tegart in the chair.]
The Chair: Welcome, Members. We’re dealing with committee stage of Bill 24, Anti-Racism Data Act.
Would the minister like to introduce his staff and make some statements or…?
Hon. D. Eby: I would indeed, Madam Chair. With me are a handful of the public servants that worked on this legislation. I want to recognize their significant efforts on this and, in the chamber, the Parliamentary Secretary for Anti-Racism Initiatives as well.
With me is Angela Cooke, associate deputy minister of housing and multiculturalism, Ministry of Attorney General; Hayden Lansdell, assistant deputy minister of digital platforms and data division, Ministry of Citizens’ Services; Milan Singh, director of anti-racism policy and multiculturalism, Ministry of Attorney General; Colleen Rice, director of justice policy, policy and legislation division, Minister of Attorney General; and Beth Collins, director of data policy and legislation, B.C. Stats, Ministry of Citizens’ Services.
On clause 1.
T. Wat: Thank you to the minister and also the five staff for taking the time to come and enlighten the community of racialized individuals as well as the Indigenous community and the community of Black people about such an important act.
I hope the minister can bear with me. I have no legal background, and some of the clauses might have some legal implication. I’ll try to ask questions on behalf of the community. Most of them are not legal experts.
On clause 1, did the act draw its definition of public harm from another jurisdiction, and, if not, how did it come to be defined under this act?
Hon. D. Eby: The origin of the term “community harm” is the Grandmother Perspective report prepared by the Human Rights Commissioner. The idea behind community harm is that in British Columbia, we have very good legislation to protect against individual harm in terms of the release of information. But where the opportunity was to increase trust with communities, especially racialized communities and Indigenous communities, and Indigenous peoples, was around the notion of community harm.
Being a member of the racialized group, stereotyping and prejudice against that group can be increased and perpetuated in ways that create group harm, essentially a community harm. So there are several requirements in the legislation to identify, prevent, mitigate and minimize this community harm. I imagine we’re going to canvass them in some detail, but they include things like a committee that will be overseeing this work, made up of racialized people and representatives of different groups.
The idea is to build trust with groups that have been harmed in the past through racism and discrimination and ensure the data that’s collected is used in a way that addresses systemic racism.
T. Wat: I just would like the minister to give me some more concrete explanation of this community harm. Is there an example that the minister can cite? I know that it will be fleshed out further, but this is extremely crucial, the word “harm.” Is there a legal definition that the minister can further explain, and can the minister cite more examples?
Hon. D. Eby: The bill itself contains the legal definition of community harm. It means “racism, prejudice, stereotyping, bias, stigmatization or other harm to which a group of persons is likely to be exposed.”
T. Wat: Under the definition section, the act defines the director as “the director of statistics appointed under the Statistics Act.”
Under which ministry does the act sit? If this not under the purview of this minister, would there be consultation? Has consultation been done with the relevant minister?
Hon. D. Eby: To my left is Hayden Lansdell. He’s the assistant deputy minister of digital platforms and data division in the Ministry of Citizens’ Services. He is also the director under this legislation. He has been directly involved in the development of this legislation and many community engagements on these issues.
T. Wat: Under the definitions section, “Indigenous governing entity” and “personal information” are defined as having the same meaning as in the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act.
Can the minister summarize what consultation he has done with the Minister of Citizens’ Services?
Hon. D. Eby: The Minister of Citizens’ Services and I — and the Parliamentary Secretary for Anti-Racism Initiatives as well as the public service — engaged in multiple consultations with Indigenous governing bodies, including nations themselves; political leadership, through the First Nations Leadership Council, with whom this legislation was co-developed; and Métis Nation B.C. Indigenous peoples were very involved in the development of this legislation.
T. Wat: Under the definition section, Indigenous peoples are defined as having “the same meaning as in the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act.”
Can the minister summarize what consultation he has done with the Minister of Indigenous Relations?
Hon. D. Eby: At a staff level, the public service officials involved in developing this legislation had a close working relationship with the Ministry of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation staff. At a political level, I had multiple meetings with the Minister of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation on this. All briefing materials were shared with him so that he was aware of issues as they arose, and informed, and we could engage on them.
T. Wat: Am I right to get the minister’s response as saying that the minister has not directly consulted with the Minister of Indigenous Relations?
Hon. D. Eby: No, I was trying to give specific examples of that engagement and consultation. The minister was involved, was consulted on issues as they arose in the legislation, and the ministry staff within that ministry as well.
T. Wat: “Public body” in the act is defined as having “the same meaning as in the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act.” In the future, will the minister be consulted if there are changes to the list of public bodies in the act?
Hon. D. Eby: The director under this act is from the Ministry of Citizens’ Services and is also engaged in that role at the Ministry of Citizens’ Services in relation to any changes to “public body” under the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, which that ministry also has responsibility for.
The Ministry of Citizens’ Services would be engaged in any changes related to public body, and by extension, because of the incorporation of the director into this legislation, directly in this legislation as well. By default, that ministry would be consulted and the director under this act would be consulted, because it’s the same person involved in both processes.
T. Wat: The initiative to the changes to the list of public bodies — will that come from this minister or come from the Minister of Citizens’ Services?
Hon. D. Eby: If a new public body were to be added to the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, that would be done by the Ministry of Citizens’ Services. The initiative for it could come from anywhere.
[R. Leonard in the chair.]
It could be a recommendation from the Ombudsperson, for example, or the Information and Privacy Commissioner. Then Citizens’ Services would do that work. But it’s also the same if a public body were added to this legislation. That work would also be done by the Ministry of Citizens’ Services.
The Chair: Member.
T. Wat: Thank you, Madam Chair. Welcome to the chair.
Minister, which public bodies will and won’t be included?
Hon. D. Eby: On day 1 of implementation, all ministries in government will be captured under the legislation. There are, I’m advised, almost 3,000 various public bodies in the province. The expansion of the application of this act, as we work through initial implementation at the ministerial level, will be directed by community organizations and engagement with them about which sectors they wish to start with.
The approach we’re taking in this bill is very similar to the Public Interest Disclosure Act bill, where we started with core government and then, as we worked out all of the implementation, expanded in concentric circles to agencies and public entities outside of core government.
T. Wat: Just to confirm, will institutions such as public universities be included in the act?
Hon. D. Eby: Yes, public universities could be included. Public post-secondary schools could be included. But they will not be included immediately. They will be part of the public bodies that we will take the lead from community on in terms of priorities, where they would like to focus their attention.
Other examples would be health authorities and school boards. The initial work, though, will be within ministries of core government.
Clause 1 approved.
On clause 2.
T. Wat: How does the minister define “systemic racism,” and how does the minister’s definition compare with other jurisdictions?
Hon. D. Eby: Through our engagement with communities, we learned two important things about the definition of “systemic racism.” One is that it looks different for different communities. The other is that it can change over time. So there are many terms in legislation that are not specifically defined, because they’re taken to have the meaning within the context of everyday life in British Columbia. So it’s not unusual to have an undefined term.
When you couple that with the feedback we had from communities — that anti-Indigenous systemic racism would look different than anti-Black systemic racism and anti-Asian systemic racism — trying to define the term would unnecessarily exclude certain communities from participating and benefitting from the legislation.
T. Wat: This section alone gives the public bodies broad powers to collect data. How much work has gone into defining the language in this clause so as to make sure that data collection is done for its intended purpose?
Hon. D. Eby: Many of these answers are going to sound similar because so much of this is informed by our engagement with racialized communities and Indigenous communities, First Nations and leadership.
Through our engagement with communities, there were 70 different organizations as well as an online survey done about what information is needed and what information people feel comfortable providing and what forms of data collection should be undertaken. That engagement and that information will inform how and what information is collected. So that’s the first safeguard. We’re led by the engagement with community.
There is also a committee set up in the legislation, which we’ll get into at some point, made up of representatives of racialized communities to provide support around this data standard as well as data directives and any analysis that’s done on the data to make sure that the work stays on focus in terms of minimizing the risk of adverse outcomes and promoting the work of eliminating systemic racism and advancing racial equity.
Clause 2 approved.
On clause 3.
T. Wat: How will an individual be informed that their personal information is being collected voluntarily? Will it be verbal, or will it be in a long iTunes-style online sheet?
Hon. D. Eby: We anticipate that this will be very similar to the requirements under the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act. Commonly, when information is collected, these notifications are written on the form or the document that collects the information itself. It’s certainly possible that these could be read out to an individual, but, most likely, they’ll be on the form itself that collects the information.
It is also possible that there is information collected indirectly, and, certainly, there are occasions where people are notified through public posting — sometimes a physical posting on a wall, sometimes a public posting through a website — that data will be collected through the process that the person is participating in.
T. Wat: In what instances would data not be required to be directly collected from an individual as referred to in subsection 2?
Hon. D. Eby: This refers to the work of comparing the data that’s collected, the demographic data about people in a community with, for example, program data — like maybe data that’s collected through a post-secondary institution or a school or a school board — to determine how that program is working and whether the results are representative of the data that was collected through the community. In that case, the primary data collection would be the demographic data that’s collected.
The secondary data would be the data that’s collected through the program. Those two sets of data would be compared in order to determine the outcomes of the program and in an attempt to identify barriers to the participation or equity of various groups.
Clause 3 approved.
On clause 4.
T. Wat: Can the minister provide a specific example of when data will be shared with another public body?
Hon. D. Eby: We anticipate that there may be data sets collected by a program that’s delivered by an external public body, like a Crown corporation or a board, that would need to be, in order to realize the benefits of this legislation, compared with data collected by core government — for example, the Ministry of Citizens’ Services.
This provision would allow that Crown corporation, for example, to share disaggregated data with the Ministry of Citizens’ Services for the purposes of that comparison I talked about earlier, where Citizens’ Services has the primary demographic data and the program data comes from an external public body, and then Citizens’ Services can do that comparison work of determining the outcomes of the program, identifying systemic racism and advancing equity by identifying the barriers to the participation of groups or differential outcomes for different groups.
T. Wat: Can the minister provide an example of when data will be shared with an Indigenous governing entity?
Hon. D. Eby: A couple of pieces. One is these authorities that we’re discussing already do exist in the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act. The idea is when nations are responsible for delivering particular services to their members, whether it’s education or justice or health care, they may need access to this information for their own work around ensuring that they’re delivering the program in a way that is representative.
It will really be up to the nations to let us know what information they’re going to need here — or the Indigenous organizations. But we can anticipate that in provision of these services, they may wish to either disclose information to government or have information come back to them, so this provision provides the authority for that to happen.
T. Wat: How will the disclosure of information being shared, as outlined in subsection 2, be done? Will it just simply be a notice being published, or will individuals be notified as well?
Hon. D. Eby: In this situation, likely, notification would be made through the B.C. Stats website. There would be public notification made. The individual would not be notified.
A. Olsen: Thank you for this opportunity. I’m kind of bouncing back and forth between the different rooms here.
I’m not sure if the minister has answered this question in previous sections, but I’ll ask it here if not. Throughout this clause 4, it references systemic racism, and nowhere in the bill is there a definition of “systemic racism.” Is there a definition somewhere else that there’s a reference to? Or how is the minister handling the systemic racism?
Hon. D. Eby: Through our engagement with different racialized groups, we learned two important things, or at least I did. One is that systemic racism is different for different groups. Anti-Indigenous systemic racism looks different than anti-Black systemic racism, looks different than anti-Asian systemic racism, and so on. The second is that it can change over time.
There are many terms in legislation that are not specifically defined. Instead, we put it into legislation so that it stays relevant to the context in which it is used. For those two reasons, we made the decision not to define these terms so that this legislation stays relevant not just over time but also for particular groups and so that groups do not feel excluded by a particular definition that is not realistic to the systemic racism that they may be experiencing.
Clause 4 approved.
On clause 5.
T. Wat: Under what circumstances would subsection (1) not apply — for example, the disclosure income for the purpose of qualifying for income assistance?
Hon. D. Eby: Subsection (2) relates to government programs that are intended for particular racialized groups or individuals. It may require that person to declare that they’re a member of that group or that they’re an individual for whom this program was designed to provide benefit. So that information is required in order to determine eligibility for that program.
Otherwise, the intent here was to prohibit public bodies from saying: “You have to provide this information.” They are not allowed to make that requirement or obligation on individuals, because the idea behind this whole act is building trust around the voluntary disclosure of information, around benefitting individuals and groups. That trust is compromised by an obligatory: “You must disclose in order to get a benefit.”
I hope that clarifies subsection (1), which says that the service can’t be withheld, with subsection (2) that says that sometimes we do need that information for certain programs.
Clause 5 approved.
On clause 6.
T. Wat: Was this section drafted with the foresight that certain public bodies may not want to collect data? If so, does the public body need to be provided with a rationale for why certain data needs to be collected?
Hon. D. Eby: This is really a safeguard in the legislation that we do not anticipate having to use, but we want to have it here, just in case. The expectation is that when explained to the public body why this is important, why community wants this, how it will be used, and so on, they will then participate in the program, collect the information and do that important work.
In case we meet resistance, for whatever reason, this does create the ability to direct that public body to take these necessary steps to collect information, disclose information.
For example, I guess you could imagine a scenario with a public body that doesn’t want to disclose the information because maybe it’s embarrassing in some way or maybe it doesn’t put them in the best light. That’s exactly the point of this legislation: not to embarrass anybody or put anybody in a bad light but to disclose things that are uncomfortable so that we can fix them. So we want to have this provision here so that we can do the work that’s necessary.
T. Wat: Under subsection (c), will Indigenous governing entities only be allowed to have the data of Indigenous community members shared with them, or will they, in theory, be allowed to access the data of other racialized people?
Hon. D. Eby: It would really depend on the context of the request. We can imagine situations where the nation or Indigenous governing body would want information about their own membership that government held, but we can also imagine situations where they might want comparator information from the immediate community that they could use to compare outcomes or participation in programs or whatever for their own understanding of where additional attention is needed.
There is nothing in this provision that restricts the information to be provided to nations or Indigenous governing entities to that entity’s own membership. It could, in fact, contemplate providing comparator data.
Clause 6 approved.
On clause 7.
T. Wat: Can the minister provide a definition for “variables and values for personal information”? I know a variable might be the statistical term, but under this act, is there a legal definition for “variables” and also “values for personal information”?
Hon. D. Eby: Variables are any characteristic…. One step back. These are terms of art of people who work in statistics, which means that these are terms that are specific to that work and are understandable to people who work in the area of data standards and statistics.
The term “variable” refers to any characteristic, number or quantity that can be measured or counted. It’s really the broader…. I’m trying to paraphrase it, but that’s very dangerous when you’re talking about something that is very specific to a profession. I’ll leave it at that. It’s any characteristic, number or quantity that can be measured or counted. Examples include age, income, eye colour.
The value, however, is the actual number itself or the description itself. For the variable age, the value would be 38 years old. For the variable income, the value would be $78,000 a year. For the variable eye colour — self-explanatory.
How this works with race-based data is the Canadian Institute for Health Information, for example, uses indigeneity and race as variables. So for indigeneity, in their work, the values include First Nations, Inuk or Inuit, and Métis. That’s for CIHI’s measurements. This is just for example. This is not how it will work under our legislation. It’s just for understanding the term.
They have race as a variable as well. The values under that include Black, South Asian, Latin American, and so on. These terms are important for understanding what the regulations and data standards can prescribe — variables. These broad characteristics, numbers or quantities that can be measured or counted, as well as values and what the specific numbers or descriptions would be under those data standards.
T. Wat: Thank you for the minister’s detailed explanation. Now I have some idea of what the variables are and what the value is.
When the census is done, I guess it will be clearly described on the variable column and on the value column.
Hon. D. Eby: Yes, that’s correct. That’s something we will be working with the committee on as well.
T. Wat: Under this section, it says that standards would be proposed by the director. Will the government ultimately have final say over what these standards will be?
Hon. D. Eby: Yes, that’s correct. This is a regulation-making power, which is one exercise by Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council, which is the cabinet group. The final regulation is approved by LGIC, the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council.
However, the development and all of the work that leads up to that moment is done with the committee. It’s done by engagement with racialized groups, with First Nations, as appropriate, depending on the content of the regulation.
Clause 7 approved.
On clause 8.
T. Wat: Will additional funds be provided to public bodies who are required to comply with data standards that are brought in by the regulation?
Hon. D. Eby: There’s a two-step process around data standards. The first is the director will publish them. They will be available. Then, before it’s applied to a public body, there’s a time period which enables government to engage with the public bodies and determine what’s needed for implementation, what resources might be needed for implementation or what they have to do — update their systems or whatever — before it applies to that particular public body.
Those two steps enable the public bodies to understand that this is going to apply to them and allows them to do the work and for us to do the work around if there is resourcing or just simply time that’s required for them to be able to meet that data standard before it applies to them. That work is done, and then it’s brought in through regulation.
T. Wat: Has the minister done analysis on the number of FTEs that will be required by each ministry to comply with this new data collection standard?
Hon. D. Eby: We are structuring this to contain any increase in resources to Ministry of Citizens’ Services and the Ministry of Attorney General so that other ministries are not going to need to have an increase in FTEs to respond to these obligations that brings a couple of benefits to it. The first is, obviously, containing the program within discreet ministries to ensure consistency of application. The second is, obviously, cost containment. It’s more efficient to do it in that manner. That work is underway.
A. Olsen: I appreciate the explanation from the minister. Just wondering, with respect to any other further consultation that might be done on the data standards, I think I was clear on the answer, but will the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council, will the government, be doing any further consultation with racialized groups?
Hon. D. Eby: The short answer is yes. The longer answer is that there are sections coming up that specifically address the obligations of engagement with the committee and with First Nations on data standards that affect them.
Clause 8 approved.
On clause 9.
T. Wat: Can the minister define “culturally safe collection, use and disclosure of personal information”?
Hon. D. Eby: There will be a data directive on this definition of cultural safety. It will be developed in partnership with racialized communities and with First Nations.
We do have an initial understanding. We didn’t just put it in there without understanding, sort of, why it was needed or what we understand at this stage it means. The In Plain Sight report and Ontario’s data standards both describe culturally safe environments as including recognition of and respect for the cultural identities of others without challenge or denial of an individual’s identity, who they are or what they need.
For example, considering culturally safe variables could mean ensuring terminology that does not further racialize an individual or group of individuals by using dated language or that does not cluster distinct cultural identities together. The In Plain Sight report also recommends embedding cultural safety into government practices.
T. Wat: Can the minister elaborate some more? Sorry, I don’t really quite understand.
Hon. D. Eby: The idea is that — it’s one that is encompassed within the legislation — the data standards and the data that’s collected through this legislation should not make individuals or racialized groups feel demeaned, diminished or disempowered. It should instead facilitate the recognition of and respect for the cultural identities of others.
That is not something that I just made up here now. That idea comes from the In Plain Sight report, which was the report done by Mary Ellen Turpel-Lafond into the health care system, where she found that it was not the experience of many Indigenous people in the health care system that they were in a culturally safe place. It was the experience of many people that they felt diminished or demeaned or disempowered in the health care environment, and her direction to government was to work better, work harder and be more proactive in embedding cultural safety into the health care system.
That idea is what we hope to incorporate into the data collection process. So we will have a data directive that will be developed through engagement with racialized groups and First Nations and Indigenous peoples on how we can achieve that goal, which is, in fact, the intent of the legislation.
T. Wat: I hope the minister can bear with me. Let me cite an example and see how it would be handled. Obviously, I’m of Chinese descent. For those people — I’m citing this as an easy reference for myself — if they are feeling that their ethnicity is Chinese…. But then there are, obviously, Chinese all over the world. Some might come from Africa. I know so many Chinese Canadians who were born in India.
Are we collecting this kind of information if your ethnicity is Chinese? Is it necessary to further ask them whether they are from Africa, from Latin America or from wherever? Because there’s so much more information that you can ask. I’m just citing this as an example to understand how deep we want to get into these kinds of variables and values.
Hon. D. Eby: This is work that we are going to do with different groups, who will have different perspectives on how far and what sort of breakdown is most relevant to them in terms of cultural identities.
B.C. Housing, for example, has done some work already. They do break down geographic origin by continent, for example, to recognize that although, to the member’s example, maybe everyone would have previously been described as of Chinese origin or of Asian descent, that ignores a lot of different cultural interests, priorities and backgrounds of those individuals who got clustered into a single group when, in fact, they are distinct communities with distinct needs.
The goal here is to develop a standard that makes sense for those communities, that they adopt and understand as a cultural identity and that is relevant for the purposes of collecting this data.
Clause 9 approved.
On clause 10.
T. Wat: What’s the threshold for determining whether Indigenous peoples’ rights or interests are affected by the development of the proposed data standard?
Hon. D. Eby: This legislation was co-developed with Indigenous peoples in the province. Essentially, the short answer is that there’s no threshold. This legislation does implicate the rights and interests of Indigenous peoples.
A. Olsen: With respect to “the director must consult and cooperate,” can the minister explain? I think I’ve got a pretty good grasp on what “consult” means, although maybe… But what is “and cooperate”? To what extent? We know there’s consultation. There’s consent. Now there’s “and cooperate.” Maybe the minister can just explain that.
Hon. D. Eby: This phrase, “consult and cooperate,” comes directly from the DRIPA legislation and is further explored in part 6 of this legislation that’s in front of the House relating to data initiatives. The idea is the plain meaning of the term, that data standards are developed cooperatively with Indigenous peoples.
Clause 10 approved.
On clause 11.
T. Wat: Has the minister seen a briefing note or signed any decision notes related to new data standards? If so, has a committee been formed for consultation?
Hon. D. Eby: No, to both questions.
T. Wat: Under this section of the act, can the minister provide a definition of “racialized”? Does this apply to groups where a religion is a component, such as with the Jewish and the Muslim communities?
Hon. D. Eby: Yes, you can be racialized as a result of your faith that interacts with racism. For example, a person who wears a hijab is racialized by operation of her faith in a visible way. So the short answer is yes.
T. Wat: To elaborate on my asking about the religion, Jewish and Muslim communities, this might not be related to this clause, but I just want to raise this with the minister that I looked at the news release that was published on December 9, 2021. There are 70 organizations that get grants for anti-racism data engagement, but I have gone through the 70 organizations, and I don’t see any Jewish communities among the 70 organizations.
I guess the point that I want to raise is that this act has got to be really comprehensive. We have to make sure that we cover all religious groups, all racialized groups as well.
Hon. D. Eby: I can advise the member that CJA was involved in the pre-consultation process, and we provided funding through Resilience B.C. for the multi-faith convener to convene different religious groups to engage on this. In addition, through the multi-agency consultation, Jewish community groups were participating in that as well.
I thank the member for drawing this to our attention. I can assure her that we did hear from the Jewish community through different points in the development of this legislation.
T. Wat: Thank you for the minister’s response.
I understand that CJA was consulted. Can the minister confirm that the 70 organizations…? I notice there are Muslim and also Sikh organizations, but I don’t see any Jewish organizations. For the city of Richmond, they represent…. The Richmond Jewish Day School has made two applications, but they were turned down. For obvious reasons, there must be a reason. They probably don’t meet the standard. But it just simply boggles my mind that no Jewish groups are being included in the 70 organizations.
Hon. D. Eby: I’m advised by the ADM that CJA was invited to apply and that they advised that they did not have the capacity at that time and had participated in the pre-consultation process.
I want to assure the member that staff did work to engage many different organizations and individuals over multiple sessions, including a very broad public engagement, and that Jewish voices were certainly present in the development of this legislation.
T. Wat: Thank you, Minister, for the explanation.
On this part, I wonder: why are two commissioners required for consultation? In this section, subsection (2), the word was used that the director must consult with two commissioners, but there is less forceful language requiring consultation with racialized individuals. The following subsection (3) used the word “may”. Earlier used the word “must.” I guess there must be a legal definition, between “must” and “may.”
Hon. D. Eby: Sub 11(1) is mandatory. “The director must collaborate with the committee during the development of a proposed data standard.” The committee, by definition, is made up of racialized people. That is the first requirement of the director — that there must be collaboration. It’s a higher standard than consult. It’s collaboration. In other words, must work with the committee during the development of the data standard.
Below that, one step below, is: “The director must” — also mandatory — “consult.” Consultation is different than collaboration. It’s an important obligation of the director, but it is different. The collaboration is with racialized people on the committee, and the consultation is with the commissioners.
The first consultation obligation is with the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act commissioner. That commissioner brings to the table, obviously, protections and concern around protection of privacy and data and data standard oversight.
Then the second commissioner is the commissioner appointed under the human rights code, the Human Rights Commissioner. That commissioner brings to the table expertise around human rights issues and, in fact, has already assisted the development of this legislation greatly with her own report on this. So we want to keep that engagement going with those commissioners.
The expectation is that in the collaboration of the data standard, the committee may have suggestions for the director of groups or individuals who should be engaged with to further enhance the development of the data standard. This is where subsection (3) comes in. Also, either of the commissioners may have similar suggestions. The director, on the director’s own motion, may want to engage with different groups or individuals.
This is just a broad list of enabling authorities for the director to go out, with the data standard, to these individuals or organizations in development. The way you can look at it is that it’s a structure which prioritizes collaboration with racialized people.
The reason I’m really emphasizing that is that the member’s question seemed to suggest that there’s a higher standard placed in engaging with the commissioners when, in fact, it’s the reverse.
T. Wat: I just want to get this clear. “Must” is mandatory. That’s my understanding. “May” can be optional. The director has the choice of consulting with those individuals who are racialized, and so on and so forth. He doesn’t have to. There’s no legal requirements for the director to consult with (a), (b), (c), (d), (e), (f).
Hon. D. Eby: The member, in reading this, needs to start at subsection 11(1), which is a mandatory provision: “The director must collaborate with the committee….”
Now, the committee itself is, by design, the oversight body made up of racialized people that provides support and assistance throughout this entire legislation. So that is mandatory. And if, in that collaboration, this committee says, “Look, you need to talk to” so-and-so or “You need to outreach to this organization,” or whatever, as part of that collaborative work, subsection (3) comes in, so the director goes out and can do that work.
It would be true if the legislation started at subsection (2), that “must consult” with the commissioners but “may consult” with these different groups…. If you read it that way, yeah, that seems odd that you must consult with the commissioner but you may consult with racialized individuals. But in fact, it starts at subsection (1), which says “you must” — and not just consult. You “must collaborate” with this committee in the development of the data standard.
Clause 11 approved.
On clause 12.
T. Wat: Can the minister further clarify what a data directive is under the act?
Hon. D. Eby: There are two terms that sound very similar but are different. One is the “data standard,” and one is a “data directive.”
The data standard sets out what information will be collected. The member will recall that we discussed values and variables, with variables being income, race, and the values being the different potential answers that individuals could provide. So the data standard sets out what will be collected, what information is going to be collected — the variables and the values.
The data directive is the how. How will this information be collected? So it is likely to include data directives around things like de-identification, that the information that’s collected needs to not have personally identifying aspects to it. Another term might be “disaggregated data.”
Another data directive might be a directive around maintaining cultural safety. Another data directive might be around intersectionality, that different aspects of a person’s unalterable personal characteristics may impact their experience in the system. So the important distinction is that the data standard is the what and the data directive is the how.
T. Wat: Thank you, Minister, for the elaboration.
Can the minister define “intersectional analysis”?
Hon. D. Eby: Broadly, intersectionality is the idea that a person’s experience could be informed by more than just their race. For example, we had the discussion about race and religion. The intersection of these two unalterable personal characteristics, or alterable only at great cost, creates a different experience depending on how that person identifies.
The challenge here is that intersectionality was identified by both the Human Rights Commissioner and many of the racialized groups we engage with as being critically important and of huge interest but also that the groups very much wanted to be part of defining which variables, for example, made up that intersectional analysis and which values under those variables made up that intersectional analysis.
The data directive that dictates how intersectionality will be analyzed as the data is collected under the data standards…. That piece of work will be done in consultation and engagement with First Nations and Indigenous peoples and with racialized groups to make sure that we are responsive to the needs of those particular communities.
In an earlier question, the member described her experience of Chinese Canadians being a very broad umbrella term containing a number of different groups of people. That intersectional experience of different Chinese Canadians…. Some came from this part of the world. Some came from that part of the world. Some have this religious identity; others don’t. Those different variables make up those communities within that broad umbrella of Chinese Canadians.
That was very consistently the kind of feedback that we got from different racialized groups as well — that there are different intersectional variables that are important to them and that they want to be part of designing that particular directive.
That’s why it’s not defined in the legislation. That’s why it will be developed through a data directive in cooperation and engagement with these groups and individuals.
T. Wat: Can the minister provide this House with examples of when there would need to be mandatory requirements and non-mandatory requirements?
Hon. D. Eby: A data directive — how the data should be collected — is anticipated to have two different sets of information for the organization or individual that’s collecting the information. One set of information in the data directive is meant to provide guidance and advice — background — that will be helpful to the organization or the individual that’s collecting the information but is very difficult to make mandatory or to, essentially, enforce.
Some of the advice given to individuals — the second part or the second type of information expected to be contained in data directives — is expected to be mandatory. You must do these things in order to ensure that we realize our goal of cultural safety or addressing the concerns that were raised by a particular racialized group in terms of how the data would be collected.
It could say: “You must not ask.” Or it could say: “You must ask.” Or it could say that you must give a person the opportunity to provide an open-ended answer or you can’t prescribe certain answers that they must choose from.
Those are examples of mandatory requirements. The non-mandatory recommendations and guidelines are more in the nature of policy and suggestions that are difficult to compel adherence to but are necessary to provide the context for the organization or the individual collecting the data.
T. Wat: I do understand the minister’s explanation, but there’s still a protection, as we discussed earlier, about voluntary. The respondent can choose not to respond to the question.
Hon. D. Eby: These mandatory requirements are on the organization that’s collecting the data, not on the individual that is providing the information. That individual’s right to say, “I don’t want to provide any of this information,” is contained in the section that we’ve already passed, with that exception, of course, that where that program is for the benefit of a racialized group or the benefit of Indigenous peoples or whatever the particular program is, the individual may have to demonstrate that they qualify for that program.
This doesn’t change at all the discussion that we had earlier about the individual being able to say: “I don’t wish to provide that information.”
Clause 12 approved.
On clause 13.
T. Wat: Has the minister costed out what each new data directive may cost a public body? If so, will additional resources be afforded to these bodies?
Hon. D. Eby: There will be a two-step process about the data directives and their implementation. They will be published first, and they will be implemented in core government ministries first. That will give external public bodies the time and opportunity to look at what the directives are and to consider what they mean for implementation in their own organizations.
We expect, based on some of the feedback we’ve had, that organizations already have processes in place for collecting data, and they want to get going on it right away. They may be able to do it within existing resources, but it depends very much on the data directives themselves, which will be developed, as I said, in partnership with organizations and First Nations, individuals, racialized groups.
The short answer is that for core government, any additional resources will be focused in the Ministries of Attorney General and Citizens’ Services, and then the directives will be public. Organizations outside of core government will have the opportunity to consider the changes they’re going to have to make on implementation and make submissions to government about any additional requirements that they may have to be able to fulfil these obligations.
Clause 13 approved.
On clause 14.
T. Wat: Can the minister provide examples of how a proposed data directive may be made culturally safe?
Hon. D. Eby: The primary way in which the director will support the culturally safe collection, use and disclosure of personal information will be to do it as is mandated in other parts of the legislation, in partnership with Indigenous peoples and racialized groups.
When you operate in that way, that’s the best way to ensure that that group is supported in achieving the goals that they want from the data but also minimizing the risk of harm. Because nobody other than that group and the individuals who make up that group are able to effectively identify the risks to that community that is presented by a particular form of data collection. Often where data collection has run into trouble is where that data is collected about a group without the participation of the group.
That’s the dominant way in which the director will be able to support culturally safe collection, use and disclosure of personal information, and this is really, in some respects, underlining previous obligations of the director to co-develop data directives with these groups and individuals.
T. Wat: Can the minister provide another example of when a data directive may present a community harm?
Hon. D. Eby: In The Grandmother Perspective report, the Human Rights Commissioner detailed that government has a history of causing community harm through the collection, use and disclosure of race-based data. For example, race-based data was used during the Second World War to forcibly relocate Japanese–British Columbians to internment camps.
We have also seen race-based data used during the COVID-19 pandemic to stigmatize Indigenous peoples and racialized communities.
The core goal here is to ensure that the work that we do is in partnership with these individuals and organizations.
Clause 14 approved.
On clause 15.
T. Wat: What is the threshold for requiring Indigenous consultation when forming a new data directive?
Hon. D. Eby: It’s the same as the data standard section. This legislation and data directives do affect the rights or interests of Indigenous peoples, so there’s no threshold. The director must consult and cooperate with Indigenous peoples.
Clause 15 approved.
On clause 16.
T. Wat: In the formation of data standard in clause 11, the commissioners under FOIPPA and the human rights code need to be consulted. Why is it not required under this section for data directives?
Hon. D. Eby: In practice, the director is going to consult with one or both independent officers, where appropriate. The challenge here around doing a mandatory requirement is that some directives are not going to relate to the mandate of one or the other of the commissioners.
For example, the Information and Privacy Commissioner may have less expertise about a data directive on cultural safety, but that is an area of expertise of the Human Rights Commissioner. Similarly, the Human Rights Commissioner may not have expertise on a data directive related to the security of personal information. The Information and Privacy Commissioner — that is an area of expertise for that officer.
There may be occasions when both officers are interested in a particular data directive. For example, the intersectional analysis one might be one that is of interest to both.
Our concern was that it would be a burdensome on both offices to require them to consult and engage on all of the directives, including those not related to the expertise of the office. The decision was made to allow for the discretion and recognition of the relative expertise of both offices — that those directives not sort of automatically every time go to both offices but only if related to the expertise of those offices.
T. Wat: Has the minister seen a briefing note or signed any decision notes related to new data directives, and if so, has a committee been formed for consultation?
Hon. D. Eby: No, hon. Chair.
Clause 16 approved.
On clause 17.
T. Wat: Has the minister received any briefing notes on potential research priorities?
Hon. D. Eby: Staff advise me that they have received feedback from community organizations around areas of interest, but I have not been presented with any briefing notes on that information yet.
T. Wat: Is there a rationale for why June 1, 2023, is the first due date for the publishing of research priorities?
Hon. D. Eby: I am advised the highly scientific…. No, I’m just kidding.
The goal here was to have enough time to engage with…. As I said, there has been some feedback already received on these issues from organizations and individuals about what we should be working on but that there would be enough time to develop these research areas with those racialized groups and individuals and that the date wouldn’t interfere with other announcements and processes internal to government service plan reports and year end, and so on.
That’s why I was making a small joke about the scientific process. Sometimes the significance is just that that was the day. It was available. There is some flexibility around that day. If we find that we need more time for engagement in order to develop these, we will do that.
T. Wat: Why is the requirement for every two years thereafter, rather than one or three years?
Hon. D. Eby: I’m going to correct myself. There is not flexibility around June 1. It is in the legislation — 2023, June 1. Please disregard that. Staff have kindly set me straight.
The two-year period has a couple of elements to it. One is the research, and good research does take time. More importantly, it was a clear message from the Indigenous organizations and individuals that we engaged with, the racialized groups and individuals, that it wasn’t sufficient to collaborate on the area of research interest. They wanted to be involved in the full life cycle of the research project.
In order to ensure there was time for the transparency and accountability to community with the research as well as to do the research itself, the two-year horizon was felt to provides sufficient opportunity for that work to take place.
T. Wat: I would like the minister to confirm that this priority will be disclosed to the public.
Hon. D. Eby: It would be on June 1, 2023.
Clause 17 approved.
On clause 18.
T. Wat: Can the minister provide a timeline for Indigenous consultation in the lead-up to the publishing of research priorities?
Hon. D. Eby: For data directives and standards and research, part 6 of the legislation that starts at section 22, discusses how this consultation cooperation is going take place.
Section 18 and the previous sections where I have mentioned this are really about underlining and confirming and being totally clear that the director must consult and cooperate with Indigenous peoples. That’s the main reason for it.
In terms of the timelines, this cooperation and consultation is going to go through the full life span of the research while it’s underway, not just defining the interests, and in every stage of the development of the directives and the standards.
T. Wat: Has consultation already started with Indigenous groups in anticipation of the first publishing of the research priorities?
[J. Tegart in the chair.]
Hon. D. Eby: Madam Chair, welcome back.
As part of the engagement work that’s already taken place, sectors were identified for priority, and those sectors are going to be taken back to Indigenous peoples and racialized groups and individuals for further refinement of those research interest areas.
Clause 18 approved.
On clause 19.
T. Wat: Welcome, Madam Chair, to the chair.
Why are statistics published every year while research priorities are only made on a two-year basis?
Hon. D. Eby: The goal with this provision is to recognize that while a research project in its entirety may run over two years, information, trends and relevant findings for a community are likely to be found before that two-year horizon. This provides the authority and, in fact, an obligation on the director to publish that information, those trends, the research findings that are relevant before waiting for the full two-year horizon.
The understanding is that this research will be an iterative process. That is, the information will be collected, initial findings will be made, and that will lead to further questions and going deeper into the research. But those initial findings, as they’re made, should be made public to the affected groups rather than held for the two-year period.
T. Wat: Will there be guidelines as to the metrics that will be measured in these research priorities?
Hon. D. Eby: The other information could include methodologies or…. We’ve left it open with the aim of developing this in cooperation with the affected groups. We may get feedback that it’s critically important that we share some aspect of how the information was collected or something like that. It’s hard to predict at this stage, but we wanted to have the opportunity to include that information as we go forward.
Clause 19 approved.
On clause 20.
T. Wat: What is the threshold for consulting with Indigenous people prior to the publishing of the data?
Hon. D. Eby: Again here, there is no threshold. It is taken that this publication of statistics or other information will affect the interests of Indigenous people, so therefore, the director must consult and cooperate.
T. Wat: How much time will Indigenous people be given prior to the June 1, 2023, date to analyze and provide input on the publishing of statistics?
Hon. D. Eby: Section 22 will set out that process for consultation and engagement. I think that will assist the member in understanding the process that’s anticipated.
Clause 20 approved.
On clause 21.
T. Wat: Can the minister provide examples of when the publishing of research or statistics would present a community harm? Has there been an example of that in the past?
Hon. D. Eby: It’s important to consider that the context of particular information at the time of publication is critically important and is part of a culturally safe development and presentation of research findings. So obligating the director to consider how that information is published and the context in which it’s published is part of ensuring cultural safety. It helps to ensure that the statistics or the other information don’t reproduce or perpetuate racism, prejudice, stereotyping, bias or stigmatization.
It’s important to note that it’s not just the director on the director’s own initiative. Prior to publishing statistics or other information, the committee that we’ve discussed will review that information. Another way of saying this, perhaps, or understanding it comes from the Human Rights Commissioner in her report The Grandmother Perspective, where the commissioner states that to mitigate community harm, it’s important to “use data to tell the stories that community wants to tell.”
Clause 21 approved.
On clause 22.
T. Wat: Are there any current discussions of data initiatives of Indigenous governing bodies? If so, have there been any decision notes or briefing notes produced?
Hon. D. Eby: No, there have not been any briefing notes that have come to me.
T. Wat: Does subsection (4) give the minister the right to override an Indigenous governing entity if they have concerns about a data initiative going forward?
Hon. D. Eby: Section 22 sets out a process for consultation and cooperation with an Indigenous governing entity. It doesn’t start with subsection (4), understandably; it starts with subsection (1).
Subsection (1) says that even before developing a data initiative, the director “must provide written notice to any Indigenous governing entity that is authorized to act on behalf of Indigenous peoples whose rights or interests could be affected by the development of the data initiative.”
Subsection (2) says that if that Indigenous governing entity responds in writing within 30 days after notice indicating that they want to be consulted and to cooperate in the development of the data initiative, the director “must, on one or more occasions…(a) provide the data initiative to the Indigenous governing entity with an opportunity for the governing entity to provide comments to the director, and (b) consider any comments received from the Indigenous governing entity.”
The first two provisions are about providing notice that this is happening and receiving and considering the feedback from the Indigenous governing entity. Subsection (3) says that after the director provides this initiative and considers the comments received, the director must provide the finalized data directive to the Indigenous governing entity and “give notice that the data initiative is being provided for the purpose of the Indigenous governing entity providing notice to the director….”
I’m not going to quote it, because it’s a bit intense, but sub 3(b) basically says that the director has to explain that the reason why this data initiative is being provided is to let the Indigenous governing entity know that we’re looking for your sign-off or that you’re not signing off on this data initiative and the reasons for why, if you’re not supportive, you’re not supporting it, or, if you are supportive, why it is that you’re supporting it. So there’s again an opportunity for the nation or governing body to provide that information.
Then finally, the director needs to consider all that information when — under subsection (4), the subject of the member’s question — making a decision about whether to proceed with the data initiative or whether to not proceed. The director must provide, within 30 days, information…. Let me just get these timelines right here. I’m just going to confirm these timelines.
The goal of the two sub-subsections of (4) are that if a nation needs more time with it — for example, to understand it and the implications of it — it has a 60-day timeline: “(b) within not more than 60 days after the…governing entity was provided with the data initiative.” The idea here is that we have a consent-based process that we’re working back and forth on. It’s a legislated form of what will hopefully be a much smoother back-and-forth process with interested Indigenous governing bodies.
When you put it in legislation, it gets a little bit like a “within 30 days, within 60 days,” back-and-forth. The goal here is to try to codify this idea that it’s being developed together in partnership with interested Indigenous governing bodies. You get notice of it, you have the chance to provide feedback on it, and the director takes it into consideration, modifies the directive and provides a modified directive back.
You have a chance to say, “Yeah, that’s what I meant,” or “That’s not what I meant,” and then, at the end of the day: “I don’t support this. I don’t want you to go ahead with it.” Then the director would be compelled to provide reasons why the director would be going ahead with it even over a potential objection. But that is the last step, and the goal is that we’re trying to develop it together.
T. Wat: I really appreciate that the goal here is, as the minister has said, trying to have more interaction, more consultation and working as a partnership. What I’m trying to get at is that — after all this consultation, all this going back and forth — if the Indigenous governing entity still has concerns about a data initiative going forward, does subsection 4 give the minister the right to override these entities’ concerns?
Hon. D. Eby: This is a process and a back-and-forth discussion. Yes, section 22(4) does allow the director — or by extension, government — to proceed with a data initiative despite a particular Indigenous governing entity not supporting that.
Clause 22 approved.
On clause 23.
T. Wat: How will notification be provided to an Indigenous governing entity?
Hon. D. Eby: As we move through the bill, there’s a section related to agreements with Indigenous governing entities. Those agreements could include contact information and preferred method of contact.
For most of our interactions with Indigenous governing entities, the contact has been through email, as you might expect. It’s not defined in the legislation because there may be other forms of communication that are more appropriate — mail, telephone, whatever is appropriate for the particular Indigenous governing entity and the relationship that they have with government — and also to leave space for future technologies and ways of being in contact with Indigenous governing entities.
Clause 23 approved.
On clause 24.
T. Wat: Are there any current such agreements in existence?
Hon. D. Eby: Not yet. It requires this legislation to be in force.
T. Wat: Are there any potential agreements that are currently in the works, and if so, have any decision on briefing notes been produced?
Hon. D. Eby: No, Madam Chair.
Clause 24 approved.
On clause 25.
T. Wat: Given that the majority of the committee members must be racialized, can the minister provide this House with a definition of “individuals who are racialized”?
Hon. D. Eby: The term “racialized” typically means people who experience racism.
T. Wat: Is this definition precise? It looks like…. Is it intentionally broad, so as to be accommodating of individuals with different lived experiences?
Hon. D. Eby: For the same reasons, broadly, that systemic racism was not defined in the legislation. It ensures that the legislation stays current with current understandings of racism and racialized groups and also avoids excluding groups that we want to include, because racism is experienced differently by different individuals and groups.
T. Wat: I want to be clear. Will this be defined: “individuals who are racialized”?
Hon. D. Eby: It’s not defined in the legislation. But in legislation, it’s not unusual to have undefined terms. It may be that, through court decisions or otherwise, this legislation would be interpreted and have different meanings imposed on different terms in the legislation. But the legislation itself, intentionally, does not have a definition of “racialized” in it.
T. Wat: Under subsection 25(5)(b), it specified that one of the committee members must be a person “who represents an organization that supports individuals or groups of individuals who are racialized.” Given that certain organizations may only represent one community, what will be done to ensure that multiple community organizations are represented?
Hon. D. Eby: The goal is a broadly representative committee of different communities of racialized people in the province, and Indigenous people. So subsection 25(5) is the minimum. Of the 11-member committee, there must be at least one of each of the following: “(a) an Indigenous person; (b) an individual who represents an organization that supports individuals or groups of individuals who are racialized; (c) an individual who has anti-racism expertise; (d) an individual who has data expertise.”
That is only four individuals, but the maximum number of committee members is 11, which leaves seven additional members who can assist in ensuring that the committee is balanced and representative of the diversity of the province.
A. Olsen: Can the minister talk about the choice of going with an initial term of three years and then being reappointed for an additional term of three years, instead of maybe just making it maxed out at three. Or what was the thought around a maximum of six years.
Hon. D. Eby: The policy goals here were to ensure that there was sufficient continuity, that members would acquire some level of expertise and knowledge in what can be a technical area of administration. Also, there should be turnover, and individuals might not want to sign up for a six-year term. Some people might be only comfortable committing to a three-year term. This is based on the Accessible B.C. Act, in part, and the experience under that act.
Advice was taken from individuals involved in the administration of that act, who found that that three-year term was one that worked well for that structure, which is distinct but, in some ways, similar to wanting to have people with lived experience participating in the process around, in that case, accessibility.
That is the policy reason for the three and three, to ensure turnover, but also to provide people with options and sufficient time for development of expertise.
Pardon me. I did look like I was going to sit down. My apologies to Hansard.
It also does follow the research cycles as well, so it allows for members to follow through that process.
A. Olsen: That was a solid head fake from the minister there, threatening to sit down.
I think that it's…. Well, it might be unlikely. It might not be. It might be likely that all the members of the committee are done after three years, and you’re starting over again. I think the continuity piece is important, the remaining members will be good resources for new members. Was there any thought about staggering some of these positions and having it so that there was that turnover, recognizing that there is a choice for people to leave after three years too.
Hon. D. Eby: Staff, based on experience, are optimistic and hopeful that we’ll see exactly what the member is suggesting, that there will be some people who will be done at the end of their three-year term, or life will just mean that they are not able to continue for various reasons. So that will create the staggering. Some people will stay on for the additional term. Some people will sign off, and new members will come on.
The benefit of the three-year cycle and having two-year research cycles is that you do have that one year of overlap with members who have been around and who were around when that research proposal was developed assisting the new members and understanding that context as they come up to speed. As that staggering kicks in, it will benefit in ensuring that those research cycles, that there’s continuity of knowledge on the committee as they go forward.
A. Olsen: This subsection (7)(b) talks about remuneration for members of the committee. Can the minister maybe highlight what kind of remuneration might be for this committee?
Hon. D. Eby: The reimbursement is consistent with Treasury Board policy. For the member’s reference, participation in committee meetings or related business will be reimbursed in accordance with section 7 of the Treasury Board directive 2/20 — so very straightforward.
One thing I will add in my answer is that one of the things that we did hear from many participants in our engagement — Métis, First Nations, racialized groups — was that often individuals feel like they are volunteering, constantly working for free, providing information to government and assisting government and not getting paid. It feels like everyone else is getting paid, and they’re not been remunerated for their experience and expertise. So it was important for us to be able to put in the legislation that there would be financial support for participation.
Clause 25 approved.
On clause 26.
T. Wat: Under this subclause 26(2), recommendations may be published. Where will these recommendations be published?
Hon. D. Eby: The recommendations will be published on the B.C. Stats website, most likely.
Clause 26 approved.
On clause 27.
T. Wat: How frequently does the minister anticipate the usage of examiners under this act?
Hon. D. Eby: The hope is never. This is a position, the position of examiner, that is responsive to a problem under the act. They are appointed to examine a public body’s compliance with the act, to examine a public body’s practices in relation to the act. So it means that there has been some kind of an issue that needs to be, essentially, investigated or examined.
Probably, at some point, there is a risk that we would need an examiner. Our hope is, and our goal is, that we won’t — that the design of this, the safeguards we put in, and so on…. Just like the other section we talked about, needing to direct a public body to provide information and these kinds of things, we put this in here to be complete and to ensure and to reassure that the concerns of communities will be taken seriously, but our hope is that we won’t need this section.
T. Wat: In the instance of an institution that was under scrutiny for racist incidents, like the Royal B.C. Museum, would this legislation be applicable to them? Under this act, would the minister be assigning an examiner?
Hon. D. Eby: There are tools available to government to do those kinds of investigations. This section, though, in the role of examiner, is focused on the data directives, the data standards, the Anti-Racism Data Act and the collection of information by a public body, related to this act. So this is very specific to the data legislation.
Clause 27 approved.
On clause 28.
T. Wat: Can the minister provide a scenario in which he would order a public body to take specified action to identify, prevent, mitigate or minimize any community harm?
Hon. D. Eby: The idea here is that if there is a report received that there’s a risk of community harm as a result of particular conduct of a public body — let’s say that they are publishing data in a way that would potentially lead to community harm — the multiculturalism minister…. In this case, it’s the Minister of Attorney General, but it would depend on the makeup of government at that time and who is the minister responsible for multiculturalism.
The minister, in this case…. Currently it would be me. If I were satisfied that there were an imminent or ongoing risk of community harm, then I could order the public body to take specified action. It could be to stop publishing the data, it could be to publish some data — whatever was necessary to minimize the risk of that community harm or to stop it from continuing. Subsection 2 requires the public body to comply with that order.
Clause 28 approved.
On clause 29.
T. Wat: What would constitute a contravention of this act?
Hon. D. Eby: An example might be refusing to provide a service to somebody because they don’t provide their identity information. That was an example we discussed earlier in the legislation, where there’s a specific prohibition in the act refusing somebody a service because they decline to provide this information.
T. Wat: Can the minister provide what recourse there would be for a person who faced retaliation for reporting someone for contravening the act?
Hon. D. Eby: It would be an offence punishable by a fine of up to $25,000 for the first offence and $100,000 for subsequent offences.
Clause 29 approved.
On clause 30.
T. Wat: What are potential terms of reference for the review of this act?
Hon. D. Eby: This will be a review of the act that will take place on or before June 30 of 2027 and on or before June 30 and every sixth year after that. So 2033 will be the following review.
The terms of reference for those reviews have not been developed yet, but when that work begins, it will be done in partnership with racialized groups, with Indigenous peoples in B.C., including First Nations and Métis people, and in the same spirit of the entire legislation.
T. Wat: Thank you to the minister for the response. I know that this has not been developed. But will this review be similar to the DRIPA annual report where reporting will involve key milestones reached by different ministries that are still pertinent to the goals of this act?
Hon. D. Eby: A better comparison might be reviews of legislation that are set out in the statute. So the Accessible B.C. Act is an example, although it doesn’t review as frequently as this. The Representative for Children and Youth legislation is on a regular review schedule by parliamentary committee. That’s a closer comparator to this requirement.
The reports about the progress and the work under this legislation will be contained in those research publications that we canvassed earlier in the legislation. That’s where the information will be released about what has been done within ministries. That’s what information has been gathered, what it has revealed, and so on.
Clause 30 approved.
On clause 31.
T. Wat: Why does the Offence Act not apply to this bill?
Hon. D. Eby: Without this provision, every mandatory provision in the act would become potentially punishable under the Offence Act. Instead, we wanted to be very deliberate about what would be punishable as an offence. So we canvassed the reprisals offence, where if you punish or dismiss somebody for bringing forward information related to an issue under the act….
Also, there’s another offence around misleading an examiner. This is the person appointed where there is a problem with the act, and they go in to have a look to try to figure out what’s going on.
The Offence Act does apply to…. Offences are created under certain sections of this act, but we didn’t want it to be the case that the director would be fined for an administrative problem within the act. That’s why, broadly, the Offence Act does not apply to the act or regulations.
Clause 31 approved.
On clause 32.
T. Wat: This act relates to public bodies. Are there any instances where an individual may be indemnified by the public body if the contravention was based on direction provided by the public body?
Hon. D. Eby: We’re not in a position to be able to advise on every public body and their policies around indemnity within core government. It’s certainly possible that a public servant could be indemnified if they were named in litigation related to their work under the legislation.
Clause 32 approved.
On clause 33.
T. Wat: This is my last question, Madam Chair.
Are there any regulations the minister is currently contemplating after royal assent, and if so, have any decisions on briefing notes been produced?
Hon. D. Eby: The public service advises me that we know we need to develop data standards, but that work hasn’t started yet. Other than that, there are not any regulations that are imminent. The data standard work will be done in cooperation and partnership with communities.
Clauses 33 to 35 inclusive approved.
Title approved.
Hon. D. Eby: I move the committee rise and report the bill complete without amendment.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 6:18 p.m.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Report and
Third Reading of Bills
BILL 24 — ANTI-RACISM DATA ACT
Bill 24, Anti-Racism Data Act, reported complete without amendment, read a third time and passed.
Committee of the Whole (Section A), having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.
Committee of Supply (Section C), having reported resolutions, was granted leave to sit again.
Hon. D. Eby moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
Mr. Speaker: This House stands adjourned until 10 a.m. tomorrow.
The House adjourned at 6:22 p.m.
PROCEEDINGS IN THE
DOUGLAS FIR ROOM
Committee of the Whole House
BILL 10 — LABOUR RELATIONS CODE
AMENDMENT ACT,
2022
The House in Committee of the Whole (Section A) on Bill 10; H. Yao in the chair.
The committee met at 2:44 p.m.
The Chair: Now recognizing the minister to introduce his staff.
Hon. H. Bains: With me, on my left, is Trevor Hughes. He’s my deputy minister. Michael Tanner, our executive director of policy and legislation, is in the back here. And Jake Ayers is our director.
Thank you. I’m happy to take any questions.
On clause 1.
G. Kyllo: Would the minister just be able to share with this House what consultation was undertaken with any industry associations with respect to the preparation of this legislation?
Hon. H. Bains: In 2018, the review panel undertook a public consultation process during its comprehensive review of the code. The panel was appointed by me to give suggestions about labour code changes, and that’s what they did. They went around the province, and they received submissions.
The issues addressed in this bill were well canvassed in the review panel’s process. This included about 108 written submissions and replies, 98 emails, 83 oral presentations from stakeholders and individuals at ten public meetings in communities across B.C. and meetings with several groups, including the B.C. Federation of Labour, the B.C. Business Council, the Arbitrators Association of B.C., the Labour Relations Board and the labour subsection of the Canadian Bar Association.
Extensive consultation took place. Many submissions came from all those who would be impacted by those changes. We took those suggestions, and we brought in legislation at that time. There was one area where we were not successful in putting it in that particular bill, and we’re doing it now.
G. Kyllo: Has there been any consultation since 2018? The minister references some consultation work that was undertaken over four years ago now. I’d just ask if the minister can share any recent consultation that’s been undertaken with any industry associations, say, in the last two years, since the last time that the minister was moving forward with legislative amendments for the labour code.
Hon. H. Bains: No specific consultations since we brought in the legislation last time. But we’ve learned from the recommendations of the panel, who went around and did the consultations on our behalf. We implemented almost all of those recommendations. Since that time, both the employers groups and the workers groups have been reaching out and talking about different issues that they have about labour relations in British Columbia and their concerns. Sometimes they do come up with suggestions.
G. Kyllo: The minister references information — or concerns, I guess — that have come forward to the minister’s attention, from employers groups as well as employees. Would the minister be so kind as to elaborate on the breadth of those concerns and how those concerns are documented? Are any of those concerns made public? If the minister would be able to share any of those concerns and comments with this House.
Hon. H. Bains: I again go back to the panel’s report. There was a three-member panel, and it was, on this one particular area, when we are talking about a single-step certification, a split decision. Two members felt that we should leave the secret ballot, two steps, in place, but they recognized, all three recognized, that there is a concern about employer interference during the time the application for certification is made and when the secret ballot vote takes place, during that time.
“Well, leave it. Leave the two steps now,” the majority said. But they recognized the interference during this period of time, and they recommended changes to see if that will stop the interference. Their recommendation was to reduce the time between the application and the certification vote from ten days to five days, five business days versus ten calendar days. The third member was very articulate in her views that, no, that area needs to be fixed because we have evidence of interference. We need to fix it now. We adopted the recommendations and left the two-step certification process in place.
The panel also made it very clear that the secret ballot and the right to vote works only if there’s no interference, and we have since heard from the groups that the two-step certification process still leaves interference by employers, and therefore, it impedes the right to association by the workers that is enshrined in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, in the Canadian constitution.
We are hearing folks on both sides, similar to what happened during the panel discussions. The employer side was saying: “Leave it. Don’t change it.” But the worker side was saying: “We need to fix it, because the changes you brought in are not helping or stopping the employer interference during certification.”
There are a number of correspondences about that. In a nutshell, that’s where it was. The employer side was saying, as they said before the panel recommendation, and after: “Don’t touch it. Leave it.” The workers and their representatives were saying: “It’s not working. Interference still goes on. Fix it.”
G. Kyllo: I appreciate the minister’s positioning on it, but the minister did indicate that there was correspondence received by his office with respect to this piece of legislation, with moving forward from the current two-step to a single-step certification process.
My question was that the correspondence that the minister received that, in large part, I understand, he’s relying upon in order to move forward with this legislation…. Is that information and are those submissions available for the public record, and is the minister willing to share those with this House?
Hon. H. Bains: I think I have said many times, and we were very clear during our two election platform promises, in 2017 and 2020, that the right to unionize for the workers must be maintained. In fact, it became part of my mandate letter, as well — to ensure that every worker has the right to join a union, to bargain collectively for good wages and benefits and health and safety for themselves.
Again, I think I’ve said it before, and I’m going to repeat it again. This issue here…. We took that position in 2017 and 2020, two elections. Clearly, it is not about unions; it is not about employers. It is about British Columbians’ right to association. That is enshrined in the constitution, the Constitution of Canada, in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms — that they should be able to exercise their right to association with no interference by anybody.
We have seen evidence that there is interference by employers during the two-step certification process. So to ensure that the workers can exercise their right to association, this is, by far, the best, I think, opportunity for workers to exercise that right without being threatened, fear of losing their job, and without intimidation and coercion. I think that’s why the intent behind it is just that: so that the workers can exercise their right to association.
G. Kyllo: My questions have to do with the consultation that was undertaken and the information that the minister has provided or certainly shared with me with respect to the correspondence that his office has received in respect of the tabling of this particular bill.
The minister can continue to regurgitate his second reading speech about the reasons, but we’re going into the detail of this specific legislation. Is the minister willing to share with this House the correspondence and information that his office has received, both from the employers as well as the employee groups?
Again, it was the information the minister has shared with this House that was, in part, what has triggered the ministry and government to move forward with this piece of legislation. Is the minister willing to share that correspondence with this House? Is it available for public record?
Hon. H. Bains: I have said that an employer always took the position that we should not make any changes and keep the two-step certification process in place. In fact, I recall as soon as we formed government, there was an op-ed by a very prominent labour lawyer who represented the employer’s side: Tom Roper and Jock Finlayson. I think they put a joint letter together, if I recall it. I can’t recall exactly where the letter was, but I read the correspondence, saying that we should not touch two-step certification.
Employers, all along, never showed any desire to make any changes to the two-step certification. The workers, on the other side, their representatives…. As soon as we made some changes and they saw some cases going to the labour board on unfair labour practices, they started reaching out to our office. I’ve got one letter. I didn’t bring every correspondence here, but if the member needs to have those later, we can dig them out.
Here’s one from October 29, 2021, from B.C. Building Trades. This letter went to the Premier. I will just quote a couple of paragraphs:
“It is time for B.C. to restore balance to the industry by revising the labour code to give workers in construction meaningful access to unionize, if they choose, by restoring one-step certification through a card check. The raiding period for construction for changing union representation should be set for July and August of each year so that it falls at the time when workers are working and can participate in the process.”
That’s the approach. This is one area where the two stakeholders take two diverse positions. The employer side would like to keep the two steps. The worker side and their representative would argue that single-step is the only way to stop the interference by employers. They are saying: “Why do workers have to prove twice that they’d like to choose to join a union?” I think those are the two….
I respect both sides, but as a government, we have to make a decision so that there is a balance. When it comes to the balance and what is the right thing to do, we fall back on the workers — not the union side, not the employer side. It is the workers’ right. They are the only ones who should be exercising that right. They are the only ones who have that right, and no one should have any right to interfere.
That’s why, two elections in a row, we made that as a position, in 2017 and in 2020 — that every worker should have the right to join a union, to bargain health and safety and a good collective agreement for themselves. That’s why we’re doing it.
G. Kyllo: The minister has referenced an op-ed by the B.C. Business Council. Jock Finlayson, I believe, was a name that the minister had referenced. So there’s an article, which the minister has some recollection of, representing the employers’ position. He also references a letter that was submitted to him from the B.C. Building Trades that the minister has shared with this House.
It’s not about businesses or organizations; it’s not about unions. It’s about the workers. I’m certainly hoping that there’s more substantive communications that the minister received that led to the tabling of this legislation.
So two parts. One, I’ll ask yet a further time if the minister is able to share, with this House, the correspondence that he has referenced and that he relied upon as part of his decision to move forward with this legislation. Is it available for the public record? Is he willing to share, with this House, the fulsome information that was provided both by individuals that might be representing business organizations and by those that were representing workers?
The second part of the question…. The minister referenced that this is not about unions and not about business organizations but about the workers. Can the minister share with this House any correspondence that he has received directly from workers, unionized or otherwise, with respect to their rights and his desire to move forward with the tabling of this legislation?
Hon. H. Bains: There are some individual workers who I have some stories about. We will not use their full names.
Lynn told this:
“After our first unionization attempt, my employer made a bunch of promises — upgrading our lunchroom with new appliances and cutlery — which ended the union drive. After a year, the improvements my employer committed to never happened. So I started up the union drive again with some of my peers.
“I openly supported both union drives at my workplace and even spoke with my management about it because I didn’t think I was doing anything wrong. But management ended up firing me, without any cause, after 15 years of service. The same day management also fired my friend that I was working with to unionize our workplace.”
There are other stories like that that came our way. Others came through their union representatives, people who actually organize or who are involved in organizing drives.
You would not get individual stories coming here to the minister’s office. It would be their representatives reaching out to us, just like the letter that I read — why a single-step certification process is needed, what the flaws are when we leave the secret ballot and two-step certification process and what workers have to go through.
I just gave you an example of another worker saying that they were fired because they talked about a union during the certification vote.
There are other examples we could share with the member, but I think, at the end of the day, the issue is that the unfair labour practices continued after we made the changes. The employer interference continued after we made the changes. That’s exactly what the panel said, “Implement these changes,” which we did. They went on to say that if these changes do not prevent employer interference, then there will be a compelling case for card check. We’ve seen that interference has not stopped, and therefore, we are moving ahead.
A. Olsen: In my second reading speech, I invited the minister to provide…. In the minister’s speech, he suggested there are cases upon cases, examples upon examples — I think that’s the quote. I invited the minister to provide those here in this.
I appreciate the single instance of an individual writing the ministry. To hear that the minister is remaining, I think, as vague as he was in the second reading speech, I was hoping that the minister could come and demonstrate how the situation has eroded from where it was in 2019 to where it is, and what specific actions have been taken to remedy that, other than changing this legislation.
Presumably, the Labour Relations Board has a responsibility for enforcement of the rules. What steps have been taken, within the Labour Relations Board, to remedy the situation where currently, as the minister would put it, a worker’s right to association, the right to unionize, is being disrupted?
Hon. H. Bains: I used a couple of examples, all along, of what the board did, and why there’s a case — a compelling case, I would say — to move to the card check.
In February 2022, the LRB ruled that an electrical contractor on Vancouver Island improperly interfered with their workers’ attempt to organize their workplace with the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, with tactics such as threatening layoffs. The other one is from 2020. The LRB ruled that a food-processing company in the Okanagan improperly fired two workers for attempting to organize their workplace with the UFCW. So there are examples, and those are the two examples I used.
The labour board data also shows that between 2019, ’20, and ’21, the certification rate went up compared to 2015, ’16, and ’17, but at the same time, unfair labour practices went up as well. Unfair labour practices are a sign, as the panel would show, that there is employer interference. Now, it happens for a variety of reasons. One of the main reasons why there’s an unfair labour practices complaint filed with the labour board is interference by the employer — unlawful interference, I would say — during the certification process.
G. Kyllo: Just going back to the consultation, I’ve asked about three times now if the minister is willing or able to share copies of the correspondence that his office has received that, as the minister has indicated, he partially relied upon, with respect to the tabling of this legislation. I can ask it a further time, and I guess if the minister is unwilling to share that, would the minister, at the very least, provide any kind of numbers with respect to the quantity of communications that his office received, either from employers, union organizations or workers?
The minister did share one example, the letter that was…. He actually read it into the record, and I believe that the minister had indicated that the worker was terminated. It’s obviously speculative on what the reasons for that termination was. I’m assuming that the minister likely didn’t talk to the employer.
I’d certainly hope our Minister of Labour wouldn’t just take a letter from one individual and make a firm decision with respect to what the intention or what the actual outcome was without at least providing an opportunity for the employer to provide equal commentary with respect to that particular worker.
Back to the question. Really, we’re right at the very start here, just on the amount of consultation that was undertaken. Again, is the minister willing to share with us how many pieces of correspondence were received by his office from workers, from union organizations or from business associations with respect to the tabling of this legislation?
Hon. H. Bains: In my ministry, a number of stakeholders representing different interests come and meet with me. A couple of key stakeholders that have interests in our ministry are the trade union movement and the employer and their associations, their representatives.
I have met with both sides on numerous occasions and on numerous different issues. Many times the employer and the union side would bring in health and safety issues, WCB issues. Others would bring in issues about employment standards, temporary foreign workers. The card-check issue and the single-step certification issue have been brought to my attention by the union side a number of times. Then there are correspondents. I don’t know how many, actually, there are, but there will be a number of them. There were meetings where they brought up these issues. I think it’s….
Overwhelmingly the union side was pushing to have the card check brought in immediately. The employer side never talked about it, because I’ve got their message. I’ve only heard: “Don’t do anything.”
Here’s another worker. He said…. I’m keeping the identity, whether it’s a he or she…. I mean, it could be any one of those. “When my co-workers and I were waiting for our union vote, all of the kids of the managers were given time at work to wander around telling people not to support the union for a variety of reasons. They kept on harassing me and wouldn’t leave me alone.”
Here’s another one. I can tell you that this one was from the entertainment industry. The one that I read earlier was from the retail industry, and this one here is from the hospitality industry. “My supervisor told me that I shouldn’t speak with any of the people who were trying to bring in the union. Otherwise, I won’t be scheduled anymore.”
I mean, there are examples out there. When we talk about unfair labour practices, many show up at the LRB. Some union would like to bring the issue to the LRB and complained. Sometimes others don’t. So you only know what comes to the labour board. But they will bring their personal experiences to my office, when these stakeholders come and meet with us.
I also, again, go back to the panel. The member from Saanich asked…. This may be another example the member probably would be interested in. They did some research. They said that between 1990 and 2007, 254 unfair labour practice complaints were filed with the board, of which 197 were against an employer, 54 against a union and three against individuals.
Of the 197 complaints filed against employers, 152 were found to have been wholly or partially meritorious. Over 90 percent of the complaints and findings of code breaches involved either unlawful termination or communication during an organizing drive or a combination of the two.
There is sufficient evidence. Even since we brought Bill 30, unfair labour practices continue on, and you’re hearing these stories from these workers and their representatives, unions who are involved in the organizing drive. I can tell you that I was an organizer one time, and I have firsthand experience of what goes on during those times. I’ve seen what the employer has done, which was unlawful.
Again, the employer has unrestricted access to those workers during the organizing drive, during the working hours. Unions, on the other side, are not allowed to do any union campaign during the working hours. The workers themselves cannot talk to each other in the working hours. That is not allowed.
I think there’s an unfair level playing field. There’s a tremendous amount of significant power imbalance, where an employer can terminate somebody. They can shut the plant down. They can move the plant. But the workers on the other side are only relying on what they know at that particular time.
All they want is to exercise their right to association, as they have learned, growing up, that they have that right under the constitution — the right to association or to join a union of their choice and to bargain collectively for better working conditions and wages and benefits. Workers feel that their rights are being interfered with. Therefore, they have reached out to our offices, time and again, that single-step certification is the way to stop that interference.
G. Kyllo: Well, it’s quite apparent that there’s been a limited, if any, real act of consultation with respect to Bill 10 that’s before us here today. I’ve asked the minister if he’d be willing to share copies of information and the communication that he’s received, and he’s refused to provide any definitive answer back, which is troubling.
For a government, I think it’s important for the general public and, certainly, the official opposition to have a good understanding of, clearly, what is motivating this government and what is motivating this minister to move forward with very important legislation — in this case, legislation that will actually take away. It won’t add additional protections. It’ll actually take away one of the most fundamental democratic rights we have in society. That’s our ability to make our decision in secret, without anybody’s knowledge, whether it’s the employer, whether it’s the union organization.
Having that secret ballot is incredibly important, so it’s troubling that the minister is unwilling to share with this House the fulsomeness of the information from which he’s now relying upon.
The minister references, obviously, the work that was undertaken by the panel back in 2018. When the minister previously brought forward Bill 30…. I believe that was in 2019. When the minister brought forward Bill 30, back in 2019, was it the intention of the minister to accept the recommendations of the panel, with the tabling of Bill 30?
Hon. H. Bains: I don’t want to be difficult, but clause 1 is about a rating period in construction. It’s not about card check. But I agree that we want to give as much latitude as we can to the member, because I know they want to canvass as broadly as they want, and I don’t want the debate to be shut down on technicalities unnecessarily. But sometimes you have to.
Anyway, the member talked about the panel recommendation and what I did. I want to read this for the record. Much has been talked about by the opposition in the House about the workers’ right to secret ballot as one fundamental democratic right that we all enjoy, but they failed to go back to the panels. The panel examined that particular issue extensively, and they wrote extensively before they gave their suggestions and recommendation. I’ll read that for the benefit of those who may be watching.
These are the panel’s quotes.
“A secret ballot process gives rise to two main concerns: the potential for delay and unlawful employer interference. Under a secret ballot system, employers have more opportunity and incentive to engage in unlawful union avoidance. Longer time frames for certification votes or lax compliance negatively impact the success rate for certification. However, employer unfair labour practices continue to be concerns under the card check system.”
This is key.
“While secret ballot votes are integral to our democratic political system, we recognize that the certification vote occurs in very different circumstances than political votes. Certification votes occur in the context of the power imbalance between employers and workers in the workplace. Employers control the operation of the business, have the right to fire employees and can curtail or close the business.
“Unlike political votes, section 7 of the code limits unions’ ability to communicate with the workers during working time. Employers, on the other hand, have an unrestricted ability to do so throughout the workday. Political candidates have voters’ lists while, in the certification context, unions have limited information to determine the bargaining unit constituency.”
They differentiated the right to the secret ballot between a political secret ballot vote and a certification vote. There is a day-and-night difference, and the panel listed that, as I read their report.
You cannot stand up in a lunch room and say: “Look, we are for this union,” or “We are against that union,” or: “We want to bring in union, and everyone should join with me. Let’s reach out to the union.” You know what? Chances are, if any worker does that, they will not be working there any longer. And then the case will be fought, and you go through the LRB. You may win, you may not win, but those are the realities of so-called workplace democracy. There is no….
The panel also went on to say that some were all good, but workplaces are not democratic institutions. They are there to produce products or provide services. And “Work now; grieve later” is the norm. You know, you may feel that you are being dealt with unfairly, but you cannot say no, unless it’s a health and safety issue for you particularly. You must do it and then grieve it. And there’s a process about grievance.
The same thing in the certification. It’s even more serious. Certification votes — people are scared. They don’t want to talk about it, because they know the consequences could be that they have no more job. That’s where that is.
I can go back to the panel on what my recommendation was. I think I was asked, when we introduced the bill at that time: if you had the support of a third party, would you have brought in card check? I clearly said yes. That would have been my preference. We said that in 2017; we said that in 2020 again.
We follow the panel’s recommendations. They felt that those changes could bring the changes that are desired to stop and prevent unfair labour practices and employer interference. Since that time, I felt that maybe that would be the case as well, but we still see unfair labour practices. We still see cases of employer interference. That’s why we’re doing it.
The Chair: Recognizing the member for Shuswap. Please stay on clause 1.
G. Kyllo: Well, thank you, Mr. Chair. Bill 30 specifically relates to clause 1, because Bill 30 included language which provided the opportunity for union raiding in each and every calendar year.
Unfortunately — or maybe fortunately, I think — for workers in this province, the former Green Party leader was unwilling to support that clause and actually tabled an amendment specifically pulling that out. I think it’s important for those who might be listening at home: my line of questioning in reference to Bill 30 does have direct correlation to clause 1.
I think what’s important, as the minister is standing here today and sharing with this House that’s he’s honouring the recommendations of the panel…. However, in 2019, the minister chose not to heed the recommendations of the panel. He was looking to move forward with the scrapping of the secret ballot and also actually tabled the legislation to allow for union raiding in each and every calendar year — which the minister had to walk back because of the opposition and concerns raised by the former Green Party leader.
Here we are — the minister did not get his way or his government’s way back in 2019 — moving forward with this legislation now.
The minister referenced one letter from the B.C. Building Trades. Those are the 19 handpicked, select unions that the minister has identified and given sole work to for all of the Trans-Canada Highway major expansion projects, the Pattullo Bridge, now some infrastructure, some vertical construction projects, with the construction of the Cowichan Lake hospital and the new BCIT trades training facility.
I think it’s pretty apparent who’s calling the shots and what is actually driving the direction of this minister with the tabling of this legislation.
Back to the consultation piece. Is the minister able to share what consultations have been undertaken with First Nations, either by the previous committee, the expert panel, prior to 2018 and the tabling of their report, and any subsequent or further consultation that has been undertaken with First Nations, especially with the tabling of the UNDRIP and DRIPA legislation that this government is seeking to fully implement?
Hon. H. Bains: There was, in my understanding, no direct formal consultation at this particular time, but in developing this legislation, I’m advised that we completed an assessment that confirmed that it aligns with the rights described in the UN declaration on the rights of Indigenous peoples and our obligations under section 3 of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act.
G. Kyllo: Thank you to the minister for that.
Is the minister able to provide that note or that internal reference that detailed the determination of this minister that this legislation falls within the scope of DRIPA?
Hon. H. Bains: I gave high-level information about that particular question. I’m advised that was legal advice, and it cannot be shared.
G. Kyllo: The minister has read in some of the commentary with respect to the expert panel report.
I thought, with respect to the relationship that the government previously had with the Green Party, I’d read into the record some concerns that were raised by Andrew Weaver — I guess we can say his name now that he’s no longer a sitting member — former leader of the B.C. Green Party, who was in a confidence-supply agreement with the government at the time. Some of his concerns led to the minister actually pulling out the removal of the secret ballot from Bill 30, the legislation that was tabled in 2019.
This is a quote from an article. I believe it was written by the esteemed Vaughn Palmer, back in December 2020. This is a quote from this article:
“The signatures were still fresh on the NDP-Green power-sharing agreement when Weaver announced his preference for the secret ballot.”
This is a quote from Weaver:
“Now, I know from firsthand experience that many certification drives are those people who feel reassured to sign a certification card, but they want the opportunity to have a secret ballot.”
Dr. Weaver goes on to say:
“‘I will never support legislation that will eliminate the secret ballot,’ he told reporters the month before Horgan took office” — sorry, the Premier — “with Green Party support. ‘It is simply not going to happen, and no amount of convincing will ever convince me to do that.’”
It goes on to say:
“Not that the New Democrats didn’t try to convince him. Weaver would later recount lobbying from NDP politicians, staffers and their allies in the trade union movement. His stance got a boost when a government-appointed review panel on changes to the labour code reported back in 2018. The panel recommended sticking with the status quo secret ballot for stability’s sake, citing four swings in the certification process through each change of government over 35 years.
“Weaver seized on that recommendation in refusing to budge in Green Party support for the secret ballot. ‘The significant policy swings we’ve seen are incompatible with predictability, certainty or balance,’ he said. ‘If they,’” — the NDP — “‘ignore the expert advice, we will push them back to the expert advice.’
“Apparently he did so. For when the minister prepared to table amendments to the labour code in the spring of 2019, Weaver offered to bet reporters that the secret ballot would remain untouched. ‘I’ll bet you a hundred bucks,’ he teased. ‘I’ll even give you two-to-one odds.’ There were no takers, and a few minutes later the minister ended the non-suspense by announcing that ‘the highlights’ of the legislation ‘include maintaining the current secret ballot vote for certification.’”
Here we are with a single letter, as read into the record by the minister, from the B.C. Building Trades. We have a piece of legislation that moves directly forward with the two recommendations that the building trades have asked for: (1) for the scrapping of the secret ballot and (2) for the accommodation to allow for union raiding in each and every construction year. One letter from the building trades union and a piece of legislation tabled here today.
Mr. Chair, for the sake of time…. We’re almost an hour in, and we’ve only got to the consultation piece.
To the minister, were there any briefing notes or decision notes that the minister signed or was aware of or any drafts that were reviewed in preparation for the tabling of this legislation?
Hon. H. Bains: Yes, I think…. In order to prepare legislation, there is a process. Once the government and the minister decide on a certain direction and to draft legislation, then there is that process. I do get briefing notes, decision notes with, sometimes, options. Yes, I get them. I’m not even sure whether they are FOIable. They could be.
Those are the advice to the minister. Yes, I do get them.
G. Kyllo: Thank you to the minister for that response. Is the minister able to share what…? What was the rationale for specifically making changes to union raiding for construction only?
I’m just wondering if the minister can provide the reasons or justification or rationale on why this provision for allowing for union raiding in each and every construction year is only applicable to the construction trades.
Hon. H. Bains: If you go into different jurisdictions, there is a special section in the labour code to deal with specialized workers in different sectors. Construction, again, also is treated differently because of the nature of the business. Other jurisdictions have specialized language to deal with different sectors.
Why, in this particular case, moving from the third year — and if a longer collective agreement than three years, then every year after that — is the reason that most construction projects last two years or under, three years or under. It’s different than having a widget factory which runs year-round and year after year after year. There are mills and factories, and I’m sure, in the member’s case, their business was probably there for years, decades. That’s why they’re treated differently.
The construction workers felt that if they wished to choose a different union…. By leaving the language that you can only raid or change union after the third year or during the third year of your collective agreement, they would miss out on many opportunities because those projects will end three years or sooner. I think that was the rationale behind it. I accepted that, and that’s why we made those changes.
G. Kyllo: A couple questions that kind of flow from the minister’s response.
The minister indicated that it was construction workers that were actually looking for that opportunity to be able to change or have choice to move to a different union in each and every construction year. Can the minister provide any information with respect to how that advice was provided? Was it directly from workers, or was it from union organizations, and if it was from union organizations, specifically which union organizations were looking for that?
Then the other question I have for the minister…. The minister talked about construction projects. Now, it’s certainly my understanding that the project isn’t subject to a raid. It’s the corporation or the company that is actually subject to the raid. So just if the minister can also clarify: when they talk about the potential for workers’ choice on a construction project, is it the project that is subject to the raid, or is it the company?
I do know lots of large construction companies — I don’t need to name them — may have multiple projects going on across the province, in all different areas. They may even have factories where they also have workers in a permanent location, potentially all covered under the same collective bargaining unit.
When the minister talks about the ability for workers to have choice to move to a different union organization, is the minister referring to just a specific project, a construction project, like a highway expansion project? Or is it, indeed, the company that is actually subject to the raid, which would mean that the entire organization, with maybe thousands of workers all across B.C., would now be subject to raiding in each and every construction year?
Hon. H. Bains: I think the member raised a question.
Member, I think you know it is the bargaining unit. It could be a project-specific bargaining unit. It could be a company that takes on two different…. They could have the same employees. If the certification reflects that project A and project B are on one certification — it could be a one-project certification — it is the employer, of course. But again, if the project is over, employees are not working.
That’s why the employees and their representative were saying that. That’s why, rather than in the seventh and eighth month, we made changes last time to have the open season in July and August. That’s when the majority of the workers are working, and that’s why the majority of workers should have a say if they wish to change union or not. If it’s wintertime and no one is working or if a few people are working, then very few people can decide.
I think that there are some issues there. I agree with you. But it is the employer and the certification and the description of the certification, the appropriateness of the certification, and that’s how the raiding will take place. The labour board will decide whether there’s an appropriate unit for raiding and whether the raid union has sufficient support. I think those are decisions made at the labour board.
It is, again, if the projects…. While they are operating, the worker should have the right to change unions if they want, when most of them are working. And if the project is over, then they’re moving. They’re not there, maybe somewhere else, then I think it’s very difficult for employees to change and exercise that right.
G. Kyllo: Thanks for the response from the minister. As I understand it, it’s not always specific to one project. The bargaining unit could have multiple projects underway and could have workers in various areas. So when the minister gives reference to potential raiding, it wouldn’t necessarily affect a specific job. It could, in many instances, affect multiple jobs or multiple workers that could be working at multiple locations across the province.
The first part of the question that I asked was with respect to the minister’s answer about construction workers actually asking for this specific change within the construction industry. I just wanted to see if the minister has a response for that question.
Maybe I’ll repeat it. The request was: can the minister share with this House how many workers actually were involved in the construction change that were actually asking for this change, or if it indeed was union organizations, potentially building trade organizations, that were asking for this specific change? Again, it comes back to my first question, which was: why only construction? Why not other industry sectors across the province?
Hon. H. Bains: I have answered the question why construction is treated differently. And my answer, I thought, was quite elaborate.
Who approached us for this? It’s largely through the unions. A number of different unions came to us over time. Actually, some of them came to us right after the panel issued their report back then, and they brought to our attention some of the issues that hadn’t been dealt with in the panel’s recommendations.
In listening and understanding, analyzing all those concerns, we believe that there is legitimacy in their argument. When we brought in Bill 30 in 2019, we moved the raiding period and the open season for raiding from the seventh and eighth months to July and August every year. But we’d had, in our bill at that particular time, raiding to be allowed every year — which, through the amendment, we were not able to successfully pass in the House. The amendment passed — and the amendment is what we have in the current language — but the issue remains. That’s why we are bringing in these changes.
The member earlier on said that we had to pull the card checks. I want to correct the member. We did not pull that, because it was not part of our bill at that time. We knew that we would not get support, so we did not include, in the bill, the card check. But we did have a raiding open season every year — which, through amendment, was defeated. Now we are bringing it back because those concerns remain.
G. Kyllo: The minister, in his response, referenced requests — largely, I’m assuming, by the building trade union representatives — to allow for the potential of raiding in the seventh and eighth months, July and August, of each and every construction year. According to the 2018 report — this was a report entitled Recommendations for Amendments to the Labour Relations Code — “there was considerable support from unions and employers for reducing the frequency of the open period for raids to correspond to other Canadian jurisdictions.”
What consultation led to the decision to increase the open period for raids?
Hon. H. Bains: For the member’s benefit and for those who may be listening, before the panel came to the recommendations, it was always every year. The raiding period was every year. It was the seventh and eighth month of every year. That was the open season.
The panel listened, went around and took many suggestions from different groups, and they decided that, yes, it is disruptive. It is very divisive when there is a raid going on and when one union is trying to convince the organized workers in a plant, a project or a company to move over to them. It can get very divisive, yes.
That’s why they recommended that in the third year of the agreement and then every year after that, if the collective agreement were longer than three years.
When the report came, I had presentations by a number of construction unions, including the Teamsters. There was one area where, in their definition of construction, they left Teamsters out. They felt that that was a mistake and that they need to…. So we changed that small part, tweaked it, because they always have been a major part of the construction unions.
We made that change and also recognized from their presentation that construction is unique. To give those workers the right…. Because of the nature of the work that they do — the projects are two years, three years — they will not have that type of opportunity as other workers outside of construction have. The factory is there, and the workers are there for a long time.
Project-by-project in construction, it was argued with us that we should have kept what was originally there every year, except to change the raiding open season from the winter times to July and August, because some unions — conveniently, I was advised — sign a collective agreement where the seventh and eighth months come in January and February, where hardly any workers are working or sometimes not very many are working. So if you start raiding at that time, then you are not able to reach out to the majority of the workers who may be laid off at that time. I think that’s why we did that.
G. Kyllo: The minister raises an interesting point. The minister indicated that unions would actually purposely, I guess, identify their anniversary dates, or the signing of a collective agreement, such that the time by which they may be subject to raiding would be in the winter months when there’s low employment.
Is the minister aware of any examples of where that has happened, where unions would purposely try and establish an anniversary date such to try and preclude the maximum number of workers from participating in a raid? It seems a bit odd.
Hon. H. Bains: I just want to again let the member know that that change is not in this bill. That change came in…. I think we debated this during that time, moving from January and February to July and August. It was the representation by unions telling us…. Maybe I should not say some unions would, but I think we were told that some collective agreements are such that their seventh and eighth months fall in January and February.
It’s not that anybody by design does it, but for collective agreements, their terms would make the seventh and eighth months come in January and February, where there are not very many workers working. That was the issue brought to my attention.
G. Kyllo: The legislation is now that union raiding is in each and every calendar year during the months of July and August. I’m assuming that most people who might be listening from home would appreciate that July and August are the most productive construction times in our province. Certainly, as we’re travelling around the province, especially with highway construction, that’s typically when the majority and bulk of work is undertaken.
The minister also acknowledged the fact that union raids are both divisive and extremely disruptive for employers. At the peak of the construction season, when construction companies are either going to make it or break it…. It’s during those two months that government has chosen to allow for union raiding, providing different unions to have the maximum opportunity for disrupting the construction site at the peak of the construction season. Not only is it limited to every three years. The minister is now, through this legislation, putting that extra burden, pressure, stress on employees and employers in each and every construction season.
Can the minister share with this House how he made the determination, with the pretty significant impact it will have on the construction trades, to have union raiding in each and every construction year, with the right and necessity of companies to actually get work done?
From conversations I’ve had, many construction companies indicate…. Once they’ve signed the collective agreement, at least they have labour peace. They know they have labour peace for the next two or three years, and they’re not going to be subject to union raiding in each and every construction year.
I would hope that most union organizations…. All have the best of intentions and are providing great representation for the employees. So going from one union to another…. I don’t know. Maybe there are bad unions, and there are good unions. Maybe the minister could speak to that.
It’s interesting that providing, through this legislation, that opportunity for maximum disruption in the most productive time of the year for construction companies in each and every construction year — how that was top of mind for the minister and for this government, rather than leaving it status quo, as the legislation currently exists.
Hon. H. Bains: I want to acknowledge the member acknowledging that the economy in British Columbia is booming, especially in the construction industry. More people are coming to British Columbia as a result of that.
I think part of the reason is that jobs are available. Part of the reason, also, is that we have good labour laws. Workers know, when they come here, that we have the highest minimum wage of all provinces. They know we have very strong health and safety provisions, through presumptions, in many cases, for the front-line workers.
Construction continued to thrive in British Columbia, even during the pandemic. I’m really happy that the member acknowledged that. I think we all benefit from it.
The member talked about the disruption. Like I said, that particular clause was changed in 2019, moving from the seventh and eighth months to July and August. That’s a done deal. All we are doing is every year now, instead of the third year, if the collective agreement is three years or longer.
Again, we must balance the disruption versus the worker’s right, under the constitution, to change a union, to join a union. The workers, through their representative, told us, in the construction industry, that they don’t get the opportunity if you leave it to the third year of the collective agreement because many of the projects that they’re working on may not be there.
Also, when most of the workers are working…. I think the majority should make a decision rather than a select few in January, February, as could be the case, which is not the true reflection of the majority.
I think there’s a balance. The balance has to, I think, in my view, as a minister…. As a government, we need to look at both sides, and we need to look at the cost of democracy. We look at the basic right that individuals have, which is enshrined under the constitution — freedom of speech, right to association — and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
Those are the rights that are enshrined in the Canadian constitution, so I think our job as a government is to ensure that they can exercise those rights without any interference by anybody.
G. Kyllo: Can the minister share or provide copies of any correspondence or any letters or concerns that were brought forward by workers that felt that their rights to choose or maybe move to a different unit were somehow negatively impacted by the current legislation, which allows for union raiding only every three years, or is it only just on the request or at the behest of the building trades unions on why we’re moving forward to provide that maximum opportunity for union organizations to disrupt construction sites in each and every construction year?
Hon. H. Bains: First, no, I don’t recall individual workers reaching out to us. It was through their representatives. Different unions representing construction workers approached us and talked to us.
I read one letter, which was from B.C. Building Trades. They clearly are talking about it:
“At a time when construction workers are in desperate need of collective agency and advocacy, the majority remain un-unionized because the labour code lacks provisions that recognize the unique nature of the construction industry.”
They went on to say:
“The relationship of construction workers to the workplace and their contractor is vastly different in construction than other stated industries.”
They mentioned the two that I read into the record previously.
“It is time for B.C. to restore balance in the industry by revising the labour code to give workers in construction meaningful access to unionize, if they choose, by restoring one-step certification through card check. The raiding period for construction, for changing union representation, should be set for July and August of each year so that it falls at a time when workers are working and can participate in the process.”
Then they went on to say:
“These two measures are important, but to truly give workers access to collective bargaining, a sectorwide approach is needed. It is critical that a construction section of the labour code be created to address the unique nature of the industry by giving workers the ability to ratify an industry collective agreement, registered with the labour board, that is based on the bargaining unit, on the certification.”
The panel also recognized…. I will read some for the record as well:
“The B.C. and Yukon Territory Building and Construction Trades Council and the bargaining council of B.C. Building Trades unions expressed concern that the current open period frequently requires raids in the winter months, when the construction workforce is at its lowest and the potential voting constituency is not representative. The panel recognizes that those are specific issues relating to raids in the construction industry.”
G. Kyllo: Well, it appears that B.C. Building Trades are able to send a letter to the minister with a recommendation, and the minister moves forward with legislation to basically comply with their request. There’s significant negative impact, from the minister’s own admission, with respect to being very divisive and causing challenges during the construction season.
As we look to the current labour market, we’re currently in the midst of a housing crisis. Everybody is well aware of that. It’s driven largely by a lack of housing supply. There have already been major delays in construction of desperately needed housing stock. Has there been any assessment done as to how an increase in union raids during each and every construction year during the months of July and August might further delay housing construction?
Hon. H. Bains: A couple of things. No, we haven’t done any analysis on that.
[A. Walker in the chair.]
Again, I think I would be correct if I made the statement that most of the residential construction is non-union. Also, I am just advised that last year there were only two raids, two applications. So it happens, but it doesn’t happen that often. Again, I come back to the work. At least on those two occasions, the workers chose to change. They had that opportunity to change, and they were able to change. That’s their right under the constitution.
That’s where I come back to, time and again: it is about the workers. If they choose to change unions, then they have that opportunity to change unions. If they want to join a union, they have the opportunity to join a union without any interference from anybody.
I think the changes that were made through Bill 30, moving from January to July and August, are kind of a done deal. Also, I think I want to correct the member. I was paying attention. The member kept on saying that every year or after every three years…. The way it works is that if the collective agreement is longer than three years, the raid can take place in the third year of the collective agreement and every year after that. That’s what the current rules are, but not every three years after that. I think the member didn’t want to say it, but that’s the way it came out.
What this one will do is…. Because of the nature of the industry, many projects are for a short period, and the workers should have the right to change their union, if they wish to change it, during the time that the project is still on.
The Chair: Member for Shuswap on clause 1.
G. Kyllo: Thank you, hon. Chair. Welcome to your seat.
I’ve heard that many of the Building Trades unions have reciprocal agreements where they elect to not raid one another’s unions. Is the minister familiar with that reference? The minister did reference, actually, two raids that were undertaken last year. Maybe the minister might be able to share with this House which specific units were subject to those two raids last year.
Hon. H. Bains: No, Member. I don’t have the names of the union, but I’m just advised, through information we received, that two raids took place successfully, and two applications for raids.
G. Kyllo: Is that for public record? Is that information that the minister could share?
Hon. H. Bains: It will be part of the LRB’s annual report. They have those kinds of data available, and it’s accessible to the public.
G. Kyllo: Is the minister familiar with any reciprocal agreements that Building Trades unions have? My understanding is that it may not be a written document but is basically a protocol or a practice where they agree not to raid one another’s unions. Is the minister familiar with that reference or terminology?
Hon. H. Bains: The member said that it’s some kind of unwritten arrangement. I am not familiar with any unwritten arrangement that many may have. I have seen unions being raided by other unions. I don’t know, Member. I don’t know if it has anything to do with the bill before us.
G. Kyllo: I appreciate the minister’s candid response. I think where it has applicability is at the level of union raiding. Obviously, if many of the Building Trades unions all have an agreement where they’re not going to raid one another, then this bill may have limited impact.
Anyhow, I’m just going back to the question I had, with respect to any work or analysis that might have been undertaken by the ministry with respect to the potential impact or disruption for the construction trade associated with housing. The minister had shared that the large majority of private, single-family residential construction is non-unionized, but a lot of the larger, multicomplex or multistorey facilities might be undertaken by unions.
I’m wondering, just as a bit of a follow-up: will any measures be put in place to mitigate any potential construction delays that might result from raids? Is there any contemplation about…? If raiding is taking place and it’s negatively impacting large, vertical construction projects, is the minister attuned to that? Does the minister plan on monitoring or in any way, shape or form trying to ensure that any union raiding that may happen on those sites has a minimal impact on the construction outcomes?
Hon. H. Bains: We don’t anticipate a lot of disruption or delays, as a result of these changes, to the residential construction projects that are underway. Like I said, there were two raiding applications last year. The end report lists the challenges that come the LRB’s way, and we will be monitoring it, just like with other policies.
As we brought in Bill 30, we analyzed it. We watched what the outcomes of those policies are, what impact it is leaving on people and how it is improving workers’ rights to exercise their right to association. I think that’s the kind of monitoring we will do, going forward, to see what impact it will have.
S. Furstenau: Following up on that. What I was interested in asking the minister about this, with the clause around raiding, was exactly around what he just mentioned in response, which is: what are the outcomes? Can the minister identify, for example, any indication of specific outcomes where this has improved workers’ conditions?
Hon. H. Bains: I think we will monitor after the changes are implemented. Right now the only change that we made through Bill 30 was to move the open season for raiding from January and February to July and August. Again, the other provisions remained — that if the collective agreement is longer than three years, then the raid could take place on the third year and every year after that.
Now we’re moving…. We’re keeping the July and August period, because a majority of the workers are working at that time, and the majority should make the decision. Also, in construction, we’re particularly saying that because of the uniqueness, the short period of project lengths, they should be able to change unions every year.
Again, I come back to…. It’s not about the employer, not about the unions. It is about the workers. If they wish to change the union during a project when they’re working, then they should have that right without any interference or other roadblocks.
As I said before, construction projects, many of them, do not last three years or longer. So if the projects are two years, then they will never have the opportunity to change unions, with the current language. I think that’s why we are changing the language that, in construction only, they can change unions, if they wish to, every year, in July and August.
S. Furstenau: The critic for the official opposition was asking whether there were any specific letters or requests from workers. The minister indicated that he didn’t have that.
Just to help me understand, what is the motivation for a union to raid another union?
Hon. H. Bains: My answer to the member would be that there would be a number of different reasons why members choose to become a member of the union and then choose to change that union. The representation and the quality of representation could be one. Their collective agreement could be another — that they’re not happy. There could be a variety of reasons.
I can tell you, with my own experience, I have organized a unit where they were paid higher wages next door, doing the same work as their colleagues with the company next door — owned by the same company, two operations. The reason they paid them higher was, I guess, to keep the union out. They paid them higher wages. They came to me, and they wanted to join the union. It was because of the respect and dignity they were not getting.
They gave me examples — that if the supervisor decided, “I need two few workers after lunch,” he or she will decide which gets to go home. Whether the people who have higher seniority were sent home and whether they were able to do the same quality of work didn’t matter. It’s because, on that particular day, that supervisor decided that was his decision. And then, sometimes, how they’re treated. Those were some of the reasons they came to us.
There are a number of reasons depending on what members feel, individually or collectively — whether they are getting the representation they expected. Health and safety, also, is important to them. I think that’s how those decisions are made. Why they change and why they join a union — there are a number of reasons. It’s mostly about the quality of service and the representation they get.
S. Furstenau: I know the minister wants to keep bringing this back to workers. But he indicated earlier, for example, that there were applications in for raids that the LRB would look at. Is that correct? I believe that’s what the minister indicated. Not currently, but that there’s a process.
How about this? Can the minister talk to me about the process for a raid?
Hon. H. Bains: It’s almost the same process, with one exception, as the certification process.
Members of that particular bargaining unit sometimes approach another union and say: “Look, we want to join your union.” The union will have a conversation with the workers, and then they sign up membership applications. If the majority of the workers sign a membership to join that new union, then that union will make an application to the board: “We have a majority of the workers who have shown an interest in joining our union.” Then the labour board will verify those signatures without anybody knowing, you might say.
In certification, no one ever knows who signed those membership cards. No one ever knows if one or a few of them would withdraw their membership cards. That is to protect the workers from repercussions.
In the raid or changing the union, it’s a similar process, except that they have only two months, July and August, to sign up the majority of the workers and go to the board for certification.
S. Furstenau: I think the minister said that there were two scenarios. I’ve got the one. In the scenario that was just described, it’s really the workers. They want to find a new union. That makes the potential union that would be coming in a very passive actor in this.
Is there a scenario where the union is the active actor?
Hon. H. Bains: It’s, again, a chicken-and-egg argument. There usually is an interest in that bargaining unit. Then the union becomes active. If there’s no interest shown by anybody, many times the union doesn’t want to take that risk.
Yes, the union may decide to raid another union. That’s their prerogative. But they have to find a worker to sign up. How they find them…. Different unions use different methods. Some stand outside their gates, just like at non-union operations. Sometimes they’re invited by the workers, but no one knows that they were invited. They’ll go the gate and, as they’re leaving the operation, hand out the application forms. Now the worker will go home and decide if they want to sign up and send it back to the union or not.
Usually, it is worker-initiated, because there has to be some interest. Just like anything else, why would anybody waste any time and money if there’s no interest coming out of a particular area? So usually, it gives them the indication, if someone approached them, that there may be dissatisfaction with their representation. One person approached them, and that opened the door for them. They will guide them to reach more people.
I think that’s the process. Different unions use different tactics, different workers. Different employers use different tactics. I think it’s all over the map. There’s no one particular strategy that unions or the workers use.
S. Furstenau: Then that comes back to the first question I asked, which is the motivation for the union. Say they’ve been approached, or they’re standing outside the gates, saying: “Hey, we’re over here. We’re going to be better.” What’s their motivation?
Hon. H. Bains: I think the motivation is that they were approached by someone from inside, and they went to the gate. I mean I was there, and I don’t believe that, in my time, I would decide one day: “Oh, let’s go to that operation. They have a union, and let’s see if they want to change the union.” Usually, there is a contact. Usually, someone contacts you.
Then you have to do the analysis: how much support is there? Is that worker just upset over something for that particular day, or is there a bigger dissatisfaction about a number of things, about some really substantive stuff? They make that decision. “Yeah, I think it’s worth going there.” We’ll go there, and if the majority of them wish to join, they will fill up those applications. Then we’ll take it from there.
Clauses 1 and 2 approved.
On clause 3.
G. Kyllo: It’s a little technical, but some of the language around the original section 22, which is being amended by this section, has being reworked. However, the language in the previous section 22(1) is dropped, which says: “When a trade union applies for certification as the bargaining agent for a unit, the board must determine if the unit is appropriate for collective bargaining, and may, before certification, include additional employees in or exclude employees from the unit.”
The language is then reworked in section 22.1. Can the minister provide the rationale for this change? I’m just trying to understand what the purpose was behind this specific change in section 22.
Hon. H. Bains: It’s just a restructuring of the language at the advice of the legislative counsel. If you look at 22(1) and (2), and then there’s a 22.1, the first one is “Process relating to application.” Then it says “Determination of appropriate unit.” That now becomes 22.1.
The language hasn’t changed, I’m advised. But 22.1 now reads, under “Determination of appropriate unit”: “If a trade union applies for certification as the bargaining agent for a unit, the board (a) must determine if the unit is appropriate for collective bargaining, and (b) may, before certification, include additional employees in or exclude employees from the unit.” It’s just a rearranging of the numbers, taking from one area and putting some in a different one.
G. Kyllo: I think the removal of the term “must” is important. That’s why I’m raising the inquiry, I guess, or the concern. The board “(a) must determine if the unit is appropriate for collective bargaining, and (b) may….” That sounds like the board has the determination to choose, and it’s up to their discretion, whereas the previous language, I believe, where the minister referenced “must….”
I’m wondering what legal advice was provided to give, I guess, that additional latitude to the board, to “must,” rather than to move forward with the reference to having choice, with the term “may.”
Hon. H. Bains: I think the language is the same. Like I said, it’s being rearranged at the advice of counsel to flow better. So 22 says “Process relating to application,” 22(1) and (2).
Then there was 22, the previous section, which is now 22.1, which says the same thing. It says: “If a trade union applies for certification as the bargaining agent for a unit, the board (a) must determine if the unit is appropriate for collective bargaining.” That is the same language as the member was reading. Then it goes on: “and (b) may, before certification, include additional employees in or exclude employees….”
I think that is the same language, but it is rearranged in different sections.
G. Kyllo: I’ve got some further questions. I’d also like to see if the minister can provide a bit more clarity with respect to “additional employees in or exclude employees from the unit.” What is the guiding principle that actually makes that determination with respect to who’s in and who’s out? Does it apply to workers that might be on maternity leave? Does it include workers that may be laid off? Just to have a bit better understanding on, specifically, which employees are being referenced.
Hon. H. Bains: I just want to assure the member that that part is not being changed. That language was always there.
Just for the benefit of the member, it’s a long-standing policy of the board to determine what forms the bargaining unit. The employees that the union is proposing to represent — do they fit the definition of “bargaining unit”? Sometimes they mistakenly will see that employee A should be part of the unit, but the board may find, and the employer may argue: “No, actually, that particular person that they are including should be excluded because they have management duties or certain other duties which do not fall within the bargaining unit.”
The union may argue, “So-and-so should be included because they fit the definition of the bargaining unit. They should be part of the union because they are not performing management work,” for example, and they will come up with examples. But the board will determine — they have a long-standing policy — who should form the bargaining unit and who should not, and which employees should be part of the bargaining unit and which ones should not. Then they will determine whether the union has sufficient support or not.
G. Kyllo: Thank you to the minister for that response.
The definition by which the board will make their ultimate decision on who’s in and who’s out — where does that language actually exist? Has the minister, as part of the review in the tabling of Bill 10, given any consideration, I guess, to the breadth of that determination on who’s in and who’s out?
Hon. H. Bains: There’s no guidance written in the code, but the code does give the board authority to determine it, based on case law and jurisprudence of the past. They have determined who should be excluded and who should be included — for example, confidential employees, employees with confidential information, HR people, management people who have authority to hire and fire.
The board will have that determination, made through case law. So they just follow that, and that’s how. Just like the courts, there’s the jurisprudence, and it’s relied upon, under the new cases, to determine whether they fit the criteria based on the previous cases in the case law.
G. Kyllo: Okay. With respect to that, it doesn’t sound like there’s a very…. Well, maybe there is a specific definition, but it doesn’t appear that it’s clear, cut and dried, as far as who’s in and who’s out.
If a certification vote is coming forward — or if an organization, a union, is in the process of employees signing cards — is there an opportunity to make that determination beforehand? Or do the cards get submitted, and then the board has a look at it and tries to make a determination on whether all those members that have signed cards are eligible or not?
Could the minister maybe just explain, through this House, what that process looks like, as far as, obviously, input from the union organization, input from the employer? What does that process look like? How much time is involved? Is there a requirement for employers to hire lawyers to represent them through those discussions? Maybe if the minister could just provide a bit more clarity on what that process looks like.
Hon. H. Bains: I will give you the high-level description of how this whole system works.
If the union applies for certification, the board will appoint an officer, and the board will go and meet with the union organizer. They will look at the cards. The officer has those cards or the membership forms, and they will meet with the union organizers and say: “Okay. You have this many. You brought them to us.”
Then they will go to the employer, and they will ask for their payroll record. Then questions are asked about these employees and their job descriptions. Then the board will make a determination on whether the union has sufficient support.
Sometimes there is a dispute, where the employer will say that this person does this and this, not knowing whether that person has signed a card or not. Based on the information provided by the employer, the board has to make a determination on whether the union, which may have signed that person who’s in question now by the employer…. There may be a hearing, and through the hearing, the decision will be made as to which employees should be part of the unit and which employees should be excluded.
Many times a vote takes place, and the ballot box is sealed. When the decision is made, the ballot box is opened. If that particular person’s vote is in the ballot box, the decision is already made whether that person should have the right to vote or not if there was a secret ballot vote.
If there is, as we are proposing, a 55 percent majority, then again, that decision will be made by the board. If 55 percent of the appropriate unit has signed membership forms, then the certification will be granted. But if there’s a dispute that different employees should not be in the bargaining unit or, on the other side of the argument, that they should be in the bargaining unit, then there’s a hearing.
Then the panel will, through the hearing on both sides…. Yes, most of the time, the employer hires a lawyer, and the union sometimes does its own representation, or they hire their lawyers as well. Then the determination is made.
G. Kyllo: Thank you to the minister for that explanation. Can the minister share with this House what the timing of that process might look like? Assuming that there may be concerns presented, either by the union organization or by the employer, with respect to the validity of different certification cards or membership cards that are submitted, how much time would an employer or the union have to make their case?
The minister had suggested there may be a potential hearing. Who makes the determination of whether a hearing is required? I’m trying to understand. If an employer, for example, has brought forward legitimate concerns, can the board just make their own determination and move forward with certification? Or if the employer expresses concern, are they deserving of a hearing at their request, or is it up to the board’s discretion to determine whether the employer is entitled to a hearing or not, and then what that length of time is?
The minister had spoken earlier about some of the movements of the previous legislation with respect to certification votes going from ten days to five days. I just want to have a bit more clarity on how much time either the union or the businesses would have to state their case, potentially negotiate, and come to a final resolution with the board, or if it actually goes to a formal hearing.
Hon. H. Bains: The process is that if there’s a dispute, either the employer or the union can initiate and file for a hearing. It’s up to the board to decide that a hearing is warranted, and then that process takes place between the board and the employer and union representatives or their lawyers, and they find an appropriate time to bring the witnesses and bring the evidence — just like a court case.
There’s no clock or time limit for that. Some hearings may end within two hours; others may take two days. It’s just based on the complexity of the situation. That’s how that process is.
Nothing has changed with these bills, but as the member had asked, I’m just trying to give an overview of how that system works. There’s a bit more clarity when you go to the single step. If the 55 percent membership signed, then the board is satisfied: “Hey, you know, they’ve got 65 percent.” Although there’s a dispute over two employees, it’s not going to make any difference. They would grant certification, because it’s not going to impact the outcome.
I think that’s the way that whole process works. But in many cases, if there’s a doubt — the employer is making an argument that the union may not have 55 percent because are three or four employees that the union has included to make it 56 percent, for example — then the board will order a vote. In many cases, they may not have 55 percent. Then the ballot box is sealed. Then the hearing will take place, and after that decision, determine the appropriateness of the unit. Then those ballots will be counted.
I am advised that there is a desire in this House to have a bio break. I request about a ten-minute break.
The Chair: We will recess briefly.
The committee recessed from 5:14 p.m. to 5:25 p.m.
[A. Walker in the chair.]
The Chair: We are considering, clause by clause, Bill 10, Labour Relations Code Amendment Act, 2022.
On clause 3, I recognize the member for Shuswap.
G. Kyllo: Thank you very much, hon. Chair.
Before the bio break, as I believe the minister referred to it, we were asking about the specifics, I guess, where the labour board can make the determination internally whether it would actually go to a hearing or not.
For a further point of clarity, I want to ensure…. The minister, in his response, I believe indicated that the board could determine they are satisfied with respect to the information, the questions that were either raised by the employer or the union of the board but that the board may make that internal determination that there is not a requirement for a hearing.
I wanted to, I guess, confirm that is the case. If there is either a union or an employer that is unhappy with the outcome, they do not have or maybe they do have that opportunity to actually require and request a specific hearing at a later date. If the minister can provide a bit of certainty on that answer.
Hon. H. Bains: I’m just going to offer the member…. These are the regular board procedures that have taken place for the last number of years and will continue on. If the member wishes to have a briefing on the board process and how all that process works, we can make our staff available to go over what the process actually looks like and what happens once the application is made, from the beginning to the end, and when the hearing is allowed.
What can parties do? They can put in written submissions. The board will look at those written submissions and make their decisions. Once the decision is made, then there is an appeal system for that. But the board will determine whether the hearing is needed.
If the board is satisfied that the appropriate unit exists and that there is sufficient support in the appropriate unit based on the investigations they have conducted, they will grant certification.
Parties can still exercise their right to put submissions in, and the board will determine whether to comply with their request to hold a hearing.
Again, hearings of different types take place. If they need some evidentiary evidence, witnesses are brought in. There will be oral hearings, perhaps, but other times they may ask for written submissions.
I think the board determines, based on the particular application and the circumstances around it, how to proceed. That process is there forever, and it’s going to stay there. Nothing is going to change as a result of this. The only thing changing here is that the second step of reconfirming support isn’t needed anymore if the board is satisfied that 55 percent of the bargaining unit have signed membership cards.
G. Kyllo: I appreciate the offer of a further briefing from the minister. I’ll certainly take him up on that.
This particular legislation is a significant departure from the opportunity for workers to have a secret ballot. I think we all appreciate that when you’re standing in that ballot box and you’re checking off whether you’re moving forward or not…. That is nobody’s business but the worker’s.
As this legislation is actually a departure from the requirement for a secret ballot where there are membership cards signed by 55 percent or more of workers, the determination of who can vote takes on a whole new meaning of importance. That’s why I think it’s worthy to have some further clarification with respect to who is eligible to actually sign a membership card; who is not; who makes the determination, at the end of the day, on which ones are accepted and which ones are not. The minister has indicated that is the labour board.
If the labour board makes a ruling with respect to certification, the minister has indicated there is an appeal process that’s available. If the board makes a determination with respect to certification, and let’s just assume that the decision is to move forward with certification, is the certification immediate, and any appeals…? What would the time frame be, or is the certification actually put on hold until such time as that appeal process is fully fleshed out?
Hon. H. Bains: My understanding is…. I am advised that if the board is satisfied that there’s an appropriate bargaining unit and enough support is there, they will issue certification, and that certification is from that day on. If somehow they are asked to reconsider their decision because of denial of natural justice….
It’s pretty narrow. I have not heard…. It’s not that it probably never happened, but I’ve never heard, once the board determines there’s a certification of support, that the board, through reconsideration, has overturned that. But if they do, then it’s over, done on that day.
When that second decision comes to reconsider, they can overturn it. From that point on, it’s not…. You’re talking about days between the two. Your certification is granted because the board has done, supposedly, the investigation and come to a conclusion that the appropriate bargaining unit exists. Then there’s sufficient support for the union. Then, if some evidence exists that they didn’t consider, and they have to reconsider and overturn, then the certification will end on that day.
G. Kyllo: I know that ministers don’t like hypotheticals, but I think in this case, it is important. Let’s assume that a corporation has 100 employees that are deemed to be part of the bargaining unit. I know that not all employees — management, for example — are part of the potential bargaining unit.
Let’s assume there are 100 employees that are part of the bargaining unit. Union recruiters, organizers, go out and sign memberships. Quite often the employer may not be even aware that this is being undertaken. They submit, let’s just say, 60 cards. They got a little bit of extra work done. They got 60 cards, and they present those to the labour board. The labour board contacts the company and asks for a list. I assume they’d request which employees are management and which ones are regular workers. The board would have a look at the cards that are presented from the agent, I guess, acting on behalf of the union.
They’d have a look at the cards, and they’d have a look at the list of employees. They would check to make sure that all those cards were signed by those that were eligible as part of the bargaining unit. If the labour board makes a determination that 55 percent or more have signed cards, certification is immediate. I just want to confirm that that’s the process that’s undertaken.
Hon. H. Bains: Correct.
G. Kyllo: Great. Thank you very much.
I think as we get into clause 4, when it comes to card check, likely we will have some additional questions. But while we’re still on clause 3, there’s an additional section. Due to the changes, section 22(2) now becomes section 22(1). Section 22(3) becomes section 22(2). Section 22(2) has the following language added. It says under (b): “may decide the question without regard to the constitution and bylaws of the trade union.”
Can the minister advise what the rationale is around this additional language and how it actually impacts the determination of the board in real terms or in an example? Maybe the minister might be able to provide an example of how that might apply or play out with respect to clause 3.
Hon. H. Bains: I am advised that the board does not consider the union constitution today when they are determining the appropriateness of the bargaining unit. The determination is made based on the evidence of membership.
They don’t want to deny any worker the right to join the union just because the union constitution has some antiquated language that so-and-so should not be signed on Sunday, or the workers should not be working on Sunday. I’m just throwing out that as an example. The board does not consider that now.
This language existed before 2001. It’s not something totally new and brand-new that we’re bringing up. It was there to allow the workers the right to association without any restriction by the employer or by the union constitution.
We are putting that language back in there that, if the appropriate unit exists, the sufficient support is there, then nothing should stand in the way — union constitution or employer policy or anything. The certification will be granted if they meet the requirement of the code.
G. Kyllo: The minister references this language being in existence back in 2001. That was 21 years ago. That was a couple of decades ago.
I’m having a hard time understanding where this might actually come into play. The minister gave an example that there may be a union constitution or bylaws that actually would maybe restrict a member from belonging to another union.
Can the minister confirm: did that actually exist? Is there that type of language where a union organization would say: “If you’re joining my union, you are precluded from belonging to any other unions or seeking employment with any other union organization”? I’m having a hard time understanding why this here.
Maybe the minister has another example that he might be able to share with this House where this particular language would actually be of value or of benefit to protecting workers rights in the province.
Hon. H. Bains: I don’t have any examples of any language that may exist.
Again, I am advised that with the return to single-step certification, the anticipation, as it was back then, is that the employer will increasingly challenge the validity of the membership evidence, including by submitting arguments regarding how membership cards relate to internal union rules, including the union’s bylaws and constitution.
This provision will assist the parties in understanding the certification process by clarifying that when assessing membership evidence, the Labour Relations Board has the authority to continue their long-standing practice of deciding this question by looking to the requirements prescribed by the labour relations regulations without calling into question the constitutional bylaws of the union.
The board right now has that policy. They don’t allow arguments from the employer or the union that such-and-such membership should not be considered because union policy, union rules or union constitution somehow doesn’t allow that member to come into that union.
It just delays the process. It has no bearing right now, because the board does not consider that right now. We are basically putting the language to clarify to both sides that that argument should not be brought forward because there are rules now that it will not be considered.
G. Kyllo: I appreciate the minister for his response. It has yet to satisfy me with respect to why it is being included in Bill 10. If there are no examples of where it would come into play or any hardship or challenges… I’m really trying to have a better understanding of what the intention of this particular clause is.
The minister, in his response, referenced membership. I’m assuming that if we have a look at the potential certification of a trade unit for an employer, there’s been…. We’ll, in section 4, get into a lot more detail around the card check. Is it possible that a member could be determined to be giving their agreement to collective bargaining or moving forward with union certification without actually signing a union membership card for that specific company or that specific union?
Sorry, I’m not trying to be cute here, hon. Chair. There has been a lot of discussion around the card check and the requirement for members, within a 180-day period, to sign a union certification card or a membership application. That’s very specific. That’s something where a worker has to physically actually put their name and date, I guess, on that card, saying: “Yes, I want to be a part of this union.”
Membership is a very different consideration. So I just want to have some clarity.
If a worker has signed and become a member of another union previously, is there any opportunity for the board to consider that membership in any way to take the place or to give direction to the board that a worker who may not have signed a specific union membership card for that filing — if that worker is somehow going to be counted and the determination made that they were in approval or in agreement based on a membership, existing or previous, with another organization?
Hon. H. Bains: To answer the member’s question, I think the example the member used is if they have a membership in some union before. The board will determine the membership evidence based on the union membership this member at that particular time signed and the union applying for the certification. So that union has sufficient members in that particular unit at that particular time, and when they’re making the application, that’s the membership that is considered, not some other previous membership somewhere.
I’m trying to come up with an example. I think the reason we were advised by the board was because they have a long-standing policy not to consider any argument, coming from mostly the employers’ side, that this membership should not be considered because union bylaws say this. I think, with my own experience, I can go back, and there could be a reason why some employers continue to have that argument.
Some unions many, many years ago would only organize in certain economies, certain sectors. IWA would only stick to the forest industry, and Steelworkers would stick to the steel, or the auto workers would just stick to that. But it has opened up in the last 40, 50 years. All unions are signing members in any sector and any economy they like to or when they are approached for interest.
It must have been that some employer made the argument that unions’ bylaws suggest that they will only stick to the forest industry, for example, but this is a rope manufacturer, so it doesn’t fit their bylaws. There must be some cases, but right now it’s a board’s existing policy not to consider bylaws or constitution of the union.
On the advice of the board chair, they said to clarify, this language existed before. Put that in here so that we don’t waste everybody’s time and money by having these arguments when we don’t consider it anyway.
G. Kyllo: In the minister’s response, he indicated that the board had provided this recommendation. Was there a written submission of recommendations from the labour board with respect to the development of this legislation, this specific clause?
The minister’s admission was recommended to be inserted into the legislation. Was that provided in writing, and were there any other lists of recommendations that were provided by the labour board to the minister with respect to the drafting of this legislation?
Hon. H. Bains: No, there were no written submissions by the labour board. Just to do due diligence, when we were drafting the language for these changes, the ministry reached out, under a confidentiality agreement, to see if the language we were proposing would work. That’s when a suggestion was made that this would clarify their existing policy if we include this language, because that’s how they operate right now.
Then they drew to the ministry’s attention that this language existed before. It is appropriate to have that language included now, because that’s our policy. Between 2001 and now, until we brought in Bill 30 for this language, there was no such language, but the board continued with that policy.
They are saying it will clarify the board’s position, which the board already practised anyway.
G. Kyllo: Thanks to the minister. The minister indicated there was no written submission from the chair of the labour board. I’m assuming it was just verbal communication. Is that the typical approach for board chairs of labour boards or other organizations to just provide kind of verbal input with respect to the development, or would it be more typical for there to be written communication or correspondence back and forth between the chair of the labour board and the minister’s office, just to ensure they’ve got things correct?
Further to that, was the final draft of this legislation provided to the chair of the labour board for review — to provide the chair the opportunity to satisfy him- or herself that this language actually meets the policy objective that the board has?
Maybe just further to that, when the minister references the current policy of the labour board, is that a written policy that’s detailed, and was the minister provided a copy of that written policy, or is this just more of a policy in practice that was communicated to him from the board chair?
Hon. H. Bains: The way it happened is that when we were finalizing the language, there were some technical questions, and we wanted to run it by under the non-disclosure agreement. She went through clause by clause, and she identified that particular area.
She said that it would be good to have that language that existed here before, and she identified what that language is. It is to clarify our current policy, so that should go in. The ministry looked at that language and put that in, and here we are.
G. Kyllo: Did the board chair indicate that this was a written policy that currently exists in the labour board? Was this just tribal knowledge, general understanding, kind of a verbal policy, or was it an actual written policy that she was relying upon in giving direction to the minister?
Hon. H. Bains: No, we were advised. We have canvassed this type of question before: where is the written policy about who can be part of the bargaining unit?
These are determined through case law and the jurisprudence. Similarly here, there would be case laws and jurisprudence available. That’s how we were advised that this is the language that needed to be in there to clarify our position. That’s the board position — just to do what this language is directing parties to do.
G. Kyllo: To the minister: did the board chair provide you with a copy of the case law or the jurisprudence that she relied upon in providing this advice to the minister?
Hon. H. Bains: No.
G. Kyllo: Did the minister ask or seek clarity on the reasons and rationale, the justification that the chair was providing this information, this recommendation, this change to legislation to the minister?
I would certainly hope that the minister would have been looking for some substantive information rather than just taking the recommendation of the chair — that there would have been at least a question with respect to what policy she was looking to or, as the minister has indicated now, case law or jurisprudence.
Did the minister even seek out any information with respect to what the chair was relying upon in offering this advice to the minister, which was accepted by the minister and actually included in the legislation that’s before us?
Hon. H. Bains: To clarify, the minister did not meet with or talk to the board chair. It was the ministry, my ministry folks who were putting the language together to come back and advise me. They were satisfied that that that language made sense.
It was in place before 2001, and it is consistent with 55 percent. That practice continues on — not to consider union bylaws and constitution to determine the appropriateness of the bargaining unit. It made sense to me that the language should go in, and that’s why it’s in there.
G. Kyllo: Now, the chair of the labour board…. I don’t have a lot of knowledge with respect to how the labour board operates, but I would imagine that although there is a chair, the chair likely reports to other board members.
Did the chair meet or consult or in another way obtain the acceptance or support of other board members, or was it just solely the board chair’s recommendation that led staff to include her recommendation in the legislation?
Hon. H. Bains: My understanding is only the board chair, under the NDA, and she is not allowed to talk to anybody. It was the language that was there, so we want to be consistent. I want to confirm that the policy of the board still continues, and that policy was confirmed and still continues. That’s why we put that language in.
G. Kyllo: Well, the minister initially indicated it was a policy of the labour board which led to the inclusion of this language. Then, under further scrutiny, the minister confirmed that it actually wasn’t a written policy; it was more reference to case law or jurisprudence. Those were the minister’s answers.
It’s surprising that the ministry staff would…. I appreciate there’s value and necessity in reaching out to the current board chair to get recommendations and advice, but it doesn’t appear that the rationale or reasons or justification were even provided to ministry staff, because when we first started discussing this particular section and I asked the question of the minister, “Could you give some examples; what problems are we trying to solve,” there were none that were forthcoming.
It appears that the board chair, on her sole recommendation, is able to dictate and direct language that’s included in this legislation without any justification, reasons or rationale, no written policy and, apparently, no consultation with other board members.
Now, I appreciate other board members may not have been under an NDA, but I would assume that the board chair certainly would have the opportunity, if she felt it was important to have discussions with her board so that she is not just solely reliant on directions to the ministry…. Other board members could have easily signed an NDA specific to discussions around this particular clause.
I’m going to give the minister one more opportunity to provide some clarity around the work of his ministry staff in obtaining very important information that is included in legislation, the scrutiny around those decisions.
Further to that, can the minister share with this House when he was made aware that it was solely the recommendation of the board chair that led to the inclusion of this specific section of the legislation?
Hon. H. Bains: A couple of things I probably should clarify.
I am advised that we put the language together based on what the language was prior to 2001. There were other people involved, like the legislative counsel drafting the languages. Then she confirmed that that language needed to be there and that it was the right thing to do because it confirms the board policy, the existing policy.
Now, Member, you need to understand that the board develops policies through cases and how the cases are decided over time. That’s how the policies are determined. There is a number of policies that the board adopts and continues on, but there’s no written list of policies — what constitutes, for example, the bargaining unit, who should be and who shouldn’t be. That is also determined over a period of time through the case laws and precedents, and then they follow that.
I’m not a lawyer, but others in that profession, perhaps, can guide us both.
In the courts, many things happen a similar way. Once the decisions are made, you go to arbitration. Many cases are determined there. For example, what is a just cause for termination? There are thousands of cases in the library. What constitutes just law? There’s no written policy. You can draw from those cases, but then again, each case becomes a little different under the same circumstances.
That’s how the arbitrators are guided by the jurisprudence and the previous cases. Similarly, here the board takes some cases, and then they make a decision. Many times that becomes the policy for the board going forward.
That’s the way, my understanding is, that the board works. This policy…. We may have to go back to see when that policy was determined through some cases or case, and then they continue to follow that policy. They rely on those types of policies that are established through the case laws and precedents.
That’s my understanding. I’m not a lawyer, but that’s the way I understand that the system worked there. If you go to the labour board and ask, “What is the policy about this, about this, about this,” they may give you guidance based on the previous cases. But you will probably not see a big list out there about what is the appropriate unit, for example. There are some guidelines and procedures listed there, but I’m just going by my own….
This one here is the language that was there before 2001, and we put that in. To get the technical advice from the board chair to make sure of the language we were proposing on all of the entire package…. She confirmed that language, that it makes sense to leave it in there.
G. Kyllo: Well, the minister is doing a great job of trying to confuse me, I think. When I initially asked the question with respect to this particular clause, the minister was unable to provide any reasons or rationale, and it was the minister who indicated that it was actually the recommendation of the board chair of the labour board.
The minister is now indicating that it wasn’t the board chair who recommended the language, that it was actually staff that moved forward with the recommendation and put the language in the initial draft that then went to the board chair for review. Well, if that is the case, then the minister should, at the very least, be able to provide some rationale and justification for why it’s in here.
If his ministry staff are the ones that included this specific section, this addition to the legislation, which is a change that goes back to the wording that existed 21 years ago, there must have been a reason, a rationale, a justification for why you would take language from legislation 21 years ago and supplant it into this legislation today.
Can the minister provide some level of clarity around why this particular wording is important enough to be included and brought now, under this particular legislation?
Hon. H. Bains: I think I answered the question in many different ways because it was asked in many, many different ways.
That language existed prior to 2001, when the single-step certification existed. We picked up the same language from there and implemented it in here. When we went to the board to confirm whether this language was the right language to move forward, for some technical reasons, the board chair confirmed that that language makes sense to clarify that parties….
I can also say the amendment will assist — this is what the reason is — the parties in understanding the certification process. The clarification provided by the amendment is necessary, given that the return to single-step certification may result in increased challenges regarding the validity of the membership evidence. That’s the reason.
We want to simplify the process. If the membership support is there — over 55 percent, which is a large majority, a clear majority — then the certification would proceed, rather than having the process delayed through more confusions and challenges.
Looking at the clock, I move that the committee rise, report progress and ask leave to sit again.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 6:18 p.m.
PROCEEDINGS IN THE
BIRCH ROOM
Committee of Supply
ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF INDIGENOUS
RELATIONS
AND RECONCILIATION
(continued)
The House in Committee of Supply (Section C); M. Dykeman in the chair.
The committee met at 2:36 p.m.
On Vote 33: ministry operations, $49,815,000 (continued).
M. Lee: I appreciate the opportunity to continue our estimates process here.
By way of comment, I know the member for Saanich North and the Islands had the opportunity to ask a question to the minister about the status of the Wet’suwet’en MOU. We have some further questions to follow on with.
I’ll just turn it over to the member for Skeena, and then I’ll follow on with his questions as well.
E. Ross: We all understand that the MOU was signed between Canada, the Wet’suwet’en Hereditary Chiefs and the B.C. provincial government in 2020.
In terms of the rights and title negotiations, as it’s titled in the press release that came from the B.C. government, can I ask the minister: how is it going? What’s the progress on this? How far has the B.C. government come along with these negotiations?
Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you to the member for Skeena for the question. Our negotiations, of course, on rights and title in Wet’suwet’en territory are in respect of the Delgamuukw-Gisday’wa case over 20 years ago. Our efforts to negotiate that have been pursuant, as the member indicated, to an MOU with the government of Canada, the Hereditary Chiefs and the province of British Columbia.
Our government has continued to work on those matters through COVID, through some of the difficulties that everyone in this place will be aware of. The progress, I can confirm, has not been as quick as we had hoped due to these factors and others, but we are, of course, hoping to meet them in the near term. In fact, I’ve invited both the Wet’suwet’en Hereditary Chiefs and the elected leaders to a summit in the hopes that we can make progress on Wet’suwet’en reunification.
E. Ross: This all came about because of protests and disputes on the pipeline — specifically, Coastal GasLink — that’s going to feed LNG Canada in Kitimat. Is the pipeline completion in that neck of the woods, in Wet’suwet’en territory…? Is the completion of that pipeline dependent on the outcome of these negotiations that the province is currently undertaking?
Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you to the member.
The conclusion of the negotiations is not dependent on the pipeline at all. As I indicated in my opening question, in response to the member for Skeena, this is historic work about rights and title that is involved, fundamentally, in implementing the Supreme Court of Canada’s decision in Delgamuukw-Gisday’wa.
E. Ross: That’s quite encouraging to hear — that the timeline and the progress of the pipeline will not be affected by these negotiations. It is a lawfully approved pipeline.
If these negotiations will have no connection or no bearing on the pipeline completion, can I ask the minister what kind of timeline does the minister see, in terms of successful outcomes of this MOU negotiation of Wet’suwet’en rights and title?
Hon. M. Rankin: I would respond to the hon. member by pointing out that the project to which he refers is a fully permitted project and that the timeline for which he seeks a prediction is a matter that, of course, as one of the three parties involved in that negotiation, I am in no position to predict.
E. Ross: It’s good that we differentiated the pipeline construction from these MOU negotiations. The only reason I ask this question in terms of the successful outcome of the MOU negotiations is because rights and title is one of the most complicated topics that I’ve ever come across in Canada. You’ve always got to think about case law in terms of being in the abstract.
I’m not quite sure where the United Nations declaration on the rights of Indigenous peoples fits in, but when we’re talking about a timeline to these kinds of negotiations, you’ve already got templates in terms of what we’re talking about.
Currently what you’re talking about is undefined rights and title. Yes, it’s complicated, with the division of powers between elected, between hereditary leadership versus the houses who have actually petitioned this government to allow the members of the Wet’suwet’en people have their voices heard as well. I’m sure the minister has that letter in hand as well.
To show the members of this Legislature how complicated this is, the Nisg̱a’a final agreement is an example of defined rights and title. I’m assuming that the B.C. government is actually negotiating the same provisions, if you’re trying to define title, as you will find in the Nisg̱a’a final agreement. In this case here, when we’re talking about defined titles, we’re actually talking about 22 chapters, and that’s just the general provisions in terms of how to define Aboriginal rights and title.
You also have the broad general framework of Tŝilhqot’in title that was actually decided upon in the courts of B.C. and Canada.
Can I ask the minister: is the minister following the framework that was already laid out in modern day treaties — like, say, Tsawwassen final agreement or Nisg̱a’a final agreement — as a pathway to a successful conclusion of the MOU negotiations?
Hon. M. Rankin: I appreciate the member’s recognition of the complexity of Aboriginal rights and title in Canadian case law at the moment. He’s absolutely right.
The template to which he refers — namely, the modern treaty process, of which the Nisg̱a’a, 22 years ago, is our first example — is but one model. It may not be this model. What we are doing with the Wet’suwet’en is trying to implement the MOU to which he referred earlier.
E. Ross: Every First Nation leader knows about the principles of rights and title as laid out in Tŝilhqot’in as well as in modern-day treaties.
Maybe I can ask something more specific. The MOU mentions jurisdiction. In that respect, is the minister discussing law-making authorities? To be more specific, is the minister discussing with their Canada counterparts the paramountcy of laws when it comes to these negotiations underneath the Wet’suwet’en MOU?
Hon. M. Rankin: The member is absolutely right. Jurisdiction is mentioned in the MOU.
What we are dealing with, however, first and foremost, is governance. I think that is the key point. There are interface agreements later which will talk about how the governance system, the houses that the member referred to and others will interact with public governments, federal and provincial. That’s very much part of the final implementation of the MOU, going forward. But at the moment, we are struggling with the issue of governance.
E. Ross: Yes, I can understand that. I mean, 22 years of just the Nisg̱a’a final agreement actually highlighted those problems right from the outset. That’s why it brings up a number of different concerns, not only from the Aboriginal perspective but from a British Columbia citizen’s perspective.
There are more issues to come. It is private lands on the table. It is public assets on the table, like forestry roads, highways, even properties that house government facilities like hospitals or schools. Even this Legislature is on undefined rights and title land. That’s why it’s so dangerous to play politics with rights and title.
These questions have already been answered in agreements like the Nisg̱a’a final agreement or the Tsawwassen. If the government is actually stuck on governance, there is going to be a subset of problems coming underneath that that will have to be resolved in some manner. The questions will remain the same. The issues will remain the same.
In light of this government not quite out of the governance section just yet…. Is there a schedule that has been outlined in terms of which topics will be discussed when that would give us a broader understanding of what the government is talking about (1) in terms of B.C.’s interests and (2) in terms of completion of these negotiations?
Hon. M. Rankin: I agree with the member entirely — that it is dangerous, to use his words, to play politics with Aboriginal title and rights.
These are difficult negotiations. It’s not a surprise the Tsilhqot’in decision went to the Supreme Court of Canada. It has been years in which people have tried to ensure how the federal, provincial and First Nations governments can put meat on the bones of that.
We are trying to do the same sort of thing with the MOU to which the member refers. It lays out topics, as the member knows. I can say, categorically, that the private lands issue to which he refers…. Private land will not be on the table.
“Is there a schedule?” he asks. Not any sort of schedule I can point to. But I can reconfirm that the most important issue at the outset, which we’ve said at the table in a way, is the issue of governance.
M. Lee: Let me just say at this juncture, having been through up to about two hours now with the minister in this estimates process…. Dare I say that if I did the math, comparing this minister to his colleagues…. This minister and the team around him seem to have the ability to give succinct, to-the-point responses in a relatively short manner. I think that’s just a demonstration of the understanding, let’s say, of the minister and his portfolio.
What we’re trying to do here, of course, is to get clarity. I think the member for Skeena, in addressing a number of questions in succession, is trying to get there, as well as the member for Saanich North and the Islands previously.
Just to follow along with that, to be more specific, as well, when we look at the MOU…. What the minister has responded to in the past has been the summit of hereditary and elected leaders within the Wet’suwet’en First Nation. That, of course, originally had a six-month timeline to it. I appreciate the pandemic, as it made things more challenging. The member for Skeena just asked for a better sense of the timeline.
Perhaps, in the response, the minister can address: when will that summit be held? What is the expected outcome and goal of the summit? Is there a strategy that is going to be coming out of that, or is there some plan going into the summit itself for resolution?
Hon. M. Rankin: First of all, let me say to the member for Vancouver-Langara how much I appreciate those kind words and the respect I have for the duty of the opposition members to seek that clarity. We’re also trying to seek clarity as we go forward in these negotiations.
Particularly, being a negotiator…. I know members across the way will have done this kind of work as well. It’s very hard to do negotiation through a Zoom channel or a Teams link. I personally understand the difficulty, having done a lot of it in my career. I think we need to recognize that sometimes those negotiations require to be face to face, and we simply don’t have the ability to do that. That’s a fact, and it’s a sad fact.
I also think it’s entirely appropriate that the member would seek to know the schedule. I think we would like that as well. All I can say at this point is that we have made a written letter. Both the federal minister and myself sent it to the leadership of the hereditary leaders as well as to the elected, with a view to having a summit as soon as possible. That continues to be our goal. We are awaiting them. Of course, we need to ensure our federal partners are also able to come to the table soon.
Our goal is a very straightforward one. We want a frank discussion about the challenges that we have. It’s no surprise to anyone encountered in this difficult set of negotiations. We want to get the job done. We’re committed to doing so. We put our hand out to our negotiating partners, and we want that meeting to take place just as soon as we can.
M. Lee: I think it’s fair to say that from the time the MOU was entered into, in February of 2020, with the federal partners…. There is an understanding that the elected leadership of the Wet’suwet’en is also needed to be included as part of the next steps. Is that correct?
Hon. M. Rankin: Yes.
M. Lee: In terms of the reference to Delgamuukw that I’ve heard this government say in response from time to time, in terms of doing the work…. The minister did refer to that in the first part of this estimates process — that after that decision some decades ago, the work that was necessary to be done, in terms of negotiating with the Hereditary Chiefs, with the Wet’suwet’en, hasn’t yet been done.
Could the minister describe for us the specific points of concern coming from that decision vis-à-vis the Hereditary Chiefs and how that is coinciding, let’s say, with the strategy around reunification for the nation?
The Chair: A reminder to all members. Hansard can’t pick up unless the microphones come on. So if you could just wait to answer till you’re recognized, please, so we can get your answers recorded in the record. Thank you.
Hon. M. Rankin: The question is a very good one. We have, of course, said initially that we believe we are engaged in doing what the Chief Justice of Canada said in the Delgamuukw-Gisday’wa decision — namely, negotiate.
We know, and the members opposite know, that it is the collectivity of a nation that has the Aboriginal title and rights in a particular part of our province. It’s always the collectivity. Who speaks for that collectivity? Is it the Hereditary Chiefs? Is it the elected Chiefs? Is it some combination of them? In different parts of the province, that question is answered differently.
Initially, in the Delgamuukw case, there was a tighter alliance between the elected and the hereditary leadership than there has been over the last few years. But that fundamental question is why I return to the signal importance of dealing with the issue of governance. We cannot, as public governments, negotiate and conclude an agreement unless and until we’re persuaded that they have the membership’s interests at heart and a mandate from the membership of that collectivity. That reunification issue is something that we take to be our first priority.
M. Lee: I meant to include this earlier. The recognition of clarity for the questions from the opposition and the Third Party is also with a view to something the minister had mentioned previously, at the outset, which is that we also want greater clarity and certainty for the types of projects, investment decisions, partnerships with building healthy communities across this province. I think we share that with Indigenous communities, of course. The member for Skeena certainly has been a strong advocate for that.
I just want to ask a few questions, again relating to the MOU. The member for Skeena did touch on this. In the context of the MOU, paragraph 4 says simply that B.C. commits to engage in these negotiations, consistent with DRIPA.
Could I ask the minister to give his sense as to the meaning of that particular clause in the context of what we’ve been discussing here?
Hon. M. Rankin: We, of course, share entirely what the member has, I think, properly stressed: that it is in everyone’s interest in our province to provide clarity for partnerships, businesses, communities — all British Columbians, Indigenous or otherwise. That is what this vexing land question has been about since before British Columbia joined Confederation, and we’re tasked with trying to do something that we might all have wished to have done a long time ago.
Paragraph 4 of the MOU talks about doing this activity consistent with the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act. The member will know that a central feature of the Declaration Act, as confirmed in the first theme of the action plan under that act, is self-determination — self-determination and self-government.
Section 6 of the Declaration Act talks about Indigenous governing bodies. Who are the proper rights and title holders? Who has section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982 rights? Who are those people? It goes right back to where we started — the central importance that we recognize of ensuring that we have the negotiating partners that truly represent the Indigenous collectivity, the Aboriginal rights and title holders of the Wet’suwet’en people.
M. Lee: I appreciate that when Bill 41 was tabled on the floor of the Legislative Assembly, we spent, at length, the member for Abbotsford West and myself with the former Minister of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation, over five days in committee. I know that the team around the minister remembers that well.
I can say, of course, that an Indigenous governing body certainly was one area of the bill, among many, that needed some clarity and discussion. I appreciate that we are spending time on one particular important area of our province, whether it’s historic, vis-à-vis the Delgamuukw decision, the current situation around the lands, of course….
There are many other examples that we could be spending time on, but we don’t have that time, unfortunately. I’d love to have more time to talk about other situations, but this is the situation we’re talking about here. In that context, I would say that at the high level, the kinds of learnings and discussions and clarity and certainty that we’re discussing here are helpful to understand how government will work with First Nation leaders and others for other situations.
Keeping that all in mind, when we talk about proper rights and title holders, recognizing that it is held collectively, as the minister has just responded to twice…. In the context of understanding “Indigenous governing body,” the MOU does make reference, as the minister did, to the Wet’suwet’en houses as the Indigenous governing body.
I’d ask if the minister could elaborate upon that legal recognition that is confirmed in the MOU, vis-à-vis recognizing that rights and title are held collectively here — the recognition that there is a need for the Wet’suwet’en Nation reunification strategy, the summit that the minister has talked about. How is that all going to square here in terms of recognition of who is the proper rights and title holder here and the Indigenous governing body for the Wet’suwet’en rights and title?
Hon. M. Rankin: The hon. member has certainly put his finger on one of the complexities, for sure. The Wet’suwet’en Nation consists of five clans, 13 houses and six Indian bands — bands created under the Indian Act. One of the central features of the MOU is to negotiate on the basis, the legal recognition, that the Wet’suwet’en houses are the Indigenous governing body holding Wet’suwet’en Aboriginal rights and title, in accordance with their Anuk ’nu’at’en.
I think that underscores yet again the critical importance of ensuring, given the complex arrangements in the Wet’suwet’en Nation, that we get it right with respect to governance.
I point out to the hon. member that every Wet’suwet’en member is a member of the house and clan to which they have been historically associated, and that, of course, includes the elected leadership as well. Again, I think that will give some indication of the complex world in which we are trying to resolve these historic issues.
M. Lee: I appreciate the response. I think it is indicative of the fact that this minister understands the complexities, certainly, involved in what we see at times, which has perhaps been oversimplified, let’s say, either by the media or others locally. But I think as long as there is a recognition of the collective rights there with the Wet’suwet’en people in the way that the minister described, that is a helpful way to go forward. We look forward to further discussion with the minister about this.
I wanted to just take a small, technical opportunity here, given that my colleague the member for Skeena mentioned jurisdiction in the way that he did. Is the minister aware of a recent Quebec Court of Appeal decision relating to a federal act restricting First Nations, Inuit and Métis children and youth and families?
As I understand it on a quick read, as I have become aware of this case, there is jurisdictional commentary, let’s say, that is going to be subject to an appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada by parties involved. But there was cautionary language, I suppose, of some sort by the Court of Appeal as to the ability, let’s say, of legislation to supersede the federal jurisdiction vis-à-vis Indigenous rights.
Could I just get the minister’s quick response? What I mean by that is any high-level response to that consideration in looking at how we develop legislation in this province, recognizing that that decision seems to have some relevance and import.
Hon. M. Rankin: The member asks if I’m aware of the decision. Very much so. I’ve had a chance to read the Quebec Court of Appeal decision. The member’s absolutely right. It’s complicated. There are issues of paramountcy that have been discussed — Indigenous laws under the child welfare legislation there and the federal role under this. It’s going to be something that, I think, all of us are going to look at the Supreme Court of Canada for guidance on.
Beyond that, I think I would be remiss to say too much because, of course, it will be our Attorney General who will make the decision and whether and how and to what extent B.C. gets involved.
M. Lee: At this point, I’d like to turn to my colleague the member for Penticton. He has some local issues to ask questions about as well.
D. Ashton: To the minister: always a pleasure to see you, Minister. Just a quick question. I’m going to drag you back down south.
I’ll open my remarks by saying my question is based on the incredible respect that I have for Chief Crow, his council and the entire Lower Similkameen Indian Band. But about a week ago, sir, an IPCA, an Indigenous Protected and Conserved Area, was announced for an area called the nʔaysnúlaʔxʷ. That area is an access route for people that are hunting, fishing, hiking. There are some commercial ventures in the area.
I wondered if the minister could explain how that IPCA designation is going to affect those people that I brought up that share those incredible lands and waters, along with the bands in the area.
Hon. M. Rankin: It’s a pleasure to answer questions from the member for Penticton. I, too, have enormous respect for Chief Crow. I’ve spoken with him on many occasions, but not about this.
I say that because the notion of an IPCA, to which he refers, is a federal policy construct that doesn’t exist in B.C. law on land use. How it would apply in the nʔaysnúlaʔxʷ area is, of course, something that I’ve asked my officials to reach out to the Lower Similkameen Indian Band to try to understand.
At this stage, we haven’t had that conversation. As I say, it’s a federal construct. How it would work, if it could work — all of those questions remain to be discussed with the Chief and, of course, with our federal counterparts.
D. Ashton: Minister, thank you very much.
I’d like to quote. It says: “Licensees in non-Syilx water and land users in the watershed area will be given notice regarding how the new IPCA declaration will affect them.”
I’m assuming there’s going to be some consequences. All I am asking is…. Time may be…. I won’t track that. Time is of the essence. I mean, the nʔaysnúlaʔxʷ is opening up now. The sməlqmix is lifting up access, again, to those lands.
Again, the utmost of cooperation with the Lower Similkameen Indian Band and also some parts of the Upper Similkameen Indian Band is imperative. But I know that there are many people questioning what is going to transpire under this IPCA.
Again, I just ask. If it’s not possible at this time, if some news could be forthcoming from the provincial government for those affected in that area.
Hon. M. Rankin: I think the member read from a declaration from the Lower Similkameen Indian Band. I take his point that this is a matter where timing is critical.
I have, once again, asked my staff to reach out, having received this just a week or so ago from the Lower Similkameen Indian Band, to see just how they intend the province to be involved and what it would mean. This is something that we look forward to discussing with Chief Crow and his council.
M. Lee: I will have the member for Peace River North joining us in about 15 minutes, virtually. In the meantime, if I could turn to another topic.
The minister, in his introductory comments, talked about the new fiscal relationship framework that is going to be worked on — and, obviously, there to support Indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination. We’ve had that discussion as that being one of the key items in the DRIPA action plan as well.
Certainly the minister has talked about, by way of example, the model for forest revenue–sharing. Perhaps I could ask the minister to continue to refer to and give us a sense as to what will be considered for this new fiscal relationship, recognizing that we will have some subsequent questions relating to the revenue-sharing arrangement as well. That’s another area; I appreciate that. Certainly, if the minister could describe for us what that new fiscal relationship framework might look like.
Hon. M. Rankin: I’m very pleased the member took us back to the new fiscal relationship framework. Action 1.4 in the action plan is something that we, of course, co-developed with Indigenous partners.
It starts by saying: “Co-develop with Indigenous peoples a new distinctions-based fiscal relationship and framework that supports the operation of Indigenous governments.” It goes on to say: “…whether through modern treaties, self-government agreements or advancing the right to self-government through other mechanisms. This work will include collaboration with the government of Canada.”
I emphasize two words — the notion of “co-developing” this. The other important words are “Indigenous governments.” Like any governments, Indigenous governments need stable, dependable, long-term funding. We’ve heard this from all sorts of governments. The province asks that of the feds. The municipalities ask that of the regional districts. It’s exactly the same needs that Indigenous governments have.
That is why I’m proud that our government brought in revenue-sharing from gaming to the tune of some $100 million a year for each of the 204 nations so that they would have that stable revenue that I referred to. That agreement is in place until 2045, again giving that certainty that they can go forward and do things that are important to their community.
That is what we’re going to co-develop. That is going to go beyond the forest revenue–sharing piece to which the member referred. It’s going to be dealing with other revenue sources and other sources so we can ensure that the Indigenous governments in our province are on a stable fiscal footing.
M. Lee: Last year the minister used contingencies to supplement lost investment revenue from the first citizens fund. Will the minister be considering doing that again this year?
Hon. M. Rankin: The first citizens fund has revenue that has been relatively stable year to year, slightly up in the service plan going forward. Basically, those changes have simply been due to fluctuations in the interest rate, because it’s a fund drawing interest, and everyone will know our interest rates so far have been pretty low.
M. Lee: In terms of recognizing what is contemplated under the service plan, if revenues for the first citizens fund continue to be low, are there any longer-term strategies for ensuring that First Nations have stable revenue sources?
Hon. M. Rankin: I’m glad that we’re talking about the first citizens fund, because it has been one source of revenue that has been around for some time. As I said, it fluctuates due to interest rates, but it provides programming — a lot of good programming for languages, for Elder services, and the like.
Of course, those programs are also very much funded in our base ministry budget. For example, the strategic partnerships and initiatives development program area is one area of our ministry that would be involved in supplementing those kinds of funds. In other words, the fund is there. We use is for what I’ve just indicated it’s used for, but of course, every year we must supplement it in order to ensure that those programs are well funded.
M. Lee: In terms of the B.C. First Nations Gaming Revenue Sharing Limited Partnership, there was a one-time grant by the government and this ministry to supplement lost gaming revenue in 2020-2021. As I understand, gaming revenue in 2021-2022 was also lower than expected. Will the government be providing a similar grant to support that shortfall as well?
Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you for the question about the gaming-revenue-sharing with First Nations.
This has been something that in the first three years, has involved an expenditure by the province of almost $255 million of sharing of gaming revenue with First Nations, something I’m very proud of. It represents a 7 percent share in our gaming revenue so that First Nations can have that stable funding that I referred to.
It goes straight to the…. It is limited partnership that regulates it, but then the money goes to the 204 First Nations to dispense in order to have that stable government and go forward with projects that are important to their community.
The member alluded to the fact that not that long ago $74 million was provided to the First Nations in a one-time grant for the simple reason that the province was committed to making them whole. The pandemic has taken an enormous toll. People were not going to casinos; therefore, the revenue was down dramatically in a way that no one could have foreseen.
We thought it the right thing to do. We made that contribution, and it was well received in an announcement made in Vancouver a couple of weeks ago that I had the pleasure of attending.
There is no plan, of course, at this stage to deal with such a program in the future. That will be a decision, if made, of the government at that time.
M. Lee: Is there a shortfall for 2021 and 2022 of approximately $42 million?
Hon. M. Rankin: In 2020-2021, due to the decline in gaming revenue due to the pandemic, First Nations gaming revenues were approximately $74 million lower than anticipated, as I said. Therefore, there was that one-time payment that was made.
The answer to the member’s question is yes. In 2021-2022, we transferred over $58 million, but that left a shortfall of $42 million. I’m stressing that this payment was over more than a calendar year. That would be the reason for that number being different.
M. Lee: I appreciate this response from the minister. I do remember at length the discussion of the bill that the government brought forward relating to this new revenue-sharing relationship.
Could I ask the minister…? As we look at this revenue-sharing arrangement, that is a 42 percent…. Well, $74 million to make up the shortfall in the previous year and a $42 million shortfall in the next year, which is 2021-2022, is a pretty wide shift. What has been the impact, from the minister’s understanding, to the First Nations who have been relying on that level of funding?
I do certainly appreciate the concern relating to stability of funding, but of course, we’re trying to build up towards less dependency, more self-determination. I would expect that this revenue-sharing arrangement is one to help First Nations and Indigenous communities get there, so to speak.
When we talk about the swing, let’s say, of the $42 million, what is the impact, from the minister’s understanding, to First Nations because of that shortfall?
Hon. M. Rankin: I’m hopeful that the First Nations will see that the impact has been minimal, because we have, through the numbers I’ve described earlier, made them whole. That was the entire objective of the one-time grant.
I say again that the $74 million was to cover 2019-20 and then 2020-21 fiscal years. There was a shortfall in the one year that the member referred to, but the $74 million covers both years, and we made them whole because of the precipitous decline in gaming activity during that time.
We hope we don’t have to ever do this again, and they hope we will never have to do this again. I understand that things have picked up nicely in that industry, and I’m hoping that First Nations can share, as they will, to the extent of 7 percent of the net revenues, going forward till 2045.
M. Lee: Just to clarify, the shortfall funding of the one-time grant of $74 million, then, is to cover 2019 to 2020 and 2020 to 2021. Is that correct?
Hon. M. Rankin: Yes, that is correct.
M. Lee: The additional shortfall of $42 million for 2021 to 2022 — how will that be addressed?
Hon. M. Rankin: I hope I haven’t been the source of confusion here. As I said before, $74 million was transferred, on a one-time basis, to cover the 2019-2020 fiscal year and then, secondly, the 2020-2021. That, of course, was transferred in the following year, the current year.
There is no shortfall this year, thankfully, hopefully. We expect revenues to be where they should be, based on the pandemic coming, we hope, to a close.
M. Lee: I appreciate that. I wanted just that clarity. I think, from the minister’s previous answer, I wanted to make it more explicit. There’s an assumption there that as we get through the rest of this pandemic, gaming revenues, such as they are, will return to a better level, at least from a revenue-sharing perspective.
I wanted to ask…. Overall, the minister mentioned…. When the First Nations Gaming Commission was announced in 2019, there was a projection by the government that this may lead to the provision of $3 billion over 25 years. So far, as I understand it, the revenues have been much lower than expected.
Can First Nations still expect to receive that quantum of revenue over the balance of the 25 years?
Hon. M. Rankin: The key number is 7 percent. Seven percent of net revenues through audited statements will be allocated and transferred to First Nations for the purposes I’ve described. That number is going forward to 2045, and that is what they can expect. That’s about all I can predict at this moment.
M. Lee: Just recognizing, of course, that there are different sources of revenue to be shared with First Nations. Last year there were seven mine projects with revenue-sharing negotiations anticipated or in progress. As I understand it, there are 48 of these mineral revenue-sharing agreements in place currently.
Can the minister provide any update as to the status of the negotiations on those seven further mineral revenue-sharing agreements?
Hon. M. Rankin: I appreciate the member asking about the ECDAs, as we call them, the revenue-sharing from mining, the tax revenue. The economic and community development agreements are between governments and various First Nations to share direct mineral tax revenue on new mines and major mine expansions.
There are many that are outstanding, that have been negotiated over time and that are available on the website for anyone who might wish to see what those agreements look like.
I can say that we are in the process now, along with our colleagues in the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation, of trying to ensure…. That new fiscal relationship framework I talked about earlier would include a transformation of that kind of revenue-sharing — revenue-sharing from forestry, revenue-sharing from ski resorts and any number of other activities across the province. That’s very much going to be the central part of the co-developed framework I referred to.
M. Lee: Madam Chair, we will just take a break from that line of inquiry and turn it over now to my colleague the member for Peace River North.
D. Davies: I’d like to thank my colleague for an opportunity to ask a couple of questions to the minister and to thank the minister for his time.
First of all, I want to thank the minister. He and I have had a number of discussions around a couple of areas — the Red Creek subdivision, Charlie Lake lands — regarding the TLE properties. I understand that the minister did have a meeting. That was set up quite some time ago for this afternoon.
I guess, first of all, maybe I’ll open up…. If the minister could give a quick synopsis of how he thinks the meeting went with those stakeholders this afternoon.
Hon. M. Rankin: I welcome my colleague from Peace River North to this meeting and appreciate the questions a great deal. It’s been a pleasure to work with him on things that are so important in the northeast. I definitely know he has his finger on the pulse. I did have a meeting with certain members from the community at Red Creek and also at Charlie Lake.
I should just say to those who aren’t engaged in the specifics that this, of course, involves something called TLE, treaty land entitlements. This is a legal liability that goes back to the late 1990s. It probably goes back further than that. Land that was not made available and that had been promised to First Nations in the northeast. That was part of treaty 8, and that land never came.
It has taken us a long time, but we are poised to have a successful resolution in the near term of these treaty land entitlement negotiations with the various nations in the northeast. It’s an exciting time. I’ve been talking about it with my federal counterpart. Literally hundreds of millions of dollars are coming to the northeast nations as a consequence of these negotiations.
British Columbia’s part, as the member well knows, is to deal with the land portion of that. To that end, our ministry has led a public engagement process. It has been ongoing for some four years. There have been some concerns raised, as always occurs when land is selected in particular areas. We have done our best to try to resolve those negotiations.
Today, as the member alluded to, I had another conversation with the members of two communities, near which land has been selected by the Blueberry River First Nations. I think it’s a fair statement that we have done a considerable amount, through those negotiations and engagement processes, to reduce the size of the parcel at Red Creek from what had been originally requested by Blueberry. We found options elsewhere for the community.
We also ensured that there be a corridor between the land owners and the TLE lands to allow access behind the private land owners’ parcels. We hope that good neighbours will come together and sort out any kind of issues that may continue in that area.
The member also referred to Charlie Lake, an important area near Fort St. John. The members today on the call asked me why that was important — why a land selection in Charlie Lake was important to the Blueberry River First Nation. I think the answer is that the Charlie Lake Caves is the oldest known archeological site in the Peace River area. It’s along the banks of a lake that’s named after Chief Charlie Yahey, who was a prominent Blueberry River Chief many, many years ago.
To date, there have been no lands owned by the First Nations in that area. So it was something that was significant. The nation confirmed to me, through the new Chief, that they indeed continued to be interested in the land selections at both Charlie Lake and at Red Creek.
I’m hoping that neighbours can come together, as I said in the call, with some of the talented people that were represented on the call, to see if we can resolve any outstanding issues that may arise as a result of that land selection.
D. Davies: Thanks, Minister. We certainly are quite excited about the Charlie Lake Caves. I’ve had the opportunity to go out to those and see the future plans to have our local Indigenous communities build those up into something much more exciting and something we can certainly share with tourists as they come through the area.
From the minister’s statements there regarding, specifically, the Charlie Lake lands. I understand there was some discussion around the concern…. It is quite a ways away from where the Charlie Lake Caves are. But the lands that were selected have been designated watershed for the last 50-plus years, as part of the government, to protect those lands. There has been a lot of build up around the lake itself, development and such. It was thought to be very important to protect these lands. Of course, now part of the lands that have been selected is this watershed.
I’m just wondering if the minister can let us know where the stance of the provincial government is on making sure that there continues to be protections in place of this important watershed that was designated by the provincial government some years ago.
Hon. M. Rankin: Before I begin, I’d just like to salute the member for Peace River North for his efforts in reconciliation in his riding. I’ve read his editorials in the newspaper. I’ve heard him speak in the House passionately about Indigenous issues, and I want to thank him for that leadership in his community.
I also think that it’s important to note at the outset that in those two land selections that the member refers to, Charlie Lake and Red Creek, there’s no…. The indication of the First Nations has been categorical. There will be no industrial activity. For example, at Charlie Lake, the parcel would be used for an Elders facility, and at Red Creek, the parcel would be used for housing.
Now, the watershed is, of course, a key concern at Charlie Lake. That came through loud and clear in the meetings that I’ve had with the community. I said, on both occasions, and I stand by it, that any development that would occur would have to meet the same or better environmental requirements that would have existed under B.C. law.
Given that they will be subject to federal jurisdiction, I am confident that, like any environmental legislation, if it’s properly enforced, the standards will be at least as rigorous if not more rigorous in respect of any development that occurs at Charlie Lake.
Through proper land use planning and through collaboration between neighbours — Indigenous and non-Indigenous — I see no reason why this development can’t occur in a way that meets everyone’s interests.
D. Davies: Thanks for that, Minister. I appreciate the comment around reconciliation. I truly do believe that most residents in my riding and throughout the North do recognize the importance of reconciliation, but we want to make sure we get it right. We want to make sure we get it right for our Indigenous communities. We also want to make sure that we get it right for the residents in order that we can live as neighbours and move forward. So I do appreciate that.
Building on those questions, and probably my last question, to let my colleague from Vancouver-Langara know, I guess the next question is: as we move forward on, specifically, these two subjects that we’ve been talking about, Charlie Lake and Red Creek, what is the process?
Can the minister give some assurances to the residents and stakeholders in those areas that they will be brought along on this process as partners — the information to be shared — so that they do know, in fact, what is going on as opposed to finding out way down the road after the fact?
I think that’s been the biggest thing we’ve heard, over the number of years, around the TLE negotiations — that it’s been veiled in this cloak of darkness with very little transparency. Can the minister confirm that there will indeed be some transparency to the residents, and what does that look like?
Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you again to the member for the question. I do not accept that the residents have been in any way, shape or form kept in the dark. Indeed, there have been extensive engagement efforts over several years with stakeholders, local governments and residents to make sure the various interests are well and truly understood by the province in this regard, both with respect to Charlie Lake and Red Lake but, of course, elsewhere as well. I’m talking open houses and other efforts that I’m aware of that have been made.
We will continue to do that. We will continue to engage. We know how important it is. We look for people of good will to come together and try to resolve those differences so we can create economic development that’s environmentally sustainable at Charlie Lake and at Red Creek, and we will continue to ensure that the local governments are involved.
I’ve had some very, very good meetings with the local governments of the area, and to a person — whether it would be a regional district representative, a councillor or a mayor, through all of the areas — I know there’s a great commitment to get it right, as the member said. I think that we are committed on that journey to do the same thing. It’s never easy, but we’re going to do our best.
M. Lee: Thanks to the member for Peace River North for giving the big thumbs-up. I’m ready to continue.
The minister, in his previous response, referred back to co-development. I certainly understand that, under provisions of the DRIPA action plan. Then he used the word “transformation,” so I wanted to come back to that word.
Previously in estimates, I did share with the minister my opportunity to talk to the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation relating to the review of the Mineral Tenure Act.
When looking at the move forward with mineral tax revenue-sharing agreements, including around mines relating to Myra Falls, Fireside, Endako, Kootenay West gypsum, Red Mountain, Cariboo Gold and Silvertip — to name a number of mines which, I understand, are currently under negotiation — some of these mines, which include Huckleberry, Kitsault and Mount Polley, are in care and maintenance or have been paused.
We’re talking about the ability of new mines to move forward, mines that might be under care and maintenance now — economic opportunities, certainly in terms of job creation for Indigenous people working at these mine sites. So it’s not just as the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation and I talked about. It’s not just, as he put it, the communities that are affected but also industry itself.
Can the minister come back, for my purposes and my understanding…? When he uses the word “transformation,” what does the ministry have in mind when we’re talking about this area — first, in the Mineral Tenure Act review and, second, in the co-development in this sector vis-à-vis these mineral tax revenue-sharing agreements? Is there a change, then, in how this will be approached, when he uses the word “transformation”?
Hon. M. Rankin: It gives me an opportunity, in replying to the member, to talk about, really, the transformation point that he made in a couple of contexts.
First of all, the support of the B.C. Mining Association, the Association for Mineral Exploration and the like has just been absolutely staggering. I’d be remiss if I didn’t mention the B.C. Business Council. The support for the work that we’re doing has been so strong and so appreciated.
I really do think that British Columbia can be a jurisdiction for the 21st century where the ESG commitment — environmental, social and governance — is a real thing. Investment decisions in the trillions of dollars, as you know, Madam Chair, are being made on the strength of whether a jurisdiction has a commitment to ESG principles.
The social part of that ESG is Indigenous co-development, and that’s the other transformational part about what we’re doing. As I read from the action plan, we are co-developing these new economic arrangements, these new revenue-sharing agreements. That’s transformational. Working with who the Indigenous governing body is, as identified by that First Nation — that’s transformational.
Much is transformational, but I go back to where I started. What’s equally transformational is the fact that there seems to be a growing consensus in our province that we must do transformative change in order to ensure that the future is open to enlightened companies that want to do mining in a way that truly reflects those ESG principles.
M. Lee: The minister referenced in response, at the outset of this particular session, members on this side of the aisle who have had experience in the industry negotiating agreements, both for industry and with First Nations. Certainly, I’m one of those members of the House who have that experience.
I appreciate what the minister is referring to in terms of ESG. I would say that that balanced scorecard for investment purposes, both by institutional investors as well as investors in a public-company context…. Many mining companies in British Columbia continue to access the public markets. There is a recognition, of course, of the opportunity. So I appreciate what the minister means when he says “transformation.” Certainly, B.C. has been under something that is…. I think this is the magnitude of what the minister’s predecessor, the minister himself, the team around him, and the secretariat all have to work with.
There’s tremendous transformative opportunity here but also, of course, the need to have clarity and certainty, not just for the kinds of communities that the member for Peace River North referred to — people living in communities, living in partnership with First Nations. We’ve talked about the Wet’suwet’en peoples with the member for Skeena, in getting clarity around what the governing body would mean, moving forward, and other jurisdictional considerations. These are the kinds of aspects that this government, as it walks through its 89 steps on the action plan, need to have greater certainty and clarity around.
When I ask the question, in the case of mineral tenure revenue-sharing agreements, recognizing the item dealing with the Mineral Tenure Act review, the reason why I’m asking this question, of course, is also to understand the timetable, the certainty of the process.
I would say, quite frankly, the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation was not able to address that yet. We did hear from the minister previously that there’s an expectation that individual ministers in the cabinet, accountable to the Premier, will have understood and embedded in planning purposes — in their current year of budget for each of the ministries — the assessment as to what they should be doing to meet the individual action items that are specific to their ministries in this budget year.
From the minister’s colleague, I heard a real lack of clarity, let’s say, meaning: “Well, we will determine over this coming year what the timetable might be, what the scope of the review might look like.” I would say to the minister, of course, that that does raise some concerns as to where we are going with this. I appreciate the overall outcome, where we all want to be, but if we don’t have a clear mandate and a framework as to how we’re going to implement DRIPA, like in the Mineral Tenure Act review, we may see a lack of clarity and certainty.
Timing is one thing; scope is another thing. The substance matter of the review is a third thing. The impact on how mineral tenure revenue-sharing agreements will be dealt with in the meantime is a fourth thing, while investors seek other jurisdictions to put their capital in — not just the mining company management teams and their boards of directors but the investors in these companies.
As much as we see the transformative opportunity here, others might say: “We see political risk.” I’m not saying in respect of First Nations; I’m saying in respect of this government. So how the government manages this relationship is important.
Again, I obviously went long on that statement, but I’d like the minister’s reaction to what I’ve said in the points that I’ve made.
Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you to the member for such a thoughtful question.
The need for clarity and certainty is not just something that Indigenous governments are looking for — I alluded to that in revenue-sharing, so that they have the revenue to support their governments in a sustainable way — but I agree entirely that it’s needed for those who make multi-million-dollar investments in our jurisdiction.
It is something that we take very seriously in our government. I know I speak to the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation about this regularly. So there is no question that the member is right about that.
What is important that I repeat, though, is the level of commitment that I find on industry’s side to that new kind of approach. This a very different world than the one several years ago, when I was first involved in this field.
I cannot stress the partnership that we have, as a government, with the industry associations, with whom I speak regularly about these issues. I think that that gives me hope that we’re going to get it right. There is that…. Any kind of…. Every industry decision is a function of risk and reward, and there are, of course, difficulties. But by creating the kinds of relationships not just that the government creates with Indigenous people but that the industry itself is creating on a daily basis, on a regular basis…. That, I think, is going to lead to the transformation we talked about earlier.
I think that the action plan is a five-year plan, so over the life of that plan, we will build a better British Columbia together. But I couldn’t be more buoyed by that future when I think about the role that the industry now wishes to play in that regard.
M. Lee: Certainly, I recognize the change over the last, let’s say, 26 years that I have been involved on commercial transactions and looking at industry and their partnership with First Nations in this province — and, perhaps, four years before that, federally.
I would say, though, to the minister, in terms of the way that he articulated his response that, again, with the limited time that we have in this estimates process, I am only using the approach to select certain areas that we can explore at this estimates stage.
One area that I did explore, again, with the minister’s colleague is in the clean energy sector. When I talked to the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation about the nature of partnership…. As the minister would know, there are a number of electricity purchase agreements, long term, that have been negotiated and entered into that date back close to 20 years.
My understanding is that there are five to seven First Nations that are in the process of some form of negotiation with B.C. Hydro in terms of the renewal of that. As the minister would, I’m sure, say to me, as the Minister of Energy has, that is something that the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation has some purview on in terms of what’s in front of B.C. Hydro.
I was talking to the minister, though, in terms of the specific DRIPA action plan item, which relates to the co-development aspect to enhance stewardship and the environment, but also in terms of the specific items relating to the clean energy aspect and the opportunity that’s there in front of us.
Could the minister provide his understanding of item 4.43, which is the co-development of recommendations on strategic policies and initiatives for clean and sustainable energy?
Hon. M. Rankin: The member and I share a great passion for this particular sector, the clean energy sector, and 4.43 is an example of one of the action items in the action plan that is the responsibility of another ministry. I want to stress that that’s not meaning we won’t be fully engaged as a ministry in assisting in that regard. But they have to take responsibility to the people of B.C., through the action plan, for efforts in that regard and the extent to which they are implementing that important action item.
I think I would be remiss if I said too much more about that item, given it’s the responsibility of my colleague, the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation.
M. Lee: I would suggest that this is an example of an example — of what we can do to have this discussion. It brings me back to the initial discussion we’ve had in this estimates process as to the role of the secretariat, the role of the minister, the accountabilities that flow up to the Premier and the Deputy Minister to the Premier.
Using this as an example, if I could recap and perhaps get the minister to comment. My understanding is, over the first year of the five-year DRIPA action plan, for example, in respect of item 4.43, it would be the minister’s expectation that the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation will work to develop the measures, the targets, as to what would be accomplished to deal with this particular 4.43. I know the minister himself, the Minister of Energy, has said that’s what the year is going to be utilized for: to deal with scope, timing and other process considerations.
As the minister does that — the Minister of Energy, that is — who is responsible for…? Is it the Minister of Energy, for example, that would be responsible for feeding into the secretariat those measures so that when we look at the annual report for 2023, as the minister and I here have discussed, those measures would be spelled out in that annual report? Something that myself or other colleagues of mine would be able to then discuss in the next process perhaps — whatever juncture of opportunity we might have.
Is that the way that these measures would flow? If that’s the case, is the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation…? Who in his ministry will actually be feeding those measures to the secretariat, if I have that flow correct? Is it the deputy minister or an ADM within the ministry who has that responsibility?
Secondly, to what degree does the Minister of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation, or the ADM responsible for the secretariat, have any say on whether that set of initiatives meets the specific item here, which is 4.43?
Hon. M. Rankin: Just for the record, I should confirm that the person who is heading up this new, exciting initiative, the secretariat for the Declaration Act, is an associate deputy minister, and that is not an ADM. It’s confusing, but it’s an assistant deputy minister.
It allows me to say that it’s within our ministry that the tracking of action plan commitments takes place. We have an assistant deputy minister whose job it is to do that. That is, I think, where the responsibility lodges.
The accountability for the delivery of each of those actions is with the ministry. It’s for them to find the budget, for them to treat this with the same level of concern that they treat mandate letter commitments.
As I’m proud to say, every single ministry in our government has something that they must do. This action plan has been co-developed with Indigenous peoples, so we know that it’s important to them. But it’s also feasible and doable from the perspective of the ministry, which gives me comfort in saying that we will get this done. All of these actions will be initiated within the five-year term, and the sooner the better. Some have already been implemented, as you know.
I think that that responsibility centre, to use the federal jargon, is with our ministry, not the secretariat. The secretariat is more involved with the alignment of laws under section 3 of the Declaration Act.
M. Lee: Well, thank you, Minister, for that clarification. I appreciate the response and, certainly, the reminder of the roles. I do recall that discussion with the member for Saanich North and the Islands. But that, in itself — the response that the minister gave in this way — does reaffirm or clarify the different roles that the ministry plays versus the secretariat.
I will say, then, to the minister that when I had the opportunity to discuss this item, 4.43, with the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation, that minister, in response to my line of inquiry — certainly, at least in my view — didn’t demonstrate, let’s say, the directional importance of 4.43 in terms of what it means in the context of the DRIPA action plan. I say that because just as the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation asked me, at one point, why I was fixated on this particular item in the area of First Nations, I reminded the minister that I am the critic for Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation.
His response also seemed to rely, overly so, on the nature of affordability. I appreciate that we have — collectively, members of this House — back-and-forth about affordability in this province and the challenge. But in the context of 4.43, I wouldn’t expect necessarily that this would be the minister’s response about how we co-develop recommendations on strategic priorities and initiatives for clean and sustainable energy, for First Nations–led clean energy opportunities.
My understanding is that of the approximately 13 percent of energy generated through independent power production, close to 12 percent of that — meaning 12 out of the 13 percent — involves First Nations. So at this juncture, with the significant capital investment by First Nations that are involved on run-of-river projects, including on Vancouver Island and other parts of this province — other clean energy projects and opportunities that are there — the kind of certainty that’s going to be necessary in the meantime…. Again, we come back to certainty and clarity.
We talked about Mineral Tenure Act review. In this context, it’s about understanding what this is going to look like to those five to seven First Nations that are in the process of having discussions with B.C. Hydro as to what their renewal will look like — their renewal terms. Of course, as I understand it, what’s being proposed to them is the Mid-C pricing on the U.S. marketplace.
Again, I appreciate that I cannot get into that level of detail with this minister. I appreciate that. But I’m just saying that when we talk about transformational opportunities here, I would suggest to this government that a transformational opportunity will be to consider and continue and grow the level of First Nations involvement in clean energy opportunities.
I’ll just make one other comment for the minister. I did raise one other point, which is to do with the B.C. Utilities Commission Indigenous Utilities Regulation Inquiry. There is quite a full-scale report on what this will look like in terms of those First Nations that want to operate Indigenous-led utilities.
I understand there are projects in the Okanagan that are being looked at and considered. My recollection of the Minister of Energy’s response to me was that the recommendations, which were put out over two years ago, will need to be considered again.
We are talking about the B.C. Utilities Commission, the independent regulator in this province. I think that this report is well situated, at 84 pages. It certainly has recommendations as to what should go forward. Again, I think not only are there certainty and clarity considerations, but there’s opportunity missed for those First Nations.
I would invite the minister to consider…. As we look at this five year action plan and we turn it over to individual ministers, my urging to the government would be to ensure that each of these ministers understand the opportunity in front of them when it comes to First Nations-led opportunities — in this case, for clean energy.
Hon. M. Rankin: I appreciate the points made about the B.C. Utilities Commission and, in particular, the reference to the BCUC inquiry on the regulation of Indigenous utilities. That is specifically, of course, mentioned in action plan item 4.43, and I’m confident my colleague, who will have the responsibility for implementing that, will take that into account — the report to which the member refers — because no one wants opportunities to be missed by First Nations. People are committed to trying to ensure that that part of economic reconciliation is clear.
I can’t speak to the specifics, obviously. The discussions that are taking place with the First Nations he referred to — B.C. Hydro, the minister and ministry. That would be going beyond my remit. But I can say, with confidence, that from the Premier on down, the government members are committed to reconciliation, committed to finding those opportunities for First Nations, and I’m confident that every minister is aware of his or her obligations under the action plan. That, I think, should give us all comfort.
This is an all-of-government commitment. Every ministry — not just my ministry but every ministry — has work to do, and the Premier has made it abundantly clear to all of us that this is a key priority of this government.
M. Lee: I appreciate the framing of this as a key priority to government. Certainly, as we heard from the member for Boundary-Similkameen, at one point, there was some statement of some note that he was suggesting to First Nations that the path forward for First Nations in this province will be around clean energy, as opposed to other forms of energy production that that particular member didn’t think was the right thing to do for First Nations.
There are other considerations there, I’m sure, when that member says that. But I’ve got to say to the minister that the responses I’ve received…. This is how the challenge with the DRIPA action plan is. There are two things here. One is the opportunity that myself needs to take, and my co-critics in respective specific ministries need to be very alive to the individual 89 items in the DRIPA action plan, to see where those opportunities are and where they’re being missed and trying to get certainty and clarity. That’s what we’re trying to do.
I’ve only been able to do that in certain instances. This is the reason why, in the words of the Minister for Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation, I’m fixated on this particular item, because in response, I did not really here from the minister any sense of a plan. If this is really, truly the case from the member for Boundary-Similkameen, in his words, that this government believes that this is the path forward for First Nations in this province, I don’t see it. I don’t see the plan that this government has to ensure that that’s going to be the case.
I see a one-year horizon before we even know what the government’s view will be on this B.C. Utilities and regulation inquiry report. Now, I know that the minister will say to me that we are talking about co-development, and there is a role here for Indigenous peoples and First Nations.
I say that to you because recognizing where we are in this session, as we have the opportunity over the coming months, as I have had in talking to some First Nation leaders, I do hear from them as to the concerns that they have about where this government’s policy is and plan for clean energy development in the face of these contracts that are coming up for renewal and the way that the government has approached this.
I do think that this is a concern that I would point out to the minister, and I know that I will continue to hear from other First Nation leaders in our province about the status of their projects, the status of their investments in this sector, the opportunities that they might see in working in the clean energy sector.
What is the message, then, to those First Nations that are looking to this government to ensure that there is a plan to go forward in this area?
Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you to the member for the question. In the course of his remarks, he mentioned the issue of the 89 actions that are in the action plan and the need to ensure that there is uptake, that there are opportunities there that are recognized by First Nations.
I would just remind the member that this action plan was the subject of enormous consultation at the individual rights and title holder level, to individuals, as well as, of course, with the leadership groups within British Columbia. So I’m confident that those opportunities are there and that the Indigenous population of British Columbia is well aware of those opportunities. After all, they co-developed them, so they should be.
It’s part of our job to ensure that we are accountable for that, and that’s why we have an annual report that will address, every year, the extent to which we are meeting those commitments. I’m not in a position to talk about the contracts to which the member refers, but I am able to say with assurance that we’re building this out together — the Indigenous population and British Columbia. The tool is the Declaration Act.
I remind the member we are also involved not just in the items there but the implementation of the action plan. That is where First Nations will be fundamentally involved, because we’re committed to consult and cooperate in that work, and that is something that is fundamental to our relationship.
M. Lee: I appreciate, just before we take a break for a few minutes, with the limited time that we have….
I appreciate the response. The consideration around the DRIPA action plan…. What I thought the minister was also going to say, because I’ve heard this before as well, is that the DRIPA action plan itself is not the only action that this government takes with respect to our relationship with First Nations and Indigenous peoples in this province. There are other ongoing initiatives.
However it works, I’ve heard that this is a priority of government — that is, initiatives with First Nations and the clean energy sector. We’ve certainly had a history in this province, under the previous government, dating back to the early-2000 period. Certainly, in my time at B.C. Hydro…. I fully appreciate what independent power production looks like in this province — the amount of opportunity that needed to be invested in as we look at that coming forward now.
We’re at a juncture now which….I would hope that as the government goes forward, in the expectations that have been set both in the adoption of UNDRIP and this particular action item, in 4.43, that the government is managing how those expectations will be met. As much as there has been co-development of the DRIPA action plan, as the minister has referred to, there are also missed expectations, I believe, between how government talks about this being a priority, yet B.C. Hydro continues to negotiate in a way that is not going to be sustainable, as I understand it, for those First Nation–led energy projects.
Hon. M. Rankin: I’m obviously not in a position to comment on British Columbia Hydro’s role and responsibility here, but I can agree with the member’s comment, and I should have said what he said — namely, that the action plan is a list of actions co-developed with Indigenous people, 89 in number, on a number of themes.
As the member put so well, this is not the only initiative, on reconciliation, of this government — from housing initiatives to gaming to reform of the resource sector — to ensure that First Nations are more engaged than ever before. In so many different areas that are not reflected in the action plan, our commitment, I think, is self-evident.
The Chair: Members, we’re going to just take a quick ten-minute break.
The committee recessed from 4:30 p.m. to 4:40 p.m.
[M. Dykeman in the chair.]
M. Lee: To change the topics now, I’d like to explore with the minister the relationship, the current priorities, that the government has with Métis Nation British Columbia. Can the minister list out the key priorities as to what the government is dealing with in terms of Métis Nation B.C.?
Hon. M. Rankin: I’m pleased that the member asked about our evolving and important relationship with Métis Nation B.C. I should start by saying that Métis people are integral to the rich cultural fabric of British Columbia and to all Canadians. They have section 35 constitutional rights, and those are confirmed, of course, though they need not be, in the Declaration Act, as they are, of course, an integral part of the Indigenous community in British Columbia.
There are more than 20,000 Métis citizens and 39 chartered communities represented by Métis Nation British Columbia, and there are 90,000 self-identified Métis people in British Columbia.
The member asked about our evolving relationship. I can confirm that the province and Métis Nation B.C. signed what we call a letter of intent in October of 2021 to establish a new partnership to respect self-determination through what we call a whole-of-government approach. The former relationship will be phased out as new agreements are negotiated with what we are calling a Métis relations working table and a senior leadership table that will address the strategic capacity and the social, cultural and economic needs of MNBC.
M. Lee: Certainly I’ve had the opportunity to meet with representatives of Métis Nation B.C. and recognize the significant portfolios that members of their leadership take on.
As the minister refers to the LOI and the new relationship coming forward, can the minister outline what is being considered in terms of levels of resources for engagement, as we were talking about in the previous session, as opposed to just referring to it as capacity? What levels of additional resources would government be providing to Métis Nation B.C. for that next step forward?
Hon. M. Rankin: I should start as well, before answering the specific question concerning resourcing, to say that there are a number of action plan items that are directly related to the MNBC, the Métis Nation B.C., that were co-developed with that institution. I just could talk about that later if the member would like.
On the specifics of the budget, we provided, as a ministry, $745,000 in fiscal year 2021-2022 to support a number of things: capacity in governance initiatives, participation in the Unified Aboriginal Youth Collective, engagement on the Declaration Act, as well as enhanced mental health and wellness and cultural supports for Métis residential school survivors and their families by expanding the Métis counselling connection program of MNBC.
In fiscal year 2021-2022, the B.C. government committed $14.3 million through shared-cost programs with MNBC as well, and there are many new and expanded programs outlined in Budget ’22 and 2023 that will be available to Métis people, including new supports in child care, justice, digital connectivity and health care.
M. Lee: Before turning to specific items in that LOI, as the minister has invited that possibility, I wanted to ask…. We talked before about the distinctions-based approach. In the context of looking at the new relationship with Métis peoples in this province, what elements of that distinctions-based approach will be utilized by the government in terms of how it will approach the action items under DRIPA?
Hon. M. Rankin: I am glad the member raised this phrase that we refer to frequently in the action plan. The distinctions-based approach is something the province is committed to because the province, I think, is required to conduct its relationship with First Nations, Métis and even Inuit people in a manner that acknowledges the specific rights, interests, priorities and concerns of each of them while respecting and acknowledging these distinct peoples have unique cultures, histories, rights, laws and governments.
I think, as I said earlier, that all Indigenous people have section 35 rights under the Constitution Act, 1982. Also, of course, under the UN declaration, all Indigenous peoples have the human rights that are expressed in that document.
It’s important to note that not all rights are uniform or the same among or between all Indigenous peoples. So when we say a distinctions-based approach, we note that it may require that the province’s relationship and engagement with each of those peoples have different approaches or actions and can result in different outcomes. Specifically, the Métis people have, as suggested, perhaps different rights than First Nations would have but still have the kind of human rights and constitutionally protected Aboriginal rights that are referred to in section 35.
M. Lee: Under the terms of the LOI back in October 2021, there’s reference to the new working table. If the minister could just go through, for our benefit here, the understanding as to the timetable and items for that working table as it proceeds with the work necessary. The minister referred to some of the items that will be discussed by that working table. Would the minister please, again, run through those particular items that will be part of the agenda for the working table itself?
Hon. M. Rankin: The member is absolutely right. There is a working table that has been created, and it’s now officially underway. That has been created under the letter of intent.
It will be a hub for engagement with MNBC and government that will formalize dialogue and integrate our engagement with the priorities identified by the MNBC. All of government will be involved.
I understand that an initial part of those conversations has been to identify the priorities of Métis Nation — in other words, to scope out those priorities. The focus, we anticipate, although we are in early days of that dialogue, will be health, social and economic opportunities for Métis people.
M. Lee: With the time we have left, we will, hopefully, have the opportunity to talk about some of those social issues for Indigenous peoples and Métis people in this province.
One other topic that’s not necessarily in the three categories, depending on how you define it, is wildlife management. I do recognize that in the bill discussion around the wildlife management amendment act, I was able to join the member for Nechako Lakes to, at one juncture, talk to the Minister of Forests around the nature of that bill and what was being amended and the fact that it was part of a document that was a bit of an intentions paper in terms of Together for Wildlife, if that’s the correct name of the title of that document.
In the context of the amendments that were being proposed, there was a significant dialogue between the Minister of Forests and the member for Nechako Lakes around the nature of the amendments. The one area I just wanted to cover briefly here with the minister is relating to Métis people in the province of British Columbia.
In the area of wildlife management and traditional hunting rights, can the minister provide a basic statement as to what those rights might be for Métis people in British Columbia?
Hon. M. Rankin: At the Métis relations working table that I referred to before, we are in the early stages of trying to identify the core interests of the Métis people through their representative, MNBC. At this stage, I think it would be premature for me to identify what that might mean in the context of wildlife or hunting or the like.
I’m aware of the conversation that occurred between the member for Nechako Lakes and the minister on that particular bill. I’m certainly aware of that, but to this time, it has not been something that has been identified as a priority. We’ll look forward to that, should it occur.
M. Lee: I appreciate the response on the current status. As we reflect upon the number of topics we have exchanged dialogue on during these estimates, I look forward to going back to the minister’s office to pick up on some items for briefings related to specific topics that we might be touching on here, just to follow on.
I would like to now turn to a very important area that was certainly identified by the government, I do recall, after the 2017 election in their throne speech. That is the priority of government to support Indigenous language revitalization in the province of B.C. I appreciate that, first of all, there are a number of items set out in the DRIPA action plan, which include 3.15, 4.29, 4.30, 4.31, 4.32 and 4.38.
We have not taken the opportunity to go through every single of the 89 action items listed here, and I’m not asking the minister to do that necessarily with these five action items. But perhaps, just by way of opening here, I could get the minister to comment on this list of five particular action items, just to get a sense from the minister as to what he sees, within these five items, as being some of the initial steps to continue along with in this first year of the five-year DRIPA action plan.
Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you very, very much. I appreciate the member raising this important question.
I start by saying that language is, of course, central to cultural identity and something that I’ve learned is of central importance to Indigenous peoples in British Columbia, many of whose languages are close to extinction, sadly, given colonization and the history that has occurred.
We are home, in this province, to some 34 First Nation languages, more than half of all Indigenous languages in Canada. The federal government has, not long ago, enacted Indigenous languages legislation. I’m pleased that a British Columbia well-respected Chief, Ron Ignace, has been made the first Indigenous languages commissioner of this country. I have had the opportunity to meet with him. I’ve also spoken with the minister responsible, the Hon. Pablo Rodriguez, who is, of course, centrally involved in this endeavour.
I think it is something that we’re hoping we can collaborate with our federal partners on to protect those languages, some of which, as I say, are unique. There are some — what the anthropologists call — language isolates that have really…. Unlike the Cree language or the other languages that might be spoken with different dialects across a large swath of Canada, there are some languages that are just spoken by a very small community, and the number of Elders that continue to be able to speak them, sadly, gets less and less.
However, the British Columbia government, in an unprecedented move back before I was elected — and I’m very, very proud of this — in 2018, made a multi-year commitment of $50 million to support the work of the First Peoples Cultural Council to support Indigenous communities to reclaim their language and thereby their culture.
This is an organization. It’s an Indigenous-led Crown corporation for which I’m, as minister, accountable. I have to say, its reputation across the country, as I get further into this…. It’s just so, so highly regarded by our federal counterparts and elsewhere.
We are committed to this revitalization work. The member is quite right in pointing out a number of instances in the action plan where that has been spoken to. We’re going to work together with the FPCC, as it’s known, to ensure that that vital work continues. There have already been so many things that have been done. So 470 language revitalization projects have been funded by the First Peoples Cultural Council. Communities are developing exciting language revitalization plans.
Some people may remember a year or so ago, the RBCM, the Royal B.C. Museum had this extraordinary explosion of Indigenous languages education that the public was made aware of. I think I was one who, at the time, did not realize the exciting work that’s underway.
M. Lee: I appreciate the overview the minister has provided. Just to break that down, one of the points that the minister touched on was that we all grow older, and certainly, Elders in Indigenous communities do as well. The pandemic has been particularly challenging, including for Elders in Indigenous communities. I understand that 51.9 percent of fluent Indigenous-language speakers are over the age of 65 years old, which put them, of course, through the life of this pandemic at a high-risk age bracket.
Is there a particular strategy the government has deployed to ensure or support Elders who wish to pass on the teachings of language through to younger Indigenous peoples?
Hon. M. Rankin: I really appreciate the member’s question. Yes, it’s true. Especially during the pandemic, it’s been a challenge. Many Elders are, of course, the knowledge-keepers. They are not only getting older, like all of us, but they also were subject particularly to concerns about the pandemic over the last couple of years. How can we keep this vital work going, but at the same time not compromise their health or take risks unduly?
I think the FPCC deserves enormous credit, because the safety of employees and the people that they serve has been a priority throughout the pandemic. What have they done? They’ve made sure that the Elders are safe. They have provided, for example, online innovative solutions to make sure that they can support this work, even though people may not be physically present with each other.
There have been computers made available. They have had webinars. They have had videos. Online learning opportunities. Taping of the language, making sure that it can be preserved if it’s, in some cases, as fragile as sadly, it is.
All this training material allows the teaching of languages to be made available across a more geographically diverse audience, and I think that’s one of the keys to the success of this organization. They’ve been flexible, they’ve been innovative, and I think they’ve found creative solutions to ensure that those knowledge-keepers’ knowledge has been preserved.
M. Lee: I appreciate the response from the minister.
When I look at the service plan for 2022-2023 and the period from 2023 to 2024 in terms of the number of individuals receiving language training from the First Peoples Cultural Council, the FPCC, the targets for 2021-2022 in the 2022-23 service plan go from 900 to 250 in 2022-2023; a similar reduction in the 2023-24 service plan, from 1,200 for the same period to 500.
Can I ask what the reason is for the decrease?
Hon. M. Rankin: A question of clarification for the member. Which performance measures in the service plan of the First Peoples Cultural Council is the member referring to? We’re having trouble locating the material.
M. Lee: The heading is “Number of individuals receiving language training from FPCC.”
Hon. M. Rankin: Thank you to the member for the clarification. I have it now. The baseline in 2018-19 of 814 was based on, of course, the delivery through the COVID period, a lot of it online, etc.
The years following, which are less but then show an increase to 500 as a target in ’24-25, are a function of being conservative in our estimates — not really sure at that point when we did the estimates just how many more in-person opportunities there would be for training. So I think that might explain to the member the reason for that apparent decline.
The prediction was based at a time of COVID, and now, as we get into more and more in-person trainings, hopefully, post-COVID, if that’s the right word, then we are being conservative in terms of the estimate. We didn’t want to overstate what we could achieve.
M. Lee: I appreciate that. This may be a very similar response from the minister in terms of another item, but I only raise it because of the importance of this area, as we’ve been discussing.
I also note that another item entitled “Number of new data points added to FirstVoices.com” has projected to go from 40,000 target to 38,000 in 2022-2023. That’s in this current year’s service plan and the next year’s service plan as well, from 40,000 to 37,000 for the same period. Can I ask: what’s the reason for that particular decrease as well?
Hon. M. Rankin: Maybe I can use this opportunity — the member flagged a specific piece of jargon for us — for those that may be watching or reviewing this. When we talk about “Number of new data points added to FirstVoices.com,” what we’re talking about is new words or phrases — individual, specific data points for each of the languages involved.
Now, I think the answer to the question, however, is essentially what we said before. It’s a conservative estimate as we go forward. I don’t think it means there’s much more that I can say about that. It would go from 40,000 in 21-22 to 30,000 in 2024 to 2025. We’re simply being conservative in our estimates.
M. Lee: One other related question to these first two items is tools and resources that are there to provide an accessible way for learners to attain fluency. I understand the targets for these numbers to support language, arts, culture and heritage revitalization…. That target was 24, but there were only nine tools or resources created. This year’s target of 25 has fallen to eight, and next year’s has decreased from 26 to ten.
A two-part question. Why were the targets not achieved last year, and why were the goals revised downward for this and next year?
Hon. M. Rankin: Thanks very much for the question. A couple of things, I think, are going on here. On page 13 of the service plan, the member will have seen that targets, it says, have been revised downwards since last year’s service plans — this is the answer to why — “to reflect the challenge of training during COVID-19. The First Peoples Cultural Council expects this performance measure to grow once in-person training is safe.”
The targets for the new tools and resources have been revised downwards since last year’s service plan because some upcoming FPCC resources, like the comprehensive toolkits, are significant and require more time to create. So I think that some of the toolkits they’re creating are larger and more time-consuming as a result.
Secondly, there is an increasing approach to provide grants to communities so they can undertake work that has already been established by FPCC. So rather than building new tools, it’s a question more about grants to communities so they can implement those tools in their own way in their own communities.
M. Lee: I appreciate the response from the minister. To go further with funding now, the $50 million in language funding that the province provided to the First Peoples Cultural Council in 2018 was expended. Will the ministry provide any further funding beyond that initial amount for operational funding for Indigenous languages?
Hon. M. Rankin: The member is right. This unprecedented, historic grant that the province made — I think the only province ever to do such a thing and the only government ever to make such a radical, fundamental commitment to language revitalization and preservation — inevitably had a period of time, and it is coming to a close. The member is right in pointing that out.
We do, as a government, recognize the need for both short-term and long-term funding solutions to continue that work. I can report to the member that I have been in direct communication on a number of occasions with both the FPCC, of course, but also with the federal minister, Pablo Rodriguez, and before him, the Hon. Steven Guilbeault. We’re working on multi-year funding. We’re working on the federal government stepping up.
I think the member heard me say earlier that half of the Indigenous languages in our country are here in British Columbia. So we think it’s only fair that British Columbia receive a commensurate amount of federal funding as opposed to just a regional, typical template type of funding arrangement. I think we’re getting somewhere in that dialogue, and I’m hopeful that we will have some good things to say.
I wish to make sure I won’t be misunderstood. The federal government is committed to this. There’s no question that they’re committed to support the continuing work to revitalize and protect Indigenous languages across the country. I’m really excited that Kúkpi7 Ron Ignace is now the first Indigenous languages commissioner. I’m sure his good work will help us in that regard.
M. Lee: I understand that when the unmarked graves at residential school sites across the country, including British Columbia, were confirmed here in this province, there was certainly additional federal government funding to assist in addressing those confirmations of unmarked graves. What was the status of funding under the $50 million from the province for this program?
My understanding is that there may have been a shift of resources from the province towards the same initiative, with federal government money being used for language revitalization. Was there some sort of shift and adjustment when that occurred?
Hon. M. Rankin: The answer is no.
M. Lee: Was there additional funding, then, that was provided from the province to Indigenous peoples and communities for addressing the aftermath of those confirmations of unmarked graves here in British Columbia?
Hon. M. Rankin: I very much appreciate the member alluding to this tragic circumstance of the Indian residential schools and the Indian hospital sites and findings and the trauma that that has triggered — intergenerational trauma. Our government stepped up and allocated, as I think the member would know, $475,000 for each of the 18 residential school sites and the three Indian hospital sites in British Columbia to make sure that the communities have the support they need to move ahead in their own way, at their own pace.
We’ve said over and over again that we are standing with Indigenous peoples as they identify what they want to do in their circumstance. There’s been a dramatically different approach in different parts of our province, reflecting the diversity of Indigenous peoples. We’re working hard to ensure the federal government makes resources available to the communities as well, and I do believe that they have demonstrated a real commitment to the same end.
I should also say, perhaps, as important, we retained two individuals, Charlene Belleau and now Chief Lydia Hwitsum of the Cowichan Nations, who have been working as First Nation liaisons with the communities affected. Charlene, in particular, has been critical for facilitating dialogue among communities and assisting them as they navigate complex issues like this.
Our philosophy was summarized in the phrase No Wrong Door. As people were reeling from these findings, we wanted to make sure that wherever they went, whether it was somebody they met from our ministry in treaty negotiations or other reconciliation agreement negotiations, or whether it was somebody from the more service-oriented kinds of work that the ministry provides, there would be an open door.
We’ve got an individual in our ministry who’s tasked, I think, exclusively or almost exclusively to address these issues from a funding point of view and make sure nations are…. That the moneys are available for First Nations to take the steps that they do.
I really want to stress the critical role and thank and acknowledge Charlene Belleau and Lydia Hwitsum for the work they’ve provided in liaison with those communities. It’s been another essential part of our outreach.
M. Lee: Just to confirm, that funding of the $475,000 for each of the 18 Indigenous communities and the three Indigenous hospital sites — that was new funding and wasn’t part of the $50 million funding stream for Indigenous language revitalization?
Hon. M. Rankin: Yes, Member. That is correct.
M. Lee: The service plan for the First Peoples Cultural Council, under the risk section, certainly underlines the importance of what the FPCC is doing to advocate to funders, including this government, regarding the urgency and time-sensitive nature of language, arts and cultural heritage revitalization work. That is a direct quote from the service plan itself.
When I look at the financial plan summary for the FPCC…. When they look out to their forecast budget and plan over the next three years, from 2022 to 2025, the expenditures are fairly consistent, in the $35 million, $36 million to $40 million, $41 million range, and equivalent revenue of similar amounts. When I look at the ministry’s allocation of that from a revenue point of view, it goes from $1.3 million to $7.6 million, back down to $1 million in each of the other two years of the remaining plan.
Obviously, the minster has talked about, here, the post–$50 million funding that the province has put towards this. But as we look out, in terms of the First Peoples Cultural Council, the provincial allocation of their funding will go down to, in some years, in the 2½, 3 percent range.
What will be the provincial government’s stance on this as it looks at item 4.30, which is supporting Indigenous language revitalization through sustainable funding? What does that mean for this government in terms of the level of support that is going to be necessary to meet that DRIPA action plan item, 4.30?
Hon. M. Rankin: I believe the member is absolutely correct. This is a fundamental issue. It is one for which I’m pleased that we seem to be in a good place with our federal partners in seeking both short-term and long-term funding solutions. The FPCC has an international reputation, and wherever I go, I hear praise for this organization, and I certainly hear it from the federal government. They recognize that there’s no sense in reinventing a wheel when you have such an extraordinarily effective body.
Our goal as a government, given that there’s a federal statute on this very point, given that there’s a minister whose responsibility, whose mandate letter, like mine, contemplates a continuing role for the federal government in this, and given the Indigenous languages commissioner appointed from our province…. I’m very confident that we will achieve a multi-year funding arrangement with the federal government. I think that might be the key reason for why the numbers are what they are.
We accept the importance of this task. We do believe that after our unprecedented language grant, the first in Canadian history, with such an extraordinary amount of funding, it’s now time to work more closely with the FPCC and the federal government to ensure that we have stable funding, not just a one-off funding like we started this program with — as I said, unprecedented though it was — but to be put on a level playing field of a continuing funding relationship with our federal partners.
M. Lee: I appreciate the point that the minister is making. Certainly, what’s identified in this financial plan summary is an increasing level of grants from the federal government, which is anticipated by the First Peoples Cultural Council, from $14.6 million to $23.1 million to $36 million going out, and then a number to be determined for the last year of their financial plan. So I certainly acknowledge that that is the expectation here, and that’s consistent with what the minister has said.
Just coming back to the initial $50 million and looking at the overall financial plan of the organization, the FPCC, what is the minister’s assessment as to the work that’s been done by the FPCC in terms of enabling this framework for language revitalization for Indigenous peoples in this province to date and the work that remains to be done by the FPCC, going forward?
Hon. M. Rankin: I really appreciate the member’s commitment to this issue and his recognition of the central importance of this to Indigenous culture, going forward. We are in a grim place, at some levels, and the member started with that recognition. I think, really, what we are trying to do, given the importance of this task, is make sure that if we have half of the Indigenous languages in our country, we expect the federal government to recognize that through funding commitments.
Of the $50 million that was provided…. I would like to reiterate, to amplify a couple of points I made, just to indicate to the member how extraordinary this success has been, despite COVID. The number of language funding grants that communities have received has increased fourfold, from 112 in 2017-2018 to 473 in 2020-2021. The number of people receiving language training is almost five times higher than previously, from 175 that were being trained in 2017-2018 to 864 in 2019-2020. But for reasons the member will understand, that went down to 292 in 2020-21 due to COVID.
And 33 of the 34 Indigenous languages in B.C. are being documented and archived, as well as FPCC-funded work from Qualicum First Nation, who are reviving what is called a sleeping language of their own. Over 4,150 language immersion opportunities were created in 2020-2021, supporting people on their journey to language fluency.
I’ve encountered people who come to me at various venues and say they’re taking languages — young people in their 20s who open their conversation in Haida, which is, I think, a language isolate and therefore an endangered language. I have people from the Ktunaxa who also start and talk — young people who have taken courses, that have benefited from language training. In other parts of the province, it’s quite extraordinary what’s being achieved.
It’s really an unheralded success story, and I salute the government, before I was a member of it, for taking such a bold step. We’re now going to build on that. We’re going to build on it with our federal government, and we’re going to do our best to make sure languages are preserved and revitalized in British Columbia.
M. Lee: I think, with the time that we have, I will put that on the list. As the minister has acknowledged, I do have a significant interest in this area, so certainly, I would look forward to further conversation around the progress that’s been made and the progress that still needs to be made in this area.
I’m just going to turn now to Indigenous children in care. We know that under section 4.17, there’s a very significant DRIPA action item that is to…. With the minister and myself, we can certainly spend time parsing through language and understanding the significance of the language. It doesn’t say “co-develop.” It says: “In collaboration with….”
If the minister wants to comment on whether that means anything different, but certainly, I just note that. “In collaboration with B.C. First Nations and Métis people and the Inuit, continue implementing changes to substantially reduce the number of Indigenous children and youth in care through increased prevention and family support services at all stages of contact with the child welfare system.”
I know the minister knows this well, but in 2020-21, we continued to see 68 percent of children in care being those who were Indigenous, Métis or Inuit. And 37.4 out of every 1,000 Indigenous children and youth in B.C. are in care compared to two out of every 1,000 non-Indigenous children and youth. These are very concerning numbers that I know the government and the minister are aware of.
We know also that the Representative for Children and Youth has recently released a report expressing grave concern around the lack of transparency around child welfare funding for Indigenous children and youth. Can the minister provide us with information about how much funding is being given to child welfare services for Indigenous children and youth?
Hon. M. Rankin: I’m really pleased that the member identified such an important priority as reflected in action plan item 4.17. It says: “In collaboration with B.C. First Nations, Métis people, Inuit, continue implementing changes to substantially reduce the number of Indigenous children and youth in care through increased prevention and family support services at all stages of contact with the child welfare system.”
I can advise the member that the Minister of Children and Family Development is seized with this utterly — talks passionately about the need for reform. The report to which the member speaks I’m not able to…. I can acknowledge that I’m aware of its existence, but I know that that’s something which she is particularly committed to address. I think that this item is really of critical importance.
To the language question, why “in collaboration” as opposed to “in consultation”? It’s not something for which we are co-developing a program. It’s something in which we say we are collaborating to continue implementing changes. I think there’s a slight difference there.
M. Lee: As we come down to the remaining time that we have in this estimates discussion, as I’ve been saying throughout, there are many areas that we can probe in different ways. Certainly, in areas that….
For example, in this particular item, 4.17…. The Ministry of Children and Family Development is tagged with, so to speak, this particular item. I know the minister appreciates this, but certainly, across this province, as we continue to have discussions with Indigenous leaders in various communities, we know the importance of what has been a challenge — that’s one word to call it, but it doesn’t say it in enough strength — that’s been faced by Indigenous peoples with the child welfare system.
The minister talked about the intergenerational trauma from residential schools. We know the various Sixties Scoop and millennial scoop situations as well. But as we look at how we move forward, we recognize the importance of children and families to Indigenous peoples and the displacement in the urban context.
There’s a lot to pull back together again. Again, when we talk about the role that the minister plays across our relationship with Indigenous peoples and First Nations leaders in this province, I know that this particular item is very high on the list. It certainly is in my conversations with Indigenous leaders.
I also recognize that as we look at, for example, the recent settlement with the federal government of a very significant dollar amount, in the $20 billion to $40 billion range, there will be additional resources and changes coming. Again, the minister had commented in response to my questioning around Indigenous language revitalization that the federal partnership is going to be important.
Recognizing that, what I’m asking the minister is…. The importance of this to Indigenous leaders and First Nations across our province…. Could the minister share some additional thoughts about where the government is heading in this review and the next steps that can be provided for something that continues, in terms of the high-percentage numbers of Indigenous children in care here in B.C.?
Hon. M. Rankin: The member is entirely right. Child welfare reform is fundamental. Of course, that is something we saw reflected in an earlier question, in terms of the federal legislation that’s now going to be the subject of an appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada. So it’s an issue that is gripping the entire country.
In answer, specifically, to the question, I think the government’s priorities are exactly articulated in the action plan. Remember that the concept of the action plan is that we come up with outcomes that are sought to be achieved, and those outcomes, of course, are co-developed with the Indigenous leadership and individual peoples and nations — but with the province. So we ensure that these are outcomes that we can genuinely commit to achieving.
The two that are most salient to the member’s question are these. In the action plan it reads — the outcome they wish and we all wish: “Indigenous peoples care for their own children and youth in their communities and exercise jurisdiction over their own child and family services through systems and practices they determine for themselves, with family preservation prioritized and children and youth kept within their families and communities.” Secondly: “Indigenous children in need of protection are cared for by their community, and where they cannot be cared for by their community, they are connected to their communities and cultures.”
Those are co-developed outcomes that we are committed, as a government, to achieving. It is the responsibility in our government of the Minister of Children and Family Development to do just that, and I can assure the member that she is focused entirely on that objective.
M. Lee: Certainly, the displacement of children and youth off reserve — for example, into the urban context — has been challenging for so many families. The importance of moving back to jurisdiction over child care for First Nations and Indigenous peoples will be important. Certainly, that’s understood in the action items that the minister has referred to.
This is where it’s all connected, of course, which is the fiscal relationship, the ability to provide sustainable funding to First Nations and Indigenous communities. And this is part and parcel, in terms of the priorities of this minister, in terms of ensuring that the priorities amongst the 89 action items…. I’ve only had the time here to focus on several action items out of 89. I wish I could focus on all 89 with the minister and have this very fulsome discussion that we’ve been having here in estimates.
I am trying to provide to the minister some encouragement as to the kind of role that the minister plays. Again, when we discussed this at the last session last week, in terms of the estimates process, we talked about the role of the minister changing from the so-called diplomatic role to one of advocacy within government to drive forward the priorities under this action plan.
I would just ask how the minister sees this particular action item, recognizing the importance of the financial funding model that’s going to be required. When Indigenous communities and First Nations assume greater responsibility for family support services — which include mental health, addiction services and the like — to youth, for example, I know, in talking to Indigenous leaders, that they have concerns about where the other funding is going to come from.
How does that work through — in the purview of the minister, I would expect, across the board — to understand how these priorities will fit together with the new funding relationship as well?
Hon. M. Rankin: I agree with the member’s position entirely. I think that when he says there’s a need for a new fiscal relationship framework, he’s talking about a sustainable funding model for the governments that First Nations in some cases are recreating or that in some places are vitally ongoing. They need the funding. That’s why we need this new fiscal relationship framework, to provide that kind of stability so that they can do this work, all the things we’ve talked about, but with a particular focus on this critical area of youth and families.
I think the member is absolutely right. Every ministry has this responsibility. My responsibility — I think it’s true — is to be an advocate for reconciliation amongst my colleagues, but they have that ongoing central responsibility, both in their mandate letters and now in delivering on this action plan.
More specifically than the general fiscal framework that we’ve talked about is 4.16, where an action has been identified to “co-develop a B.C.-specific fiscal framework, in partnership with First Nations, Métis and Inuit, and in consultation with key Indigenous organizations, to support and move forward with jurisdiction over child and family services.” That specific item is, of course, the responsibility of the Ministry of Children and Family Development. I know, because the minister and I have talked about it, that this is critically important to her work.
M. Lee: Just by way of example, could I ask the minister to comment…. I understand that there’s been a recent agreement with a First Nation to give them more control over child welfare. Could the minister describe the nature of that agreement, and how other First Nations may utilize this as an opportunity in the area as we continue to look at this five-year action plan and the items that the minister has referred to here?
Hon. M. Rankin: I would have to say, in response to that question, that the details of that agreement to which the member refers are better in the purview of the Minister of Children and Family Development.
M. Lee: Recognizing the nature of the minister’s title of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation, obviously there’s a lot to those words, as the minister just described them in the answer before the last. I wanted to ask the minister for his comment on the relationship with First Nations by way of the new litigation directives that have been put forward by the Attorney General to government lawyers.
I know that the minister cannot comment on specific actions in front of the courts — like the class action suit that was recently launched against the province by former youth in care. In terms of the relationship that we see with First Nations, can the minister provide some comment about the government’s position, through the Attorney General, on dealing with lawsuits?
Hon. M. Rankin: I know my colleague is, himself, a lawyer, and he will be aware of the recent pronouncement by Mr. Justice Malcolm Rowe in the Desautel case last year, where he said: “Reconciliation is rarely, if ever, achieved in courtrooms.” Our goal is, of course, to avoid litigation, wherever possible, acknowledging that there’s a place for litigation, and the fundamental rights of all people in our province — including Indigenous people, of course — to avail themself of litigation, should that be needed.
The litigation directive, which was part of the action plan item, is a responsibility of my colleague at the Ministry of the Attorney General. I can advise the member that I’ve had a number of prominent Indigenous rights lawyers come to me and say how pleased they were with the tenor of that directive. It owes some of its origin to work that was undertaken at the federal level by the former Attorney General. If compared side by side, I think it stands up pretty well.
Again, it’s a new way of ensuring that when we do find ourselves in civil litigation and First Nations are involved, the kind of respect that should be given to them is confirmed in the actions of the Crown lawyers who are participating in the court case.
M. Lee: I appreciate that response from the minister.
I wanted to also turn briefly to action items 4.21 and 4.22. Certainly, as much as we focus around the province on various initiatives, as we’ve touched on here with some of my colleagues as well, we also recognize the importance of the relationship with Indigenous peoples in the urban settings, including in Vancouver and across the Lower Mainland, for example. Could the minister provide an update on what this next step forward with key Indigenous urban leaders will look like for the provincial urban Indigenous advisory table that’s contemplated here?
When we talk about “urban,” perhaps the minister could clarify what urban settings the members for this advisory table will be drawn from, for example, and the kind of work that this table will focus on. Similarly to the table we talked about with the Métis Nation, I presume that there is going to be some workplan developed. If the minister could comment on the types of priorities that would be looked at, as they look at developing a five-year plan and then implementing it as well.
Hon. M. Rankin: The member puts his finger on a very, very complex issue and a very important issue. The member is right: the majority of First Nations peoples in our province do not live in their home communities. They live in urban settings. Reaching them, when they’re far from their language group, their cultural group, their leadership, is indeed a challenge. We accept that that’s something that we have to do better.
As a result of that, we have regional coalitions now that exist in the following centres: Prince George, Surrey, Vancouver and Victoria. We are proposing to create an urban advisory table to help deal with the very problem the member identifies.
That urban Indigenous advisory table will develop and implement a five-year plan to address the priorities of urban Indigenous peoples and meet with ministers and executives every year to discuss what works, what doesn’t work, what innovations should occur and then the challenges that support the social, cultural and economic needs of urban Indigenous peoples.
Our ministry, I can advise the member, has provided $100,000 to host the initial dialogue sessions with urban Indigenous leaders across B.C. to develop the urban Indigenous advisory table. It’s to grapple with the commitments that are made in the action plan but also to recognize the fact that this is a group of Indigenous peoples — indeed, the majority, which is troubling — that actually don’t live in the communities that they come from.
I’ve talked about this challenge with my federal counterpart as well. This is a challenge across Canada. The same issues occur in the urban centres of the prairie provinces, Quebec and Ontario, for example, and they face the same challenges as we do. We’re trying to figure out a way to do it — our approach, as I’ve articulated. They are also trying to grapple with this difficult challenge.
M. Lee: Certainly, as we commemorated Red Dress Day last week in the House, I noted the number of areas, including in my riding of Vancouver-Langara, which continue to see the symbolic representation against the violence against Indigenous women and girls in our province, including in the urban context, like the Downtown Eastside. I think the minister and I both made comment on that last week. I saw those displays at Langara College, along 49th Avenue, and at the Marpole-Oakridge neighbourhood house, also in my riding.
Clearly, this is a concern for so many British Columbians who live in the urban context and have an appreciation and understanding of the work that needs to be done. I’ve had the opportunity to talk to…. When the action plan refers to the key Indigenous urban leaders and what that means, I know that for some of the Indigenous women that have been involved with some of the local organizations, we’re the first ones in Canada to focus on Indigenous women in the urban context, in Vancouver. There certainly is a lot of work to be done, as we all know.
As we look at these very challenging situations and how we can do the work to support…. When the minister looks at this in the consultation process — to look at these two items, 4.21 and 4.22 — what’s the linkage between leaders of First Nations and other Indigenous communities on reserve and in traditional territories of this province and these urban leaders, in terms of how they work together to recognize…?
Of course, when we talk about language and culture, when we talk about children in care — and another item that I will talk about, if I have time, which is Indigenous peoples who are incarcerated — there are so many things that are connected here to the original Elders in the way we need to bring Indigenous culture and learnings and understandings back in this province. So how does that connection point work with these particular action items, from the minister’s perspective?
Hon. M. Rankin: The member focused on something that I think is the case. That is the linkage between an urban Indigenous population and their home communities.
It would be fair to say that varies with the nations’ concerns. Some of them have enormous connection with their members. The Tahltan, the Nisg̱a’a come to mind. Certainly, the modern treaty nations must do an excellent job in ensuring that their members, on and off, out in the communities, are engaged.
Others, I think it’s fair to say, don’t have that level of…. Maybe they haven’t got the resourcing, even if they wanted to, to do some of the things that were required. I was up in Ahousat recently. I know that they were telling me that they have people who are here in Victoria who are community members and look out for others. If there are social issues, they take responsibility for that. It was really quite a touching story that the Chief told me.
I really think to do justice to the member’s point, I think I’d have to say that that linkage that he refers to really varies quite dramatically.
We need to know better how we can then plug in. We don’t have a good read on that. That is, of course, why this $100,000 to start the ball rolling with the coalition of urban Indigenous councils is so important. We need to understand, along with the Indigenous service providers, the people in the community, how we can best assist.
I would be remiss if I didn’t point out that sometimes this requires collaboration with the federal government, who may have primary responsibility in an Indigenous community under the Indian Act. We also have responsibility, particularly when they leave that community. How can we, as public government, best support them?
This is the complex world. The member acknowledged the complexity of this issue that we’re trying to navigate. But the first step is to listen. The first step is to hear from the people in the urban communities who are Indigenous service providers, who are members of the Indigenous communities, perhaps with varying perspectives on this, just exactly how we can help.
The Chair: Just a reminder to members that we will be needing to wrap up at 6:15.
M. Lee: Thanks for the reminder, Madam Chair. I may be able to squeeze in three questions, then, in the time we have remaining, with the minister’s pace.
In terms of Indigenous people’s overrepresentation in the justice system, items 3.12 and 3.13 use language that talks about prioritizing the implementation of the First Nations justice strategy and Métis justice strategy.
I know from my time as the Justice critic that this was actually in the lead-up to the First Nations justice strategy that was brought on by this government. There was a First Nations justice summit related that the member for Prince George–Mackenzie and myself attended back in the 2017-2018 period on the Musqueam First Nation lands, which has certainly assured a territory with my riding of Vancouver-Langara.
I certainly do appreciate the work that’s gone into the lead-up to this, and I spent a considerable amount of time visiting with First Nation courts around this province and recognizing the importance of that approach.
As we look at the words “substantial overrepresentation and reduction,” there are no measures, of course, as to what is the target. First, I would expect that there will be…. This is another example of the targets that ministries will need to spell out in their first year, recognizing that in this case, there have been fulsome strategies put in place. Is that the minister’s expectation in this area?
Hon. M. Rankin: I was, I’m sure, as shocked as the member was to read in the Globe and Mail last week that in federal prisons — just to give a good sense of what a crisis this issue is at the federal level — Indigenous women, who represent one in 20 population, represent one in two of people incarcerated in federal institutions. I don’t have in hand the provincial numbers, but that, I think, demonstrates the importance of the member’s question.
We have, in the action plan, to the question of what the target is. The outcome is identified by the co-developed action plan as follows: the overrepresentation of Indigenous peoples in the justice system is eliminated. That’s the outcome that’s targeted.
The actions supporting that are 3.12 and 3.13, which essentially talk about the need to prioritize the implementation of the First Nations justice strategy to do exactly what the member alluded to — to reduce the substantial overrepresentation of Indigenous peoples incarceration.
M. Lee: Item 2.4 just comes back to a key section of DRIPA, in terms of section 7 agreements. I understand that the government currently is considering some of these arrangements under section 7.
Can I get the minister’s assessment as to — well, in this case, I can use the word “capacity” — the capacity to enter into these agreements, both from a government perspective as well as from a First Nation perspective, in terms of how these agreements are being looked at? Can the minister provide an update as to what that currently is looking like?
Hon. M. Rankin: I’m very pleased this question was raised. I’m excited to advise — I think the member may be aware — that we are in the final throes of what will be the first of those section 7 agreements with one of the key nations. I think that will be important to denote. When people talk about free, prior and informed consent, they will have a good understanding.
Business is certainly enthusiastic about the results that we are achieving: a clear framework for negotiating joint and consent agreements that will provide predictable requirements for transparency and accountability through a very elaborate set of requirements that are codified in the Declaration Act. I’m very excited about the possibilities that we are achieving. As I say, we’re close to having our first one, and there are others that are in active negotiation right now.
M. Lee: I certainly will provide a longer list of items to obtain more briefings on, because there are lots of good items here that the minister is referring to.
The clear framework approach to even section 7 agreements under the DRIPA act certainly will be helpful to understand when we look at negotiations between government and First Nations, including in the area of consultation for permitting in the mineral tenure space or energy projects or the like. I know that in talking to other proponents in industry, which the minister just touched on, the clear framework of environmental approvals or the permitting process, the nature of consultation required with First Nations, is not all that clear, necessarily, at times, between the provincial and federal jurisdictions.
Is this clear framework approach that the minister referred to…? Is that the approach that the ministry would be looking at adopting and implementing and developing in other key areas that I just referred to?
Hon. M. Rankin: It often is, when you have a brand-new tool in the toolbox, which is what section 7 is — it’s not found in the federal act; it’s exciting to see it come to fruition and be implemented — that you need somebody to go first. You need an example. You need a test case.
That is what we’re doing with the Tahltan — a First Nation that has a very elaborate governance system and a very strong track record. I think that once we have such an agreement, the framework will be a good template, a good precedent for others that are thinking about this.
We have identified who the Indigenous governing body is. We’ve identified the kinds of steps that an agreement like this would require, not only what is in the Declaration Act itself, all of the steps about accountability and making sure the local governments and industries and everyone is aware of the work that’s going on — no surprises — but also, I think, the predictability for future steps, like the permitting process that will be relevant.
I mean, we have the environmental assessment the member referred to, but we also have the subsequent permitting, whether or not that can be made more coherent — provide more accountability to industry, more predictability to industry — and, I think, provide the kinds of outcomes that Indigenous peoples and their governments have been asking for, for a long, long time.
I’m very excited about section 7. It’s a tool that exists nowhere else in the country, and I think this first test case will give industry a kind of sense of what will happen. If somebody has to go first, we’ve got one. I think it’s going to be a useful learning experience.
The Chair: Member, we are at the end. We are at 6:15 now.
M. Lee: I thought you said I could have one more question.
The Chair: I thought so too, but I can’t anticipate everybody’s time.
M. Lee: Can I just have one quick…? The minister can table this, but just to say I will combine my last question with my final closing comments, in three ways. One is to say thank you to the minister and his staff for the pace at which the responses were coming.
We covered some good ground here in the six hours that I was provided with. I wish I had more time, but there are items that I would follow on with the minister’s office. I know that the minister has welcomed that in the past.
I include in the section 7 agreement and the significance that he just referred to. I do think I would invite your staff to check your record and your pace here, because I think you’ve set a new record for your government team. And I think you set a higher standard in terms of response with your team. I appreciate that. You should be a good example to the rest of your colleagues for the rest of this estimates process as well.
I will ask one last question, which I think should be a simple one, which is…. Item 2.2 is finalizing the draft principles that guide the province of B.C.’s relationship with Indigenous peoples. I know that that, of course, is significant work that’s been started and continued under the previous government and into this government. But can I ask the minister: what is the timetable for that finalization?
Hon. M. Rankin: Recognizing that we’re over time, I’ll be very quick. I just want to say a sense of gratitude for the member for the thoughtful questions that were posed and the collaborative way in which he’s approached this exercise. Keeping us accountable is his job, and he’s done it well. I appreciate that very much.
I’ll be happy to offer briefings on some of the specific issues that we only touched on. You have my word that that will happen, should you wish.
On the specific question that is asked, on 2.2, we have not yet set a specific timetable.
The Chair: Thank you, Members and Minister.
Seeing no further questions, I ask the minister if they would like to make any brief closing remarks before I call the vote.
Hon. M. Rankin: I have made them. I recognize we’re over time, so I will leave it to you, Chair.
Vote 33: ministry operations, $49,815,000 — approved.
Vote 34: treaty and other agreements funding, $115,629,000 — approved.
Vote 35: Declaration Act Secretariat, $3,213,000 — approved.
Hon. M. Rankin: I would move that the committee rise and report resolution and completion and ask leave to sit again.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 6:20 p.m.