Fourth Session, 41st Parliament (2019)
OFFICIAL REPORT
OF DEBATES
(HANSARD)
Tuesday, May 28, 2019
Afternoon Sitting
Issue No. 264
ISSN 1499-2175
The HTML transcript is provided for informational purposes only.
The PDF transcript remains the official digital version.
CONTENTS
Routine Business | |
Orders of the Day | |
Proceedings in the Douglas Fir Room | |
Proceedings in the Birch Room | |
TUESDAY, MAY 28, 2019
The House met at 1:33 p.m.
[Mr. Speaker in the chair.]
Routine Business
Point of Privilege
M. Bernier: For those that were in the House yesterday, they know that I rose on a point of order during debates. Yesterday the member for Nanaimo–North Cowichan made some very inappropriate, unparliamentary and intemperate comments in this House that offended me as an hon. member of this House. From the Hansard recording that I went and checked afterwards, in the audio, the member can be heard saying, amongst other comments: “Not a chance, you fat….” Another “f” expletive that I’m not going to use.
I am asking that the member withdraw his comments in this House.
Mr. Speaker: Thank you, Member. I will take that under consideration.
Orders of the Day
Hon. M. Farnworth: In this chamber, I call continued committee stage debate on Bill 30, Labour Relations Code Amendment Act. In the Douglas Fir Room, Committee A, I call continued committee stage debate on Bill 22, Forest Amendment Act. And in Committee C, the Birch Room, I call continued estimates debate for the Ministry of Attorney General.
Committee of the Whole House
BILL 30 — LABOUR RELATIONS CODE
AMENDMENT ACT, 2019
(continued)
The House in Committee of the Whole (Section B) on Bill 30; J. Isaacs in the chair.
The committee met at 1:37 p.m.
On section 8.
J. Martin: Welcome back, everybody, as we continue on this piece of legislation, Bill 30. I’m very happy to carry on the discussion. Right now on section 8, a few questions for the minister. Under what circumstances could a trade union apply to the board for an order declaring the collective agreement expired?
Hon. H. Bains: Member, we talked about Bill 6. It is about a raid. If members of one union decide to join members of the other union, and if they are successful, the incoming union…. Then it gives them the right. If that existing collective agreement has more than two years remaining in the term of that agreement, then that union can apply to the board to reopen that collective agreement and start bargaining and renegotiate on the agreement. But the board has the discretion. The board needs to be convinced that the application has merit.
J. Martin: Thank you for that. I’m always curious in a section such as this how we come to arrive at a particular number, 24 months. What was the rationale? What was the evidence that 24 months is the proper number to attach to this section?
Hon. H. Bains: Member, this was something that was decided by the panel. Also, I think the real intent behind this is this. If members are leaving one particular union with a collective agreement that may be inferior to the rest of the industry, and they wish to join a different union and bring them in, and if there is a collective agreement that is going to last another six, seven, eight years, then they’re stuck with that collective agreement. They cannot make progress.
Again, it is saying that if it’s more than two years, it’s just showing that they’re talking about…. If there is extra, I guess, time given to the collective agreement — as I said, five, six, seven, eight years — and the members are not happy with that, they may decide to change unions. If the new union comes in and if more than two years are left in that collective agreement, they can apply to the board to reopen the collective agreement and renegotiate. I think this is something the panel heard from stakeholders. They came back with a unanimous recommendation on this.
J. Martin: I’m always curious, also, about the minister and the ministry — the amount of thought that they’ve given to the impact that this may have on financial decisions and stability for employers when they bid on projects or make capital investments. It’s hard to imagine that this isn’t going to be one of the variables that will have to be taken into account.
If a new collective agreement could be struck mid-project, how will an employer be able to properly bid on one, not having the security of knowing what their labour costs are going to be throughout the life of that project?
Hon. H. Bains: This is what the panel, when they were going around seeking input, said. I’m just quoting from the panel’s report. “The panel heard concerns that successor unions may inherit substandard collective agreements with long durations. However, parties often negotiate longer-term collective agreements for reasons of stability and certainty, and employers rely on these terms to make bids or capital investments and spending decisions — for example, project labour agreements — which could be significantly impacted if the collective agreement could be reopened following a successful raid.”
Then they went on to say this. “In difficult-to-organize sectors, unions may negotiate basic agreements as a first step in those sectors. A successor union should be able to apply to the board to have a collective agreement reopened, and the board should have discretion to grant such relief in extraordinary circumstances having regard to its section 2 duties. This would permit the exercise of this discretion, where, for example, terms of the collective agreements are clearly inferior to the norm of the sector.”
Member, what we also need to look at…. They look at the other jurisdictions as well. Again, we’re not reinventing the wheel. If you look at Ontario and Quebec, their collective agreements cease to operate following a successful raid. It ends. In Alberta and Newfoundland and Labrador, the collective agreement can be terminated by the successor union providing the employer with the prescribed period of notice. In Canada, following a successful raid, the successor union may give notice to commence bargaining. In Manitoba and New Brunswick, a collective agreement may be terminated by the successor providing notice and with the consent of the board.
It is something that is quite normal. The panel heard these inputs, and the information came from all stakeholders. They considered all of that, and they came back with a recommendation they believe is timely and is something that is needed.
J. Martin: Can the minister perhaps speculate on what impact 27.1 will have on the community benefits agreement projects?
Hon. H. Bains: I will not speculate, but I will say that labour board has the expertise, experience. They will hear input from both the union and from the employer. If the employer has some concerns why the collective agreement should not be reopened, then they’ll make a decision based on the information received.
Employers can have their submissions. The unions will have their submissions. It’s the normal work of the labour board. Then they will make a decision, whether both parties provide the information and submissions include all the information that they need to make a decision. They will make the right decision.
M. Lee: I’m pleased to join my colleague the member for Chilliwack in this committee stage discussion on section 8. In view of the comments made by the Minister of Labour, I just want to continue on with page 18 from the panel’s report that the minister was quoting from. There is a particular paragraph that I think is something that we understand in the industry.
I’m looking at how contractors and construction companies and others work with unions for stability and certainty — certainly, two principles that the Minister of Labour has talked about, the purpose of these labour relations code amendments, as well as the member for Oak Bay–Gordon Head — recognizing that certainty and a consistency are necessary for this code to go forward.
The statement is that a successor union should be able to apply to the board to have a collective agreement reopened, which is the purpose of this amendment, certainly, and the board should have the discretion to grant such relief in extraordinary circumstances, having regard to its section 2 duties. So the discretion the Minister of Labour just spoke to, certainly, would be with a view that currently under section 27(1)(c) of the code: “If a trade union is certified as the bargaining agent for an appropriate bargaining unit…if a collective agreement binding on the unit is in force at the date of certification, the agreement remains in force.” That is under the current code.
Despite what it is in other provinces in this country, that’s what the code says today. The proposed amendment, of course, would vary from that, and in doing so, provides the board with this opportunity or ability, where a successful successor has seated with a new bargaining unit.
That needs to be met with the duties under the code, which are set out in section 2(b) and (d). That is the board needs to ensure that when they’re exercising the powers and performing the duties, under the code, they foster “the employment of workers in economically viable businesses,” and that in sub (d), “encourages cooperative participation between employers and trade unions in resolving workplace issues, adapting to changes in the economy, developing workforce skills and developing a workforce and a workplace that promotes productivity.”
For these reasons, and for the reasons that the member for Oak Bay–Gordon Head indicated earlier in our discussion around section 6, in our view — at least the view of the B.C. Liberal caucus — there should be consideration to the panel’s report and the passage that I just read out, which would suggest, in the panel’s view, that this discretion that the board has to effectively reopen the collective agreement for agreements that are two years or more remaining on that agreement only be exercised where there are extraordinary circumstances.
With that in mind, I would like to propose an amendment to section 8. This amendment, which has been reviewed with legislative counsel, merely amends section 27.1(2)(a).
[SECTION 8, by deleting the proposed section 27.1 (2) (a) and substituting the following:
(a) if there are extraordinary circumstances, having regard to the board’s duties in section 2, make an order declaring that the collective agreement expires 90 days after the date of the order, or]
On the amendment.
M. Lee: The intention of this amendment is specifically to ensure that when boards are looking to interpret this provision of the act, keeping in mind their duties under section 2 of the code, that they recognize that, in view of the panel as well…. There has been a great weight put in the debate around this code amendment on the panel’s report. I would say that, as the member for Oak Bay–Gordon Head noted earlier, there are very few departures by this government in the code amendments that they brought forward.
Our suggestion, though, is that on this particular section of the bill, as it amends section 8…. This particular review done by the panel, which had no dissenting opinion on this set of recommendations, recommendation No. 11…. The lead-in to that would suggest that that new ability of the board to terminate a current collective agreement and replace it with a new one should only be done in extraordinary circumstances. That’s the purpose of this amendment.
Hon. H. Bains: I’m speaking against the amendment. There were very capable members of that panel. All three of them are lawyers. One came from the union side, another from the employer side, and there is an independent arbitrator. They looked at all of those arguments. All those arguments were presented to them. They listened, also, to the union side and the workers’ side — and with their own experience.
If you look at the combined experience of that panel, it’s very impressive. I think each one of them has over 30 years of experience in labour law. They have practised labour law all that time. They know exactly every wording and the meaning of what we are proposing when it goes before the board. They’ve been to the board on a regular basis. They made a decision based on the presentations that were made.
I’m suggesting to this, that this language…. By adding any other language than what they have considered I think will defeat the purpose, and it should not be accepted.
As the member for Oak Bay–Gordon Head and the leader of the Green Party said, they are looking for an evidence-based approach, and I think this is exactly where we are going. The panel considered evidence. They came back and made some recommendations, in considering their own experiences dealing with the board and the language that is being used here.
I will go with the panel’s recommendations. I think they came back with a very, very comprehensive but, in my view, I would say, a very, very balanced approach. As my friend from the Greens has said, the pendulum swings, but they avoided all that. There were a couple of areas that we thought we needed to tweak, but I think this is one area that we should not touch. This is something that they considered deeply. I think we should defeat this amendment, and I will not support it.
A. Weaver: I rise to provide support to the minister with respect to his views on this amendment. We understand where the official opposition is coming from. On page 18 of the expert report — as the minister said, it is a superb report — the experts state as follows: “A successor union should be able to apply to the board to have a collective agreement reopened, and the board should have discretion to grant such relief in extraordinary circumstances, having regard to its section 2 duties. This would permit the exercise of this discretion where, for example, terms of the collective agreements are clearly inferior to the norm in the sector.”
The words there were contained in the preamble leading up to the formal recommendation. As the minister pointed out, we believe that in fact the expert panel were, in their recommendations, very thoughtful in terms of the exact usage of language. Were we to add the words “extraordinary circumstances” into the recommendation, I would suggest that this is actually going a step further, because the panel was actually quite careful in not using the words in the actual recommendation.
With that, I will take my place, noting that we will not support this amendment.
M. Lee: I would just note for the record, though, that in the specific recommendation on page 18, under recommendation 11 of the panel’s report, the exact wording is not what is reflected in this bill. The comment that we are making is that it’s very clear that the panel turned its mind to the kinds of circumstances under which the board would exercise its discretion — certainly along the lines of its regard to section 2 duties.
The amendment speaks to two parts — extraordinary circumstances and that it’s done in line with regard to the board’s duties in section 2. Both of those statements are stated in the lead-in to this recommendation, and this is exactly what the panel turned its mind to. Our amendment really reflects just the commentary by the panel in respect of when this discretion would be exercised. So I do think it’s in line with the panel’s report.
The Chair: Members, the question is the amendment on Bill 30, section 8, as proposed by the member for Vancouver-Langara.
Amendment negatived on the following division:
YEAS — 40 | ||
Cadieux | de Jong | Bond |
Polak | Wilkinson | Lee |
Stone | Coleman | Wat |
Bernier | Thornthwaite | Paton |
Ashton | Barnett | Yap |
Martin | Davies | Kyllo |
Sullivan | Reid | Morris |
Stilwell | Ross | Oakes |
Johal | Redies | Rustad |
Milobar | Sturdy | Clovechok |
Shypitka | Hunt | Throness |
Tegart | Stewart | Sultan |
Gibson | Thomson | Larson |
| Foster |
|
NAYS — 44 | ||
Chouhan | Kahlon | Begg |
Brar | Heyman | Donaldson |
Mungall | Bains | Beare |
Chen | Popham | Trevena |
Sims | Chow | Kang |
Simons | D’Eith | Routley |
Ma | Elmore | Dean |
Routledge | Singh | Leonard |
Darcy | Simpson | Robinson |
Farnworth | Horgan | James |
Eby | Dix | Ralston |
Mark | Fleming | Conroy |
Fraser | Chandra Herbert | Rice |
Malcolmson | Furstenau | Weaver |
Olsen |
| Glumac |
Section 8 approved.
The Chair: Sections 9 through 27 have already passed.
Title approved.
Hon. H. Bains: I move that the committee rise and report the bill complete with amendment.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 2:06 p.m.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Reporting of Bills
BILL 30 — LABOUR RELATIONS CODE
AMENDMENT ACT,
2019
Bill 30, Labour Relations Code Amendment Act, 2019, reported complete with amendment, to be considered at the next sitting of the House after today.
Hon. M. Farnworth: In this chamber, I call continued committee stage on Bill 15, Agricultural Amendment Act.
Committee of the Whole House
BILL 15 — AGRICULTURAL LAND
COMMISSION
AMENDMENT ACT, 2019
(continued)
The House in Committee of the Whole (Section B) on Bill 15; J. Isaacs in the chair.
The committee met at 2:11 p.m.
On section 1 (continued).
I. Paton: As the representative of the Ag critic role…. We’re working on section 1, as of late yesterday afternoon. I’d like to turn things over to the member for Abbotsford West to continue his questioning.
M. de Jong: We were talking yesterday, when we left off, about the pathway to the creation of section 1 and the process that the minister and the government followed with respect to this section and, presumably, most of the others.
We were talking about the RFL process. I wonder if the minister could explain in a little more detail. When I say “RFL,” referring to the request for legislation — I think we ascertained that the minister signed off on the RFL — what is it? I’m familiar with the document. There was a three-column document that laid out, in a fair amount of detail, what the policy choices were, and they were instructions — drafting instructions, as it were — to leg. counsel. When the minister refers to a request for legislation, is she referring to the same thing?
Hon. L. Popham: Yes.
M. de Jong: So maybe the minister could explain. What are those three columns?
Hon. L. Popham: There are three columns. One is the current state, one is the proposed change, and one is the rationale for the change.
M. de Jong: The document is intended, I take it, to provide a comprehensive set of instructions to leg. counsel around which they can complete the process of drafting the bill. Is that correct?
Hon. L. Popham: Yes.
M. de Jong: I think we also established yesterday that the minister signed off on the RFL that was the precursor to the bill — the drafting instructions for this bill — sometime in July of last year. That’s what the minister, I think, indicated. And I think the minister indicated that she would get the date for the committee that those instructions were signed off by her.
Hon. L. Popham: The date that I signed off on the RFL was June 15.
M. de Jong: I’m going to suggest that the chronology of events that she has been advancing around how this legislation was created, and the manner in which it was created, is a little different today than what we might have been led to believe. If I misstate this, I know the minister will correct me.
I think the minister, it is fair to say, has gone out of her way in the past to suggest that a committee was appointed. They were sent out to do their work. They began that work. They were struck in 2018 on the strength of an interim report that she received. I think she received it on the first of August, because I think the date on the report is July 31. On the strength of that work — that interim report and the recommendations — she set about to breathe legislative life, statutory life, into those recommendations.
I’m having difficulty reconciling that narrative with what we have just learned in the short time this committee has been considering section 1, which is a detailed RFL with detailed drafting instructions signed off by the minister a full month and a half before she even had the interim report. I can’t reconcile what the minister has been saying with that factual chronology. I’m interested to know how the minister purports to reconcile that.
Hon. L. Popham: Thank you for the question. I’ll just run down a little bit of information for the member’s benefit. The end date for the independent committee’s consultations was identified as March 21, 2018. Up until that time, there were nine regional stakeholder meetings that began on February 5 and ended on March 22. They began on February 5 with Richmond and ended on March 15 with Prince George. Additional meetings were added. The ALC commissioners were March 7. The Peace River regional district and UBCM were on March 22.
Also identified in the terms of reference was that there was expected to be an advanced early draft report, which would come to me. This would be a list of recommendations which would be considered for legislative and regulatory changes. Also, what was laid out in the terms of reference is that I was to receive a final interim report on July 31. This report would be available for public consumption. But all the way along, there were opportunities for contact and conversation that would keep me up to date on any further conversations or input that was necessary.
M. de Jong: It sounds like the minister is advising the committee that the basis for the creation of the RFL — insofar as the committee, at least, was concerned — was something she called “an advanced early draft report.” I wrote down the term she used — that she received “an advanced early draft report.” She has contrasted that with what I think she is now referring to, the July 31 report, as the final interim report. If I’m mistaken about that, the minister can correct me.
When did she receive the advanced early draft report, and will she table a copy with the committee?
Hon. L. Popham: From the terms of reference: “Early recommendation report on proposed legislative amendments to be considered by the minister based on consultations and research findings, due in April ’18.” I received the advanced early draft report on April 24. As far as whether or not that would be released, we consider that report part of the cabinet process and advice to minister.
M. de Jong: Well, I’m familiar with the concept of advice to minister and cabinet documentation to be sure. But I don’t think the minister can have it both ways.
She can’t, on the one hand, advise the committee that “we set up a public consultation agency in the guise of the committee that informed our decisions around the creation of the piece of legislation and the section before the committee” and tout that as a public process that guided deliberations and guided their decisions and then, as she just did a moment ago, say: “Ah, but there were reports beyond the reports that we released, and we’re not prepared to tell you about them.” That’s a bit cute and a bit convenient but not in keeping at all with the narrative that the minister has laid out.
I do want to make sure I properly understand what the minister is saying. We have now gone from this story, which is: “Committee struck at the beginning of 2018. They do their consultations. I, as minister, get an interim report, and that informs the creation of an RFL and the drafting of legislation that is now before the House for the House’s consideration.”
[R. Chouhan in the chair.]
Today the story is: “Committee struck. It embarks upon public consultation.” Actually, just after that’s happening and before the presentation of an interim report, there were other reports. “Now, we’re not prepared to tell you what was in those other reports. We’re not prepared to tell you whether there were different recommendations.”
Does the minister not see a problem with her story about how this legislation has been created and the timetable around that? This is not information that she shared.
I’ve heard her at least twice now talk about contacts that she had with the committee. Were there formal meetings between the minister and the committee between March 22 and June 15?
Hon. L. Popham: I think the timeline that I laid out and the story, as the member puts it, are very consistent to what I’ve put forward. Also, the timeline follows the terms of reference that were laid out, and those are on the website. So the member can refer to that if he’s having difficulty following the timeline. But we did follow the terms of reference.
It’s exactly what we expected. We received an early recommendation report. It was expected by the end of April. We received that on April 24. This included legislative and regulatory recommendations. We then expected to receive an interim report by the end of July. That came on July 31. That report contained the same recommendations for any legislative or regulatory changes, but it also received background information — what we heard. The interim report was for public consumption.
I think the member also asked: were there formal meetings along the way? I continued to have ongoing updates on the committee’s work. Whether they were formal or not formal — I’m not sure how the member is defining that. But I did receive updates along the way.
M. de Jong: Thanks to the minister. This is the first time I have heard any reference to an advanced early draft report. But I might be mistaken. It may be that the minister has referred publicly to an advanced early draft report, and I missed it. If she has, can she advise the committee?
Hon. L. Popham: Well, the information has been public for quite some time. I’ll refer the member to the terms of reference again.
We put out a news release on January 4, 2018, and that was a news release about the creation of the committee and the work that they would do. The public engagement process began on February 5. Within both of those announcements, there was a link to the terms of reference.
The terms of reference that the member might be most interested in…. This is directly from the terms of reference that have been public since January 4, 2018: “Early recommendation report on proposed legislative amendments to be considered by the minister, based on consultations and research findings due in April 2018.” I have shared with the member, at this point in time, that I did receive that report on April 24.
M. de Jong: All very helpful, to be sure. The question, of course, is whether or not…. Having established what she described as a public consultation process — with a committee intended to engage in public consultation and provide recommendations that would inform the creation of legislation that the committee is now considering — the minister has to this point, until we explored this further, talked about the interim report of July 31. She has now referred, on more than one occasion, to the advanced early draft report — that’s her terminology, not mine — that apparently guided the creation of section 1 and the sections that will follow.
As to that report from this body that she set up to engage in this public consultation, I just want to be clear, the minister is saying that that’s off-limits. The committee, she is saying, has no business examining that advanced early draft report. Is that correct?
Hon. L. Popham: So that the member understands the process, drafting of a bill is informed by a few things, especially….
I can speak particularly to this bill. First off, it’s informed by independent advice. That’s what we received from the independent advisory committee. Secondly, it’s informed by expert advice from staff working in the Ministry of Agriculture and other ministries in government. Thirdly, it’s informed by the professional drafting practices from the Attorney General’s office. That’s how the bill is informed.
I can tell the member that the recommendations from the committee for any legislative or regulatory changes are in the July 31 report.
M. de Jong: That, too, is helpful, and my thanks to the minister.
I think what I just heard is that the minister received an advanced early draft report on April 24 that contained recommendations for legislative change. The minister has, just a moment ago, informed the committee that there were also recommendations for legislative change contained in the interim report from the advisory committee dated July 31, 2018. My question: were there differences in the recommendations provided in the report of April 24 versus the report of July 31?
Hon. L. Popham: There are no substantive changes in what was presented in the draft interim report and the interim report. And I think the member can be reminded at this time that this was the committee’s report; it was not a government report. It was an independent advisory committee.
Some of the things that could have been different between the interim draft and the interim report was that there would have been background information included in the report received on July 31. There was rationale that was given for certain recommendations. They would have added photos and done some desktopping. But that one was specifically to bring their recommendations forward from the draft and to put it into a form that was for public consumption, easily read and easily understood.
M. de Jong: And that largely cosmetic change took three months?
Hon. L. Popham: The member uses the word “cosmetic.” I said that there were no substantial differences in the reports. I think the one that was received on July 31 was certainly more polished. The member has asked whether — or implied that — three months might have been a long time to polish this report and to put it into a form that was for public consumption. I will take this moment to remind the member that for the people that were on this committee, this was not their full-time job. So I considered the three months a lot of work, considering that a lot of them had full-time jobs as well.
M. de Jong: I’m simply trying to rationalize this. What we have learned over the course of the committee discussion is that to the extent that the minister and the government took views from this advisory committee into account, it could not have been the views contained in the report of July 31, because the minister signed off on the instructions for drafting the bill a month and a half earlier.
I hope I’m clear enough about that. It could not have been this report that informed the preparation of the request for legislation, because the minister has advised the committee that she signed that document a month and a half before this interim report was finalized. So if we’re to believe the minister, to the extent that the committee had any input into the drafting instructions, it would have had to have been the advanced early draft report of April 24. If I’m wrong, the minister can tell me so, but she has also said that her position and the position of the government is that that advanced early draft report is off-limits.
Now, it may be…. We’ll see if there’s an FOI. It apparently…. The minister may ask why I’m pursuing this line of questioning. If the minister is correct and it was that report that informed the preparation of the request for legislation, it was hardly a draft. It was the document that informed — to the extent that she took into account, and the government took into account, the committee’s work — the preparation of the request for legislation.
If I’ve got any of that wrong, then the minister should explain that to me. The idea that it was the interim report of July 31, 2018, that influenced the preparation of the request for legislation around Bill 15 is clearly not the case, because she signed off on that document a month and a half earlier. The only report that we are aware of, unless there’s another report that we don’t know about…. Well, the minister is shaking her head. Imagine our surprise when we were hearing about reports that informed the creation of the RFL. If I’ve got some of that wrong, now is the time to correct me.
Hon. L. Popham: Well, I will read for the member again so that the member understands that everything was laid out very clearly in the terms of reference. I have read out the terms of reference, which…. Well, I’m going to read it again.
“Early recommendation report on proposed legislative amendments to be considered by the minister, based on consultation and research findings, due in April 2018.” I received that report on April 24. Just so that I’m clear: “Early recommendation report on proposed legislative amendments to be considered by the minister, based on consultation and research findings, due in April.”
This was in the terms of reference that were public. If the member or the official opposition is shocked or surprised to learn that there is a report like this, then I would suggest that the opposition hasn’t done their homework, because it was out there for public consumption.
Now, when I talk about the public report that was received on July 31, that’s exactly what it is. It’s a report that was worked on for public consumption. I don’t know if the member has perused that report or not, but he will see that it’s very polished. It’s exactly what you could expect from a report that is being presented to the public.
M. de Jong: The minister, referring back to the terms of reference, makes the point, I think accurately, that what I have been referring to, utilizing the minister’s earlier terminology, “the advanced early draft report,” is more properly referred to as the “early recommendation report.” So maybe I’ll just stop there.
I do want the terminology to be correct. The report that the minister received on April 24 is the early recommendation report. Is that correct?
Hon. L. Popham: That is the language from the public terms of reference.
M. de Jong: Okay. But I’m going to press for an answer. Is the report that the minister received on April 24 the early recommendation report?
Hon. L. Popham: Yes.
M. de Jong: So that’s not a draft report. That is, as the minister has indicated, a report containing early recommendations. Is it the minister’s advice, once again, to the committee that she and the government are not prepared to release that report, although it is clearly now subject to release by FOI, it not being a draft?
Hon. L. Popham: We considered that report as advice to minister. But I can tell the member that the recommendations that are found in the July 31 report are substantially the same recommendations.
I’d also like to remind the member that this report and the list of recommendations were just one of many sources that were used when putting together the RFL.
M. de Jong: I appreciate the minister’s advice to the committee about the myriad of sources of information that go into the creation of a request for legislation. But I do want to be clear and ensure that I am not misstating.
Insofar as the Minister of Agriculture’s advisory committee that was established to provide advice…. I take it that all of what that committee produced was advice to the cabinet, advice to the minister. I presume that’s why she struck it — to solicit advice.
Her position for this committee and this piece of legislation is that, with respect to the early recommendation report, she would prefer that this committee not have an opportunity to compare the recommendations contained within that report with the legislation that is now before us. Is that her position?
Hon. L. Popham: I’m going to refer back to the terms of reference again. “Early recommendation report on proposed legislative amendments to be considered by the minister based on consultation and research findings.” That was advice to minister, and I can assure the member those recommendations made their way into the interim report of July 31.
M. de Jong: Well, I’ve been here long enough to sense when a minister has dug in on a position and not to expend a lot of energy trying to change someone’s mind.
I am merely trying to confirm that it is the minister’s position that the early recommendation report, which is the only source of information from the advisory committee that could have been used in drafting the RFL, will not be released. It won’t be released to this committee, won’t be released to the public.
The minister’s position is that no one is entitled to see that, and if the opposition wishes to compare the recommendations contained in that report with the final legislative product that we are considering, we will have to submit an FOI request. Is that the minister’s position?
Hon. L. Popham: I think I have stated quite clearly that the recommendations that were received on April 24 are substantially the same as the recommendations that the member can find in the public report that was released on July 31. It is just one piece of input that was used in drafting this legislation. I think that it’s very important to understand that the terms of reference have been laid out since January 2018.
M. de Jong: I’m not quarrelling with the minister at all about the terms of reference and what she’s…. I agree with her. That wasn’t the question.
The minister has labelled this “the early recommendation report.” Those are her words, not mine — the early recommendation report. She has further advised the committee that it is substantially the same as the July 31 interim report — again, her description.
The minister is refusing, I think, to release the report. I guess the obvious question is: why? What’s in the report that she doesn’t want anyone to see? That, I guess, is a silly question to ask. She obviously doesn’t want people to see it. So she isn’t going to tell the committee what’s in the report that she doesn’t want them to see. But I don’t understand.
If it’s the early recommendation report that influenced somehow the RFL, unless the minister is going to say it didn’t influence it at all, I don’t quarrel with her description that it was one piece of the puzzle. But she’s called it the early recommendation report. She said to the committee just now that it’s substantially the same as the July…. So what’s in it?
I guess I come back to that. Why is she so hesitant to release it? We’ll FOI it, and I guess we’ll get it. We’ll get it in due course. But I don’t understand the hesitation. Maybe we’re creating an issue here for nothing. If the minister’s description of it is accurate, I don’t understand the hesitancy.
Hon. L. Popham: As I said to the member, we had considered this report that was released in April as advice to the minister and advice to the government. The recommendations in that report made their way into the report that was released on July 31 for public consumption.
The member does seem to be very persistent. So let us go back and do a harms assessment on that report. If it’s consistent with the FOIPPA Act, we would release that.
M. de Jong: Okay, thanks to the minister. By definition, it was all advice to the minister. It was the minister’s advisory committee. So I’m hopeful. Thank you to the minister for undertaking to conduct that review.
It is obviously more meaningful if we are able to quickly peruse the report while the committee is still doing its work, which will last at least for a few more days and, perhaps, into the fall. So the sooner we’re able to….
To cut to the chase, there’s obviously an interest in comparing — as there always would be for an opposition — the recommendations with the legislative product that the committee is reviewing. So no secret to what the opposition’s interest would be.
The minister has talked and referred in our discussion around the genesis and the creation of Bill 15, section 1 and the other sections, around the legislative review committee process, the LRC process. A series of questions. Is there a legislative review committee for the government? I think there is. Is the minister a member of that committee? And was Bill 15 presented to that committee for consideration?
I have a few more questions, but I’ll try to present them in blocks of three.
Hon. L. Popham: Yes, there is an LRC. I have been a member of LRC, but I am no longer. I’ve been moved to Treasury Board. I did present to LRC.
M. de Jong: Is the membership on the LRC restricted to members of the executive council, or are there private members that sit on LRC as well?
Hon. L. Popham: The LRC does include members of cabinet and private members.
M. de Jong: Can the minister describe the process that a piece of legislation — well, in this case, Bill 15 — would have undergone in terms of the review process? Is it a section-by-section analysis that LRC undertakes?
[J. Isaacs in the chair.]
Hon. L. Popham: The mandate of that committee is to review a draft bill against the policy direction of government, but the conversations and deliberations of that committee are confidential.
M. de Jong: The minister will note I have not asked her — nor will I — to disclose the conversations that take place during the course of that committee’s deliberations. But her answer is helpful.
My recollection and understanding — but I seek only to confirm what the practice is with the minister and her government — is that during the course of an LRC examination of a bill, the committee would, as the minister has indicated, compare the language, the drafting, in the draft bill with the policy direction given by the minister and the government. That entails very close scrutiny of the drafting language itself. Part and parcel of the work — and it is not easy work — is to consider, line by line and sometimes word by word, the language that the draftspeople have employed to breathe life into the policy direction given by government in the request for legislation.
Is that all essentially correct?
Hon. L. Popham: Well, the job of LRC is to review the draft bill in its entirety.
M. de Jong: We might be rushing to agreement here. I merely wanted to confirm that in discharging that responsibility, members of the committee would engage in a section-by-section — sometimes line-by-line, sometimes word-by-word — analysis of the legislation. Is that correct?
Hon. L. Popham: Yes.
M. de Jong: Who are the…? Forgive me, the minister does not need to provide the names here, but I think the names of the membership of the LRC are public somewhere. But perhaps, at some point through the afternoon, someone could obtain or confirm the names of the present membership. Sometimes the websites are out of date. We can discern who the membership was at the time Bill 15 was considered.
The minister has indicated that she presented Bill 15 to the LRC. And she did that personally?
Hon. L. Popham: The membership of LRC is made public. It’s on the website. It’s right up to date. We looked, and I think it’s up to date as of May 22. So the member can look that information up if he wishes. I did present to LRC.
M. de Jong: All right. Thanks to the minister. Lest there be some, dare I say, interest in the nature of the question, we’re obviously going to get to a point in this conversation where the opposition has very pointed questions about the nature of the language chosen and deployed in the bill. So not to be coy about this. It was important, I thought, to ascertain in clear terms how the minister and the government went about settling on that language, who was involved, and the processes that were undertaken.
I don’t know if we’ll…. Hopefully we’ll get to that over the course of the next few days. If not, the fall session, but these are…. There will, obviously, be tremendous amount of interest in the choice of language and, I suspect, the difference of opinion that exists between the minister, the government and the opposition about the wisdom of the choices made around that language. But that lies in the future.
I thank the minister for indulging me with respect to some of these preliminary matters. I think there are some other questions with respect to section 1, and I will make way for other members of the opposition.
M. Bernier: I want to thank my colleague for really setting the stage originally and as we’re moving forward on the bill and also for acknowledging the fact that there are going to be important points within this bill — certain words that are chosen as mentioned, certain things that have been added or removed — that, obviously, are going to require some detailed discussions, some questions and, presumably and hopefully, some explanation and answers from the minister.
We still are on section 1, obviously, and it’s one that we want to make sure, as we’re going through, the questions are asked that kind of set the stage for how this bill was designed and for some of the formulations that were put into it and decisions that were being made.
A question I have, I guess, right from the get-go — it will be a very specific one to the bill in section 1: can the minister explain why they are striking out 30.1 under definitions around the exclusion applications?
Hon. L. Popham: To the member’s question, under the current act, exclusion applications can be made under section 29 by local government, a First Nation government or the commission on its own initiative, or under section 30 by a landowner. As we will discuss later, this bill consolidates exclusion applications into just section 29. Landowners who are neither a local government, First Nations government, nor the Crown, will no longer be able to apply directly to the commission to exclude their land. As such, this change to the definition is a necessary housekeeping amendment that reflects the new approach to exclusion applications.
M. Bernier: To be clear, though, when the minister said this is a housekeeping change, it’s only a housekeeping change that comes into effect due to the new wording that’s later on within the bill, changes that this minister is imposing through this act. That’s correct?
Hon. L. Popham: That’s correct.
M. Bernier: Obviously the reason why…. Of course, the minister knows it’s no secret. She’s heard us talk about this — that we’re going to be bringing this up in more detail when we get to that section. Obviously, right at the beginning, in definitions, within the first page of the definitions, basically, of the Agricultural Land Commission Act, it does beg the question when the minister has repeatedly said, and critiqued members of this House when we’ve said, that landowners under this act, if it is to pass, will no longer be able to apply for exclusion applications directly to the commission.
The minister has heckled us, said that’s not true, said they will be able to. But right…. What the minister just said is she’s doing housekeeping to remove 30.1, and 30.1 is the actual wording that allows a landowner to apply.
If I understood the minister correctly, what she just said was that is being removed. She read out something that said, basically, it will be local governments, First Nations, the Crown — that landowners will no longer be able to apply directly to the commission. So am I accurate in what I just said, in repeating, somewhat paraphrasing, what the minister said? It does go against what she’s accused us of saying in the House.
R. Leonard: I seek leave to make an introduction.
Leave granted.
Introductions by Members
R. Leonard: I just wanted to introduce…. Up in the gallery, we have grade 11 students from Mark Isfeld in Courtenay. I wanted to particularly congratulate their teacher Heidi Zirkl, who has been here with a number of students over the time that I’ve been here, introducing them to our provincial democracy. I’m so pleased that they’re here, and I hope that the House will welcome them.
Debate Continued
Hon. L. Popham: Just to clarify, private landowners could apply to the ALC, but they’ve always had to go through local government.
M. Bernier: That took a long time to get an answer that wasn’t quite to the question. Can the minister maybe try again? What I’m asking is why are we removing 30(1)? I’ll read it into Hansard. So 30(1), exclusion application by owner, says: “An owner of land may apply to the commission to have their land excluded from the agricultural land reserve.” That’s the wording in the act right now.
The minister has put forward an amendment to the act to remove that section. We’ve all talked about this in second reading. The minister was pretty vocal that we were not accurate in how we were referencing our comments around 30(1) coming out. So I’ll ask the minister again.
I just read into the record what 30(1) is. A landowner can apply. In this, under an exclusion application, the minister is removing — or wanting to, if this passes — the wording that I just read in. So can the minister explain why she is removing that wording?
Hon. L. Popham: Well, to be clear, this bill consolidates exclusion applications into just section 29. Landowners who are neither a local government, First Nations government nor the Crown will no longer be able to apply directly to the commission to exclude their land.
M. Bernier: I appreciate that. It would have been a lot easier for the minister to just say: “People, landowners, will no longer be able to apply directly to the commission.” That’s basically what the minister just said by reading out something else.
Obviously, as we know…. This is something that we’ve talked about. We’re going to get to this later on in the bill, if we have time today or tomorrow, or this fall, because obviously there are going to be a lot of questions to take on in this bill.
It’s interesting that through all of second reading, the minister said, “That’s not true,” numerous times. Now she just said that actually, it is true, that it’s being consolidated. So I think that’s important to acknowledge. We’ve had many people out there who are concerned, who are voicing concerns about what their rights will be, which is why we’re asking these questions of the minister. It’s so much easier to have her just acknowledge it than to not be on the record when she’s voicing her opinions during second reading.
One other question I have is…. We’ll get, I know, into a lot further detail on that one afterwards. Yesterday the minister, when we were talking about consolidating the panels, said that this was going to be something that would be a cost savings. One of the comments was made…. The minister can correct me if I’m wrong. When I went back and read through Hansard…. One of the cost savings would be around travel.
Is the minister saying — this is already a problem for most areas that are zone 2 — that we’re actually going to have even less travel, less people coming up to physically inspect any application process that’s put forward, if this passes, only by a regional district or local government or First Nation?
Hon. L. Popham: I’m not quite sure how this is relevant to section 1, but I’ll certainly answer it for the member. I did see that there was potentially a cost savings. The member may know that the Agricultural Land Commission did put out a report under the previous government that showed a comparison between regional panel systems and a single commission, and it looked like there could be, potentially, some savings by having a single commission. But the one thing that I think is important is that the ALC, under a new model, will have more flexibility to manage their budget with regards to travel and application reviewing.
Section 1 approved on division.
On section 2.
L. Larson: Again, it’s just a changing of wording, obviously — a change of administration with substituting administrative regions versus panel regions. I questioned this previously, and I’m going to raise this again.
I would like to know what issues had arisen under the old administrative way of doing business with the panels, etc., that would cause the minister to feel obligated to change the system? In other words, were there specific incidents that occurred with the other system or some reason to make this type of a change? I would like to know what prompted the minister to feel that this whole process, administratively, had to be changed?
Hon. L. Popham: Well, I can tell the member that there are many reasons why this was considered. One of the reasons, as far as a concrete reason that we heard feedback about from the ALC, was that when you had six regional panels, sometimes it was difficult to get quorum on those panels. People would be missing, so you lost your ability to make decisions.
The system that we’re discussing today would be a change, and it would allow the commission to be more flexible. There will still have to be regional representation from the geographic regions that are identified. That hasn’t changed.
There will always be regional representation, but the commission would be able to have its independence and flexibility. It may be based on a topic that’s in a certain region. Perhaps they need an expert on a certain subject matter. But it gives the ability for the commission to maintain its independence while remaining flexible.
L. Larson: Thank you, Minister. I still am looking for something a little more concrete. In other words, were there statistically a number of times when the panels were not able to get together and, therefore, things were held up?
According to all of the documentation that I’ve read and to the reports that I’ve read, the system seemed to be functioning quite fluently. In the last six months or so, it seems to have backed up considerably, but it was moving very fluently with the panels. I did not see any documentation that said there were six incidents of panels not being able to get together in a timely manner and therefore applications being delayed and causing farmers, etc., some sort of duress.
Does the minister actually have numbers of times when the panels were not able to get together and therefore that was part of the process that the minister has gone through in order to create a whole new system?
Hon. L. Popham: Thank you for the question. I’m just going to give the member a bit of a flavour from the independent advisory report, specifically on the panel system.
“Many stakeholders expressed frustration to the committee over the current process for panel decisions and delays resulting from chair oversight and review by the executive committee. Other stakeholders were concerned about the integrity of the ALR, given the inherent potential for disparate views and approaches to decision-making in the ALR by six separate three-member panels.” That’s some of the feedback that the independent committee received. We of course heard that sometimes it was difficult to find a quorum.
There were actions that were recommended by the independent advisory committee, and No. 1 was to: “Adopt a flexible, locally informed and regionally representative ALC structure that allows the ALC to determine how to best to deploy its government-appointed commissioners to meet the commission’s operational and legislative requirements.” Again, it speaks to flexibility, and it speaks to having assurances that the commission is as independent as possible.
Section 2 approved.
On section 3.
I. Paton: In section 3, we’re going to get into commission members. There are currently 13 members on the Agricultural Land Commission. Could you tell us, at this point, who the members are and what regions they are from?
Hon. L. Popham: We currently have 13 commissioners plus the chair. Of course, the chair is Jennifer Dyson. I’ll go through the different regions for the commissioners.
On the Interior panel, currently we have Richard Mumford and Robert Haywood-Farmer. On the Island panel, we have Linda Gayle Michaluk and Honey Forbes. On the Kootenay panel, we have Dave Zehnder, Ian Knudsen, and Jerry Thibeault. On the north panel, we have Janice Tapp, James Garnet Berge, Ross Kent Ravelli and Andrew Adams. On the Okanagan panel, we have Gerald Zimmermann and James Johnson. On the south coast panel, we have Ione Smith, Susan Gimse and Satwinder Bains.
I. Paton: Thank you, Minister. Of the 13 commissioners and the chair, how many are actually left over from June of 2017? How many commissioners still remain that were on the commission in June of 2017?
Hon. L. Popham: First off, I need to make a correction. I gave the right names for commissioners, but I gave the wrong number. We actually have 16 commissioners plus the chair. I think I said 13; we have 16.
As far as commissioners who have carried forward since June 2017, we believe there are either nine or ten, but we can confirm that. There are definitely nine, but there might be ten.
I. Paton: Thank you for that clarification. I’m very curious about how the commissioners are selected. Could you give me an idea of the process, the qualifications, the credentials that are needed to be a commissioner? Do you actually sit in on an interview process with new commissioners that are being hired?
Hon. L. Popham: The member may know that it’s a merit-based process. It goes through CABRO, and the appointments are to select “individuals who are knowledgeable in matters relating to agriculture, land use planning, local government or first nation government.”
I. Paton: Of course, that is in subsection (c). Appointments must be made, as you just said, by a merit-based process, and individuals are knowledgeable in matters relating to agriculture. Again, I’m just wondering: what sort of credentials of agricultural background would we need to become a commissioner on the Agricultural Land Commission?
And would local areas, the regions of the province that are very affected that want people on the commission, be involved at all? The local chamber of commerce, the local Rotary club, the local government, perhaps — would they be asked for opinions on the quality of persons that might be applying to be on the commission? It might be a good avenue to go, to check with local governments or associations in the towns for recommendations for good people for the commission.
Hon. L. Popham: Just to get back to the member regarding who was appointed as of June 2017 to the commission and who is still there. I’ve had confirmation that ten commissioners were appointed pre June 2017, and since our government came into power, there have been six new commissioners appointed. The previous ten are still in place, and of course, we have a new chair.
As far as who is on the commission, and maybe their credentials, it’s not just someone who is a farmer that may be a good addition to the commission. In fact, we’re looking for people who are knowledgeable in matters relating to agriculture. Obviously, land use planning would be an asset, and local government or First Nations government knowledge is also an asset.
As far as how we source people, it’s a merit-based process, and they go through CABRO. CABRO is looking for applicants all the time. In the example that the member gave, could a chamber of commerce put forward a name? They can encourage people to put their application in to CABRO specifically around interest in the commission, but it’s a merit-based process.
I. Paton: I’m told now that there are 16 total commissioners, and a chair would make 17. So if this bill were to pass, how would we relieve five of the commissioners to take it down to 11, which is what is wanted in the bill?
[R. Chouhan in the chair.]
Hon. L. Popham: What the member may want to know is that it’s a minimum commission size. So 11 is the minimum amount of commissioners that need to be in place. There is a requirement for three members from each administrative region. For example, in the Peace area, there are currently four. But there are provisions in the legislation to make sure that there is a transition that happens in a way that would be respectful of the appointment of one of the four or, perhaps, a new person to be appointed. But there is only a minimum of 11.
I. Paton: At this time, I’d like to bring forward a proposed amendment to Bill 15, the Agricultural Land Commission Amendment Act, 2019.
[SECTION 3, by adding the underlined text as shown in this section:
Commission members
5 (1) The commission consists of at least 11 members appointed under this section as follows:
(a) the Lieutenant Governor in Council must appoint the chair;
(b) the minister must appoint the other members after consulting with the chair and each affected local government;
(c) appointments must be made using a merit-based process to select individuals who are knowledgeable in matters relating to agriculture, land use planning, local government or first nation government;
(d) members must be residents of administrative regions, with at least one but no more than 3 members, other than the chair, representing each region;
(e) if more than one member represents the same administrative region, each member must be a resident of a different regional district incorporated under the Local Government Act.
(2) The chair may appoint one or more vice chairs from the persons appointed under subsection (1) (b).
(3) If a member, other than the chair, ceases to be a resident of the administrative region in which the member was a resident at the time of appointment, the member’s appointment expires on the date on which the member’s residency ceases.
(4) If there is no member, other than the chair, who is a resident of a particular administrative region, the minister must within 90 days appoint a resident of that administrative region as a member in accordance with subsection (1).
(5) The members are the board of directors of the commission.]
The Chair: Member, would you like to speak to your proposed amendment?
I. Paton: I would.
The Chair: Proceed, Member.
On the amendment.
I. Paton: The amendment that we’re bringing forward in section 3 will be regarding adding local government discussions with the appointment of commission members.
I have always said, for the two years that I’ve been in this House now, that the history of the Agricultural Land Commission, based on past expertise and past success, was with zone 1 and zone 2. It also was with the panel system of the regions of the province. I honestly believe that the people that sat on these panels throughout the province had expertise in the areas of those areas. All three people that sat on the panels for certain regions of the province had expertise in making decisions on applications coming from those parts of the province.
I think it was important, having spoken, and I’ll name names. Mr. Zylmans is a good friend of mine and always said to me that he thought that he was on the Agricultural Land Commission…. He always felt that the panels were an excellent idea. He was making decisions on areas of the Sunshine Coast and the Fraser Valley.
He always said: “I don’t know a whole lot about the East Kootenays or the northern part of B.C. I feel that I’m a bit of an expert on where I live in the Fraser Valley, but why would I be making decisions on applications and non-farm uses and different things from the north?” So he said that it was best off to be left to experts from those regions. That’s why the regional panels worked very, very well, according to my friend Mr. Zylmans.
I’m going to be very brief, hon. Chair. I have colleagues with me that would like to get up and speak about the changes to this land commission act. But first, I think it’s important that I bring forward some information. This was provided to us by the Abbotsford Chamber of Commerce. It kind of goes like this. I’d like to take a bit of time to read this out from the Abbotsford Chamber of Commerce and another letter from the Coombs Farmers Institute. I’ll start by saying:
“The ALR was established in 1973 to protect land with prime agricultural conditions for farming and ranching. The ALR is administered by the Agricultural Land Commission, an independent tribunal. On March 7, legislation — Bill 15, the Agricultural Land Commission Amendment Act, 2019 — was introduced to the B.C. Legislature to strengthen the independence of the Agricultural Land Commission, ALC, so that it can better fulfil its mandate for preserving the agricultural land reserve while encouraging farming and ranching in British Columbia.
“The importance of the ALC’s role in protecting our ALR and farming use is recognized as is both enabling land use planning ability for government and the value of agriculture businesses to B.C.’s economy. Taking rights away from farmers and ranchers for matters on their property, however, and moreover, denying them recognition under the law as legal persons, is not democratic, and there are alternative approaches to consider.
“Farmers are in the business of farming, and rights are being taken away from business owners in the proposed legislation of Bill 15. In addition, more barriers and red tape are being put up against individuals and families dealing with government on ALR operations, for example, to address legitimate needs for industrial agricultural use and related activities.
“The proposed new governance model and administrative structures centralizes decision-making power and authority that undermines local, regional administration and the rights of an individual owner of ALR land. Key changes of Bill 15 would result in one centralized commission with regional representatives and eliminating the previous six administrative regions. New decision-making criteria and panels, more compliance and enforcement capacity, but most controversially, requiring that exclusions be submitted to the ALC only by local governments, First Nations or the province. The right to apply as an individual is taken away. Farmers are excluded from the definition as independent persons, qualified to apply for exclusion under this law. A person is only recognized and qualified to apply for exclusion if an owner is also either a provincial, municipal or First Nations government.
“In the new rules, an individual would be dependent on the capacity and willingness of the province, city or First Nation to submit, on behalf of the individual, to the ALC. The right to apply directly to the ALC as an individual is taken away. With no additional funding or staff capacity to process applications, there is an administrative burden and a disincentive for government bodies to initiate the applications.
“Not only is an individual not recognized under the law and the power to apply is being shifted from the property owner to government, but there is no appeal process mentioned in place should a request to submit an application be turned down before it has even been considered by the ALC.
“There is no justification for taking away the rights of farmers and ranchers or to impede industrial farming operations and business. There, moreover, is a questionable evidence basis for the claim that the legislative changes as proposed are needed to prevent the undermining of a defensible ALR — an overly burdensome administrative volume of applications.”
I think we all know the burdensome volume of applications was a grand total of 39 last year.
I also just want to conclude by reading out a great little letter. It was addressed to the hon. minister from the Coombs Farmers Institute. It says:
“We, as members of the Coombs Farmers Institute, have never felt the need to write letters to the Minister of Agriculture in as many days. This, if nothing else, should indicate our level of concern.
“The recent tabling of Bill 15 caught us rather off guard. Those most impacted by a significant change of legislation…”
The Chair: Member, are you speaking on the amendment?
I. Paton: Of course. I’m getting to that line right away.
“…should expect to be alerted to this existence and given a reasonable time frame in which to respond. There are mutually recognized and well-established channels of communication between the ministry and our agricultural organization. We learned of this bill from a Facebook post.
“We have waited to express our growing concern about the possible negative impacts of Bill 15, believing that our interests were inclusively and fairly represented by the ALR-ALC revitalization committee and the ALC commission. The ALR-ALC revitalization committee and/or the ALC commission is being increasingly viewed as secretive, autocratic and biased.
“There are very strong feelings against the centralization of governments.” — and that’s what we’re talking about right here today. “The regional panels provided invaluable local knowledge. The suggestion that a centralized commission with regional representation will result in a higher percentage of equitable, unpressured application verdicts is very debatable.
“Farmers, both tenured and new entrants, are giving up on the hope of making a living in agriculture in B.C. The collective weight of bureaucracy, legislation, regulation and policy from various branches of government, not to mention insurance, has become increasingly impossible to bear.”
Those are just a couple of letters that people really wanted me to bring forward in the House today, one from the Chamber of Commerce in Abbotsford. We thank them for that. We have several letters in opposition to Bill 15 from farmers institutes and farmers societies from all over British Columbia.
At this time, I would like to turn the debate over to the hon. member from Surrey.
M. Hunt: Speaking to the amendment to Bill 15. The challenge, of course, with speaking to the amendment on Bill 15 is that we’re talking about the appointing of the commissioners and the local government input that we’re suggesting needs to be there on those individuals. Unfortunately, that stretches across everything that’s involved in this bill. I will do my best to keep very focused on the amendment, although I may stray to try and bring the whole picture together.
The reality is that farming and agriculture is what has built British Columbia. Farming families, ranches, agricultural operations have all built the livelihood of families. They support communities, large and small.
When you look at what we’re doing on our agricultural land today, we are growing products here, and we’re exporting them, literally, to the rest of the world. If we look at my riding in Surrey-Cloverdale, the two major products we’re producing are certainly blueberries and milk. Blueberries are grown on many small pieces of land that are scattered throughout the ALR in Surrey.
Now, the reality is that we need the local governments and the local farmers, with their local knowledge, to help make decisions in our community.
I just give you a really simple example. We have a farmer who has owned farmland for…. I think it’s at least ten years he’s owned the land. He’s been working at growing blueberries on the land, but he has a problem. He has no legal road access to his land, to his farm. He wants to build a house. But guess what. He can’t, because somebody off in Burnaby, with members of the committee from all over this province, doesn’t know the local challenge of getting access to his farm.
Now, there is a road access right there. The city of Surrey owns the road right-of-way. It’s called 52nd Avenue. It’s been there for years — on the map. But now the gravel is there. It all looks like a road. It acts like a road. It talks like a road. It responds like a road. But no. The ALC says: “That road is not to be opened.” Why? This guy is trying to access his farm. He can’t build a house on his property in order to access his farm. He’s got a problem with his blueberries. He’s pumping water in order to keep his blueberries alive. And because he doesn’t live there, all of his equipment is a mile away. He has to bring his equipment back and forth and back and forth.
By the way, since he’s not there all night, guess what. Twice now he’s had his pump equipment stolen in the middle of the night, because he can’t get access to his farm to be able to have a road, to be able to have a house. We have these members of the ALC that don’t come and look at his property, don’t come and walk through his property, don’t come and see what’s actually happening and don’t have the local knowledge.
As a matter of fact, on that piece, there are three other properties that are not farmed. Now, it’s great that we keep this land in the agricultural land reserve, but nobody is farming it. Local knowledge. Local farmers. Local people who understand the reality of what’s happening in their community.
Obviously, dairy, as I said, needs a large property. That is also a product that we have in Surrey-Cloverdale. We need large properties. We need the grasses. We need the silage for the cows to eat. We’ve got lots of corn being grown. But again, it’s multigenerational families who live and work on their farms, who want to teach their children how to farm. They want to get that inculcated into them, because they have done it from their parents and grandparents, multigenerational.
We have a problem with road access. We have a problem with getting there. Many times these are new immigrants. Many times they’re direct descendants of those who recently immigrated. They’re all challenges, but they need the element of local knowledge, local understanding. That is why, to me, having the input of local governments on actually saying, “Yeah, these are good people that would understand farming,” and that sort of stuff….
Again, the critic from Delta South mentioned a particular name, a friend of his. In Surrey, we have Mike Bose, who is a farmer that’s well known in our community, well supported. He served as chair on the ALC for a period of time. But again, local knowledge with local people. That was, again, recommendations from local government, who are trying to make sure that we have these things happening.
Unfortunately, today, because of the high price of land, because of the reality of the Lower Mainland costs, most farmers and most farming families have second jobs. Now, you can say which way around you want it to be, whether their first job is farming and they have another job to support. But the reality is that they need money from outside and off the farm in order to keep the farm going.
Those who are working on the farm are getting really creative. I’ll give you another really simple example. Heppell’s Potato Corp. Whether it was potatoes, squash, beets or carrots, for years they were known on the label as “Valley fresh produce.” And you knew that’s what you were buying at the market, because you were getting it from Heppell’s.
Well, today we have Hardbite chips, we have Fraser Valley Biogas, we have field services, which is a maintenance operation that they have for not only their equipment but other farming machinery.
Again, this is the challenge of farming in the Lower Mainland. Are these individuals…? We can list off this wonderful list of criteria. They have to be planners. They have to be First Nations. They have to be this, that and the other thing. But do they know anything about farming? All the merit and all that wonderful stuff really sounds good in theory. But do they know anything about the practicality of real farming? I would suggest that’s why it would be wise to have the recommendations of local governments and that.
Now, Mr. Chair, I know you’re not going to let me talk about the subdivision process. I will come back to that when we get down to section 19, and I’m glad to do that. But while we’re talking about the changes that are being made here, let’s just remember that we’re not dealing with thousands of applications, thousands of problems, thousands of situations. We’re not even talking about hundreds or dozens. On the subdivision piece, we’re talking about all of 39.
Why do we think local government is important? Well, I think it’s important to look across even those 39 applications that went through in the year 2018 and where they all came from. But in the midst of that, there were 22 individuals who made applications — 15 of them rejected. We had a total removal of 25 acres in 2018. If we do the math on that, we only have 4.7 million hectares in the reserve. So it’s only going to take 190,000 years until there’s no more ALR. We have an emergency. We have a disaster on our hands. We need to act. Therefore, we have these amendments that are before us.
Before, we had two zones. We had the one zone where…. Yes, we recognize that there’s a challenge in the Lower Mainland. There’s a challenge in the Okanagan for land development, population pressures, the high cost of land — those sorts of things.
The ALC was originally set on the basis of preserving agricultural lands, first and foremost. Nobody is arguing with that. But we need the people that are in charge of making decisions about the ALR to be those who have good, solid, local knowledge about agriculture and what’s happening. That’s why there was the split into two zones. There was a recognition that in the two areas of this province, there were two very different growing seasons, two very different crops being produced.
I saw the statistics the other day. I can’t remember what it is, but it’s something like the classic…. Most things sort of go 80-20. You know, 80 percent of the money is made by 20 percent of the land. I forget exactly what the numbers are, but it’s massive and huge. The receipts are coming from what was called zone 1 previously — the Lower Mainland, the Okanagan. The differences of reality — that, again, is why local government involvement is important. Because if we end up with….
Now, I know the minister is going to say I’m about to get into fearmongering, but we’ll talk about that in a second here.
Interjection.
M. Hunt: I know there’s not a chance, but it could be I’m accused of that.
You see, the reality is that those members who become members of the Agricultural Land Commission could be all those who have a wonderful ideology that lines up with a certain government and a certain perspective on things and who really don’t understand the differences of this beautiful province of ours, don’t really understand the challenges that we have throughout this province.
Right now we’ve had six regional panels, again, to bring that local knowledge. That was an emphasis of the previous government — to make sure that local knowledge and local experience inform the decisions that were there.
The idea was simple. The idea was strong — to make sure the decisions are made closest to where the impact of those decisions is going to be felt. But unfortunately, we have a potential here. We have a potential that could actually aim at silencing those local voices, and that’s what I’m concerned about.
Now, again, I’ve been accused of fearmongering before. I remember that in the last session, we had Bill 52 and the first part, in my opinion, of the minister’s assault on B.C. farmers. Bill 52 started with restricting house size, which we’re all familiar with.
Multigenerational farmers. We were told that they could simply apply and they could get the larger home. Well, as a matter of fact, the member for Surrey-Fleetwood told a group of hundreds, literally hundreds, of farmers…. This was not hearsay. I know the minister accused me of hearsay the other day on this, but we can go and get the TV reports of it all, because they recorded all this.
He said that the farmers could build whatever they wanted to, under the new bill, if they were farmers for some number of years. Now, he couldn’t say what that number of years was, and he was right. He couldn’t. They’d be grandfathered. All they needed to do was apply, and they could get an answer back in 90 days, guaranteed. As a matter of fact, if they had preloaded the land — if the preload was down — they’d be grandfathered, period. The people could build even without applying to the ALC.
Well, how is that one working? It’s not. I wasn’t fearmongering. I was talking about the bill. Some of these other members of the House were talking about something else. I don’t know what. But again, we’ll talk about that more in section 19.
I notice that my light has gone green, and I’m running out of time.
Interjection.
M. Hunt: Yeah, I know. I’d love to give you more, but we’ll have to wait till we get to section 19. We’ll talk some more about that.
What we’re concerned about — what I’m concerned about — are local knowledge, local information and local decisions that make sense.
We have another example just over the border into Langley, in a wonderful place called Milner, where we have a greenhouse that is trying to attract the urbanites to come in and see what is happening in farming so that they can sell their produce, their flowers and what they’re producing in the greenhouse. Guess what. We have members of the ALC that say: “Oh no, no, no. You can’t do that. It’s too big.”
What is appropriate in the urban areas? I think that’s the challenge. That’s why I am absolutely convinced that local government needs to be involved with helping the minister choose who is going to be on these boards so that we, in fact, have local knowledge.
The Chair: Thank you, Member. The Chair really appreciates introducing a new concept — a talking road. I have heard of a narrow road, a wide road and a rural road, but a talking road is a good one. I would like to visit that road.
Interjection.
T. Stone: Okay. I’m not sure where to start there.
The member for Surrey-Cloverdale is always a tough act to follow. I will do my best, however, to express the perspective of my constituents from Kamloops–South Thompson with respect to this proposed amendment to section 3, which is very simple and straightforward.
It would add in — it looks like — five words, the words being: “and each affected local government.” The context for adding these words in is that the amendment would require that the minister must appoint other members of the commission after consulting with the chair and each affected local government.
This particular amendment…. While the specific aspect of it is very simple, it does speak to a much larger theme that gravely concerns us in the official opposition and gravely concerns many British Columbians — lots of my constituents — and that is this theme of really watering down the number of voices that are heard at the Agricultural Land Commission. That really waters down the role of different parties when it comes to the processes of the Agricultural Land Commission in its management of the ALR.
As my colleague, the member for Surrey-Cloverdale, very eloquently hammered home over and over and over, it is critical, in our view, that local voices, local knowledge, local people, local farmers, local government officials have as strong a voice as possible in the operations, the decision-making and the processes that are wrapped around the Agricultural Land Commission. Unfortunately, this bill in its entirety, through a wide range of the amendments that are proposed — beyond just this one here or the section that this amendment applies to — really serves the purpose of watering down those local voices.
Like everyone in this House, I have tremendous respect for the agricultural land reserve. I think everyone in this House has tremendous respect for farming, for ranching. I think we all support ranchers and farmers, whether they’re large or they’re small, whether they are in the Interior, the north, on Vancouver Island or in the Lower Mainland. These are the people, the men and women, that work so hard to create the food that we eat and to create good-quality food that is exported around the world.
It is important, through this discussion of the Agricultural Land Commission and the ALR, that we always remind ourselves of just how vast this province really is, just how different the regions really are. You know, it’s far too often in the Lower Mainland, I believe, that there is this misunderstanding or this lack of awareness of the greatly different seasonal nature of farming and ranching in the Interior and the north. Winter in Kamloops, let alone Dawson Creek, is very, very different than it is in Delta or in Abbotsford.
As a result, that has huge implications — a much shorter growing season, lower crop values and significant added pressures through the year — on farming families to make sure they’re doing everything that they can to keep that farm, that ranch viable for the long term, to do what they can to make sure that that ranch, that that farm can be passed on to the next generation of that family, if they so choose.
This is why it is so fundamental, in our view, in our perspective, that local voices be respected, that local voices be fully incorporated in these processes. It is why this amendment that the member for Delta South has moved is so important, in our mind. It would require local governments, local voices to be considered in the appointment process of commission members.
That is one way that we would hope that these vast regional differences — the weather, the geography, the differences that I have spoken about that make farming and ranching so much different in the north and the Interior versus the Lower Mainland or Vancouver Island…. Having those local voices more formalized in this mix is really, really critical to ensure that those local perspectives help inform those decisions.
Now, we will get an opportunity to talk more fully about other sections of this bill — section 19, in particular, which will be coming up later, that takes away the private property rights of private landowners. Obviously, that is something that we have spoken a great deal about, and we will have more to say about that.
Even that follows on this trend that I’ve talked about, which is woven throughout this bill, which is, again, to constrain the number of voices and the number of individuals, the number of parties that play a role in the Agricultural Land Commission processes across this province. We’re very concerned.
Why, again, we think that this amendment is reasonable, why this amendment is important to enshrine local government consultation as part of the commissioner selection process…. This is important because we see so many changes through this bill which so dramatically impact local communities, that so dramatically impact farmers and farming families.
These legislative changes impact the Agricultural Land Commission’s authority with respect to land use applications in a really big way. They impact local governments in how they review and potentially refer their residents’ applications that are located in the ALR to the ALC.
There are a growing number of municipalities and regional districts around the province that have said: “Look, we weren’t consulted about these changes. We weren’t asked what our perspective was before this legislation was drafted and tabled in the Legislature.”
We’ve got municipalities like the township of Spallumcheen, one of many that have passed resolutions and will be bringing them forward to the Union of B.C. Municipalities convention in Vancouver in September, saying: “Government, please put a moratorium or a pause on this legislation so you can talk to us about what it really means, what the impacts really are.”
Why? Because local voices, local knowledge, are absolutely critical to these processes. Local governments, local farming families, communities are concerned. They’re concerned about the ability to maintain successful farming operations well into the future. Local governments are concerned about the implications of this bill, the potential implications, on building permits that have been impacted due to the proposed changes.
The Agricultural Land Commission changes and expectations on the local governments are actually quite unclear, and the impacts are not well understood. That’s not me saying that. That’s local government saying that. That’s the UBCM saying that on behalf of local government, that these impacts are not well understood.
We do know the significant change that will take place in terms of the process related to exclusions. We know that the old rules involved applications to the ALR and could proceed with or without local government support of an application to the ALC with no legal requirement for the local government to approve an application.
We know that under the new rules proposed by this bill, an individual will be dependent on the capacity and the willingness of the province or a local government or a First Nation to submit, on behalf of the individual, to the ALC that exclusion application. We know that these changes mean that the right to apply directly to the Agricultural Land Commission as an individual is taken away. That’s part of the reason that we think that this amendment is important — to at least try and carve out just a little bit of a toehold still of some local input, local knowledge, in this process.
Local governments are very concerned, as are farming families, that these changes mean that there’s essentially no appeal process. At least, it’s not mentioned. Local governments no longer are able to enter into delegation agreements, and apparently, current agreements will be terminated upon this act coming into force.
These are all concerns that local governments, local communities, local farming families are expressing. Insofar as local governments go, a number of these items that I have rattled off here represent another way that the provincial government is removing local decision-making authority. Again, it’s why we believe this amendment…. It puts back in, as a requirement, for local governments to be consulted on commission members.
Now, again, I’ve mentioned a few local governments. I’ve mentioned, obviously, the perspective of the official opposition. I’ve talked to a number of constituents, as well, on their perspective of local governments not being involved, as far as the current legislation is concerned and written, in the commission process.
These folks are very concerned, by the way. Everything that I’ve just talked about…. They’re concerned that the six regional panels are going the way of the Dodo bird and that there’s a significant centralization of power and authority being vested in the chair of the Agricultural Land Commission, here in the Lower Mainland, at the expense of local voices, local input and local knowledge that has existed to this point through the regional panels.
Folks like Doug Haughton and his family. This is a multigenerational family farm and a ranch in the Knutsford area just south of Kamloops. This particular ranch was homesteaded in 1906 by Doug’s grandfather Henry. It was originally a grain farm of 160 acres. Crop production was, in fact, a requirement for homesteading in the area at the time. Doug’s father, Ernie, would later transform the farm to beef production in the mid-1970s. This particular operation, again, has been passed down through the family, that same family, since 1906.
When asked: how do you feel about the fact that your rights are being taken away…? We’ll talk about that more in section 19 when it comes up. “Not very happy about it,” says Doug Haughton. How do you feel about the panels being disbanded and local input and local voices being weakened? “Not very happy about it,” says Doug Haughton. How do you feel about the fact that there’s no local input in the selection of these commissioners? Doug Haughton says: “Not very happy about it.”
The same goes for Fred Pain, a rancher also in the Knutsford area. I had the pleasure of presenting him with a Century Farm Award a couple years ago, over 100 years in ranching. How do you feel about the disbanding of regional panels? Fred Pain says: “Not happy about it.” How do you feel about the fact that there’s no input on the selection of commissioners? “Not very happy about it,” says Fred Pain. How do you feel about the fact that you’re not considered a person anymore, as per this legislation, and you don’t have a right to seek an exclusion? “Not very happy about it,” says rancher Fred Pain.
I could go on and on. I suspect that I will have more to say in subsequent sections of this bill as we work our way through it.
Let me just say this. At the end of the day, we believe that the best decisions are made with local people, local knowledge, local communities. Local governments are a big part of that, which is why I wholeheartedly support the amendment that has been moved by my good friend and very able colleague from Delta South.
The Chair: Before the Chair recognizes the next speaker, the House will be in recess for ten minutes.
The committee recessed from 5:13 p.m. to 5:23 p.m.
[R. Chouhan in the chair.]
B. Stewart: It gives me great pleasure to rise on this particular amendment, the amendment to Bill 15, which I know has been talked about at great length here in this chamber. I know that it’s something that is of concern to this side of the House. I really raise concerns in terms of how these changes are really going to impact local government and farmers as well.
Now, having served in local government myself, as a member of the land advisory committee, in terms of changes to land use within the committee, I know about the great amount of work that already burdens local government with the changes that they’re faced with, with just development applications.
I go back to the government’s assertion that they want to make housing more affordable. Of course, one of the things that burdens local development is the fact that the speed and the process of what is in front of local government is slowed down by the amount of workload. We’ve seen that in the rapid buildup and rise of development, not only in my community but….
I think that one of the things that we really do need to consider in this particular piece of legislation, and what this amendment is really trying to address, is the fact that local governments are being asked to take on the burden that is, you know, part of what is going to be required for any type of application to move ahead through the system. Later in the piece of legislation, it goes on to speak to the fact that people — or persons, as it’s been defined — have been removed. That’s something else that we’ll talk about later on.
I think that what is important in this particular amendment…. There have been questions about how the commission members are appointed, how they’re chosen. One of the things that is a very key component of this is the fact that it’s not only the skill sets. It’s about the fact that local government, which is having to face the increased costs of making recommendations to the ALC, is going to be excluded. This amendment speaks directly to including local government and that they at least be added or considered.
Now, I think that it is a task, and I haven’t done…. I tried to figure out the mathematics of how many different, with 11 members on the commission…. We actually have six regions, of which…. Maybe they are set to be changed. I don’t know. But within that, there are so many other subsets of that. I do think that it’s really important that there is local government sitting at the commission and being able to at least be considered in terms of being consulted, in terms of who the members are that should be on that.
Now, maybe that is something that the minister already considers, but the reality is that we think that it’s important that if local government is going to take on ownership of the cost and the burden of what it is that is going to be expected of them in terms of the applications, they deserve to have a seat, or at least be consulted with.
One of the things that I think about…. You know, except for serving in government here, I have farmed virtually every day of my life. My father has farmed almost every day of his life, as well as my grandfather. We have been farming continuously in the Okanagan for almost 110 years. What I can tell you is that we do know a lot about the local conditions there.
Having sat, as I said, on the land use advisory panel for the Central Okanagan, I can tell you that there were many instances where the land use planners in communities were uninformed or relatively…. Even agrologists are not necessarily the best people to help to make the decisions in terms of land use. It does deeply concern me that we’re getting further away from the people that really work the land, understand it, and know exactly what the capabilities of that land are.
I couldn’t help but think about the commission’s founding and some of the principles that, when this was brought in back on April 18 of 1973…. I think that it’s important to remember that there were certain guarantees about that. I know how the land commission was set up initially, but I’m going to read into the record that: “The ALR boundary was based on biophysical information related to the natural characteristics of the land, its climate. The intention was to set boundaries on objective technical characteristics rather than on the variables of the market and other socioeconomic conditions.”
It also said: “Regional governments submitted agricultural land reserve plans to the commission based on ALC guidelines and on maps, provided by the B.C. Department of Agriculture, which identified lands that have the soil and climate combination to support agriculture and that were not already urbanized or otherwise irreversibly alienated.” That was based on what they were thinking in 1973.
A lot of water has passed under the bridge since then. One of the things that local government and farmers have learnt is that there’s an awful lot of information that’s out there that we didn’t have available.
[J. Isaacs in the chair.]
My daughter is out today with her Girl Guide troop looking at the instruments that I used for recording weather data, rainfall, on the farm that we have — which is where I live, at about 125 acres. We now have monitoring stations that are real time, which we have around the farm as well as on neighbouring farms that we farm, and that data is real time. It tells us the difference between that. It’s the type of technology that’s moving to improve what is capable and not capable.
I know the ministry has a climate and soil atlas that has been heavily relied on, in terms of exclusions and ability to farm. I think that those boundaries are changing all the time, as we’re seeing increased development in non-ALR lands that are moving out of areas that were thought to be the prime agricultural land.
I want to go back to the fact that…. We were talking about the commission, when it was set up and the government’s intention. It was said: “A new commission, appointed by the provincial government and working in partnership with local governments, established a special land use…to protect B.C.’s dwindling supply of agricultural land.”
Well, I know that in our farming situation, and the way that my grandfather planted things and the way…. The spacing on the trees, if you can imagine, was 40 feet between each tree when my grandfather planted. Then my dad moved to 20 by 20. Then they called it a fifth spot, and they increased the densification from 108 trees per acre to 216 trees per acre.
In our vineyard plantings, we started at roughly around 500 vines per acres. Today we farm intensively, and only limited by equipment, at over 2,000 vines per acre. That’s part of what is creating increased utilization of a very valuable component of farming.
The important part about this is…. The fact is that local government is seeing the value in agricultural land. In this particular piece of legislation, without this amendment, they’re being excluded from having a voice in terms of who’s sitting at the table.
It doesn’t do anybody any good with people sitting in Burnaby, or maybe Richmond even, where there’s a little bit of agricultural land…. I say a little bit, compared to when this act came in. I’ve seen the aerial photos. I’ve been the minister. I know what was sitting down at the ALC, in terms of the mapping, etc. Clearly, they’ve kind of drawn some demarcation around the areas that are now farmed, whether it’s cranberries or other things.
I know that Bill 52 speaks to some of the problems that have been created by having agricultural land in a highly urban area. What I don’t understand, as somebody that’s farmed my entire life — I’m really a multigenerational farmer — is: how is it that people that are sitting, that are not connected with the real land base…? I mean, if I was talking to a farmer that was a rancher, let’s say, in the Cariboo, they need literally thousands of acres to be able to do what they’re doing.
What we really need to do to support agriculture is not make it so that people that have no clue about the agricultural capability — whether it’s the Cariboo, the Peace, the Okanagan or the Kootenays, for that matter — where these people are not necessarily associated with…. I think that local government helps bring an element of localness into this whole process.
I think that this is a serious flaw in this particular piece of legislation, and that’s why I’m supporting the amendment that’s been put forward by the member for Delta South.
I think the other thing that…. In the history that’s on the ALC’s website, it talks about the primary objective of the local Land Commission Act was “to preserve agricultural land and encourage the establishment and maintenance of farms. Secondary objectives were to create parks, acquire greenbelts and assemble land for urban and industrial uses.” Well, that doesn’t sound like agriculture — parks, industrial uses. I mean, these are some of the things….
It sounds to me like this is kind of social engineering rather than really about farming. I’m not really getting the sense that this is all about agriculture — increasing productivity, increasing the ability for farmers to be able to make a living, raising their family, having multigenerational farms, with the higher costs and the pressures that have been brought to bear because agricultural land has now become almost a commodity in some of the urban settings. The bottom line is that this isn’t helping lower the cost or making farming better. As a matter of fact, it’s doing everything but that. It’s removing the decision-making further afield.
Tell me what…. In terms of being able to have what I would consider to be people that are knowledgable, I think that land use planners have a good component to play in the rural or agricultural urban interface. The fact is that most of those people are working, principally, in local government. That’s where local government fits into this particular amendment that we are proposing here.
There have been a number of reviews, and I’m sure the minister is well aware, as well as the commission, about ALR reviews during periods using new maps, better soil information. In the early ’80s, eastern Vancouver Island received special attention because of its unique and varied topography. I think that that’s something that’s important.
I don’t think that anybody in the Lower Mainland knows what the topography is like over in the Comox Valley and places around the Cowichan Valley and some of the other areas, where there’s newly established farming that’s going on, a higher value. But the reality is that the local people have a much better idea of what’s going on than a bunch of commission members that are picked out of…. Maybe they have some skill sets that relate to that, but we need real people that understand local issues when it comes to farming.
The commission found these reviews to be more effective than adjudicating individual applications. They also demonstrated the importance of a comprehensive land use approach. I think that that’s one of the things that the commission…. When you are trying to work with the commission, they want land use plans in communities — like, where I represent, the West Kelowna areas. They want the local government to be able to fit land use plans into the way that they’re using the city — planning out the urbanization or the urban pressures, if you want to call it.
I really think that it’s unfortunate that in this particular bill, Bill 15, it has been left out. The local government is not really consulted in terms of who would be the right people to make certain that they’re giving advice to both the minister and the ALC about who should be on those panels so that they can remain objective about what it is.
I go back to that word, social-economic engineering. I think of the fact that if we have this viewpoint, if we’re living in the Lower Mainland — and I’d say specifically in urban Vancouver or Burnaby and other places like that — we believe that there’s this disappearance of farmland. Have you been to the Peace River? There are over two million hectares up there of land in the ALR. There’s land that is surrounding communities that is underutilized, and our goal should be to increase the opportunities for farmers so that we can increase the utilization of that land.
This nonsense that the land is just being vaporized because of the fact that all we’re doing is…. Application after application is going forward. Look, the stats…. The member from Abbotsford cited specific exclusion documents, and I think that the numbers speak for themselves. There is not a herd instinct running on this.
I look forward to being able to support this amendment.
D. Clovechok: Certainly, it’s a pleasure and honour to stand here today to talk to these amendments. As amendments go…. We all know they’re needed because sometimes a bill is flawed. And it’s my not so humble opinion that the amendment that we’re dealing with here will strengthen this bill. I say that with all due respect to the minister, and hopefully, she’ll understand that.
In order to build a case, if you will, for the amendment, I want to push the history channel a little bit and put some things into context in terms of the entire Bill 15 and how it associates itself, in my humble opinion, to the amendment.
I want to read it into the record. I’ve showed, other times, that I fundamentally believe in conserving agricultural land in this province. I’ve risen in this House before to agree with the minister that we need to have a no-tolerance approach to dumping refuse on agricultural lands and that we need restrictions to remove soil and fill. I believe that good usable ag land — and the key focus for me is usable ag land; that’s the key on that — should be protected for the use of agriculture alone. To this, I stand firm — but usable land.
I need to stress that the issues of Bill 15, which has subsequently created the need for this amendment, represent, I believe, nothing more than an ideological fight for the NDP. The current Minister of Agriculture and, really, the rest of her party are so, I think, fanatically devoted to Dave Barrett’s legacy that they insist on doubling down on a policy from almost a half century ago.
The changes that they make are in the original bill passed in 1973, which is to say that the government, not property owners — I really want to underscore that: not property owners — knows what’s best with regards to the use of farmland. Thus the need, I think, for this amendment.
If British Columbians disagree in relation to this bill or even the amendment itself that we’re talking about here, I think the message that we’re hearing is that it’s clearly too bad — from this government. The bottom line is that the changes that are being made overall to the ALR will not make things easier or more efficient in any way for farmers where I come from. Thus the need, again, for this amendment.
I want to remind the minister that even back in the 1970s, British Columbians were not completely sold on this whole entire ALR concept. The NDP government of the day passed the original bill and ended up as a one-term wonder, if you look at the history — not necessarily because of the ALR as it exists in theory but because, in order to implement it, the Barrett government sterilized private non-arable land for use. Sterilized it.
Like the NDP of today, they were so focused on the ideology that they seemingly forgot that their job was to make the lives of British Columbians better. Guess what? Voters made them pay for it. As history often does, if learning has not occurred, the outcome of their historical failures foreshadows their future in this province.
The changes that will be made in Bill 15 were made with strategic advice from a handpicked advisory council. And before we go any further, I want to put out some serious issues with the committee itself. I point out that none of that advisory committee are from the Kootenays — none of them — where I live. Not one person is from the Kootenays. To me, this seems like the minister just wasn’t interested in the input from the Kootenays. We’ve got a lot of input. We’ve got a lot to share.
Boundary and the Okanagan are also excluded. This is a serious problem when you exclude a group of people from such an important process. To quote my colleague from Delta South: “The committee didn’t represent many facets of agriculture in British Columbia — the people that really knew the hard work, the toil and the hardships of agriculture.”
Well, people in the Kootenays aren’t impressed. This conclusion is clearly evident, in my opinion: the policy directions that the minister has taken are flawed. It creates major problems for farmers in the vast parts of this province who feel like this government is not interested in, really, the challenges that they face. Apparently and tragically, I think they’re right.
The participation of the Kootenays in any changes to the ALR is important because there has been from the very beginning…. I know the minister knows this. It’s been a very troubling past relationship with folks from the Kootenays.
The original mapping of the ALR in the Kootenays was because of…. We didn’t have GPS back in those days. It was a really tight budget. They ran out of money, and they drew an imaginary line that included lands in the Kootenays that should never in this world have been in the ALR. But they drew the line. Now that line stands, and that’s a huge problem. That’s a huge problem.
That the minister is now pushing ahead with changes and once again, I think, neglecting the geographical issues of my region is very troubling to me and to the people I represent. To me and many of my constituents, it’s an indication of worse things to come. Some of these changes, unfortunately, have already been pushed through, such as the removal of the zone 2 from the ALR.
The zoning introduced by the B.C. Liberals meant that non-fertile land — and again, I go back to what I said before: usable, arable land — lumped into the ALR could be used for other purposes. That’s what we decided was a good idea in certain parts of the province, mostly in the north, but also in the Kootenays.
When you put a shovel in the ground where I live, you get rock. That’s how that works. I live in the mountains, and mountains are made of rock. That’s how that works. But the NDP did away with that because they couldn’t stand to imagine, I think, that the land located in one of their ideological crown jewels would change in any way. It doesn’t make any sense. No matter what the senseless and deeply unfair to parts of this province that do not fall within the very specific purview of farmland…. That would really only apply to Vancouver Island and the Lower Mainland. It doesn’t apply to where I live. It doesn’t.
If there is going to be one ALC that is supposed to regulate ALR lands for this whole province — which is the gist of what this bill is and, thus, the need for the amendment — then it is deeply troubling that the minister does not seem to understand the diversity of B.C.’s agricultural lands, because they are diverse. I truly believe the minister understands that. I do. I’m surprised by what I’m seeing here today.
Centralizing the governance of the ALR will only make things hard for farmers and ranchers outside of the Lower Mainland, and it’s sad that the minister isn’t taking these concerns seriously. This is my understanding of the minister’s actions with regard to the archaic single, what I think…. One-zone ALC. This is a fair concern, I think, especially for the minister, who doesn’t see this happening with farmland in her own area of Saanich. It’s completely different where the minister lives compared to where I live. But as I’ve said before, this is not happening where I live. I guess no one is planning to squander the little arable land that we have.
I would say again, because I’ve actually raised this with the minister before…. People in rural British Columbia that I know, that I work for when I get to cowboy for them on the weekends, when I’m at home, sitting on a horse, doing the things I love to do and helping them out…. They’re tired, and they would really appreciate it if the minister would quit preaching to them about the irresponsible use of their farmland.
In Columbia River–Revelstoke — for all the Kootenays, for that matter — we all know how to take care of our own land. We don’t have to be directed to do that. I understand that the idea that individual people can manage the land they live on is a complete affront to everything the NDP might want to believe in and the socialist principles that are quite often put forward, and it’s a shame. Pretty radical idea, though — that if land within the ALR can’t be used for agriculture, why not use it for some other way? I don’t get that. It’s a reasonable expectation. Reasonable expectation.
Small businesses — Beeland, as an example — have to go through…. I don’t know if the minister has been down that way and visited Beeland, a tiny little business. They’ve got a bunch of bees. They’ve got some honey going on. It’s fantastic. They’ve got local meats in there. But because of these new regulations, they’re going to have to jump through all this red tape and all these hoops, and they’re not happy about it. They don’t get it.
In any event, all because some ideologues 46 years ago in Victoria felt that they, and they alone, knew the best for the B.C. agriculture industry, and they were making those decisions, here we are. Same thing, decades later. I can’t, sometimes, even try to hear the minister out on this because, in my opinion, it’s so amazingly abhorrent — the terms of farmers’ property rights. It seems lately that it’s almost like the people’s republic of British Columbia.
This is private land, individual farmers’ land that they’ve either purchased or had passed down for years from grandparents and great-grandparents. Private property is private property, and the government should absolutely not be trying to encroach on individuals’ private property or personal rights.
That’s wrong. That is completely and totally wrong. I really want to drive that home, because the impacts of this, I think, would be a disaster and a really terrible precedent.
Then there’s the change to the ALR rules, which I think is generally kind of atrocious when you think about it overall. We’ll talk about this a little later on, but when you don’t classify people as people, I don’t get that. This is, I think, where the crux of this amendment comes in, to some extent.
When you think about…. You can no longer apply to the Agricultural Land Commission to have a property excluded as a private landowner. I don’t get that. We’ll have to apply to a local government or a First Nations government — local governments who have not been consulted on this, First Nations who may not understand the family dynamics of these lands.
The bottom line is that when you download responsibility without consultation, things get confused, and that’s the biggest concern that I have with this. Things get confused. It’s local government saying: “I don’t have time to do this.” First Nations governments say: “We don’t know that guy down the road. Why are you downloading this onto us? We don’t know that farmer. We don’t know that situation.”
I think that when you look at this overall bill and this amendment…. I’m going to support this amendment simply because of the fact that I believe — strongly, strongly believe — that farmers, ranchers have the right to apply to the ALC so that they can exclude some of their property.
Interjection.
D. Clovechok: It has to do with the amendment. When you’re downloading responsibility onto government, it has to do with that. You bet it does.
I’m going to support this amendment. I think it’s really important that we underscore…. Again, I want to be very honest with this minister. I completely agree with protecting agricultural land. I think it’s critical for this province, and it’s critical for the future of this province. I think it’s really, really important that we understand that. But I also think it’s so important to protect the rights of private landowners so that they can make those decisions without having to go to another body who may not have the time or the wherewithal or the knowledge to make those decisions.
With that, I’ll be supporting this amendment.
S. Gibson: It’s a privilege for me to rise here on behalf of my constituents of the Abbotsford-Mission riding. Although their perception is that it’s a very bucolic area, I will make this comment — that the level of agriculture in my community is perhaps as concentrated as anywhere else in our province. In fact, for those people that take the time to travel through the Abbotsford-Mission area, I think if they haven’t been there for a while, they’re quite surprised with the intensity of farming, which means the success of the community and the economic viability that, indeed, is represented by the level of agriculture.
Just this past week it was a privilege for me to be able to attend an evening reception of the Young Farmers of British Columbia. I was really encouraged by meeting so many young farmers, those who are planning a career in agriculture. Sometimes we lament the fact that young people do not follow in the footsteps of their parents in their aspirations, and it appears not to be the case in my part of the Fraser Valley. What a privilege it was to meet so many young farmers with their aspirations, their dreams.
Now, there will be some obstacles along the way — the cost of farmland in some instances, getting quota in others. But I’m inspired. I feel optimistic about farming, particularly in my area.
I want to honour and thank the member for Delta South for taking this initiative. It addresses, in many ways, some of the laments that we have made on this side of the House with regard to Bill 15.
I think the members of the Legislature here recently who spoke — colleagues from Columbia River–Revelstoke and Kootenay West — have made some very useful and salient points. I’ll build on those, perhaps, today.
The one thing that I feel that this government is forgetting is that farming is a business. For those that are government members that spend most of their time in the urban areas of our province, I think it’s disappointing to hear that their perception at times is it’s kind of a green hobby. It’s something that people like to do almost for recreation.
Well, frankly, for most farmers in our province, it’s serious business. Having been, myself, in business, I can acknowledge the fact that although I wasn’t in agricultural business, you take many risks. The returns are uncertain at times. Farming, of course, in many cases, can be impacted by markets, the weather, even the cost of labour, which we know is an implication and an important consideration for farming.
I’m disappointed in this government. They’re protecting farmland to some extent, but they’re ignoring what has to take place on the farmland.
Now, in my communities of Abbotsford and Mission — and I’m happy to represent constituents from there — we’ve got a lot of blueberries, for example. Blueberries are burgeoning as a crop. There’s massive growth in the industry.
Still, the markets are not always sure. The varieties of blueberries that we have — some of them don’t transport as well as others. You may have purchased blueberries that have come in from other countries in the off-season and been impressed with their quality. But those are special varieties, and it takes time for farmers to switch to new varieties. We need to be sensitive to that. Farming is indeed a business.
I want to also comment on the land use itself. This government seems to just favour land randomly. Now, farmland needs to be protected. I think we do agree with that. But to some extent, I would say this government has gone overboard to the extent that farmers now feel very insecure. Farmers tell me they feel insecure with this government. Yeah, there’s a level of angst out there when I talk to my farmers in my community. That level of uncertainty is reflected on this government’s ambivalent attitude to farmers.
It’s not surprising that the vast majority of rural lands in our province are represented on this side of the House, with three exceptions. This side of the House understands agriculture. It knows agriculture. It believes in it.
I’m so privileged to work with members like, for example, the member for Delta South, who has been in farming his entire life — it’s a family tradition — and the member for Kelowna West. The level of knowledge of farming and agriculture on this side of the House is astounding. I believe the government side could learn from listening to some of the folks on this side of the House, because the caring attitude here is built upon professional experience.
Speaking briefly…. We’re going to the amendment here. The amendment really speaks to the heart of this legislation — and it’s been addressed a number of times — about the definition of persons. It’s fascinating that it was overlooked by the ministry — now the government. I’m sure that if this could be retracted easily, it would be. It was one of those mistakes, and it’s been alerted to numerous times.
Who are persons now? Local governments are persons. First Nations are persons. But people aren’t persons anymore. How ironic.
This might be something like out of one of those interesting novels you had to read in high school. Remember those ones that you were assigned to read and you didn’t really want to read — these strange characters? People are no longer persons. It’s almost like science fiction. How strange is that? How does that make farmers feel? Wake up in the morning. Look in the mirror. Get ready for work. “Well, I’m not a person today. I’m not feeling really good about myself.”
What’s with this legislation? Why doesn’t the minister admit it’s a mistake? It’s okay to make one or two mistakes. It’s okay to admit a few mistakes. Even on this side of the House — not for quite a while — we have made mistakes, very minor mistakes. This is a major mistake, and it discredits farmers. It’s an insult to family farmers.
I’d like to recommend that that be addressed. The whole point of Bill 15 is to protect land — not people, the whole point of why we have government. Look around this House. It’s all about people representing people. But this legislation is really representing inanimate objects. It’s a strange kind of concoction.
It’s very ideological. If you become too ideological, you become impractical, and you don’t really help anybody. I remember taking some philosophy courses at university. They were quite fascinating, I suppose. At least the professor found them to be. When I finished these philosophy courses, was I any smarter? Not really. I knew a bit more about philosophy and big words. But this is very philosophical. It’s kind of out here somewhere. It’s kind of rarified. The sad thing about it is our farmers are getting caught up in the vortex of this ideological legislation.
My understanding is the minister apparently is a big supporter of farming. That’s what I’m hearing. This legislation doesn’t reflect that, and that’s why I’m speaking positively to this amendment.
There’s a big concern, apparently, from this government regarding a rush of people to pave over farmland. It’s almost like the excavators are digging along, and there’s a big, huge factory going up on my farmland in my riding. It’s not happening. It’s pure theory.
Now, is there a big crush? No. How about in my area? Fourteen applications for exclusions; nine were rejected. Look around the province. This is not a crisis. This whole legislation, this aspect of the legislation, is designed for something that doesn’t even exist. The worry. It’s like people who get all kinds of dry food and water and put it in their basements in preparation for the crisis that never comes, right? You know those club things that you have on your steering wheel of your car? I don’t use those, because I’ve got another warning system.
This is really important. Farmers want to farm. They want to farm. They love farming. I mentioned at the outset of my remarks the Young Farmers of British Columbia. What lovable, caring people. They want to farm. They don’t want to pave it over, put in housing or the kinds of stuff that we see represented in most of the ridings on the government side of the House. They don’t want to see that. No. They love to farm.
There’s a beauty. There’s a majesty to farming. Well, this legislation ignores that. What about zone 2, the one that we instituted as government? That was designed for the north. Remember zone 2? That was a good thing. It was practical. It wasn’t theoretical. It allowed farmers in a very tight growing season to do some ancillary work on their property.
These are vast tracts of land. Do a little corner, where they maybe can service some farm equipment, maybe store a few trucks on their property. This was a good thing. It was a very good idea. The people themselves liked it. They didn’t reject it. The local people in the far north and, I believe, in the Kootenays, as well, supported it. They liked it in the central Interior.
This government? No, it’s all theory, like those philosophy courses I took. We’re going to apply ideology randomly, right across the province. No sensitivity. No caring for individual farmer’s needs.
It’s a tragedy that this government, with this bill, is going totally contrary to what farmers want. I’m sure the minister’s phone is getting all kinds of calls, all kinds of messages. I guess she’s going to have to ignore them as they press ahead with this legislation.
The Chair: Recognizing Cariboo-Chilcotin.
Member, if I could just remind you to keep your comments to the amendment.
D. Barnett: On behalf of my constituents of the Cariboo-Chilcotin, I am pleased to address the proposed amendment that would require additional input from local government.
This is especially important because of the fundamental way Bill 15 is attempting to consolidate central control of the Agricultural Land Commission. This will have the effect of removing regional input and ignoring local knowledge of farmers and ranchers, in the Cariboo in particular. Instead of having an organization that reflects the various regions across the province, including the specific needs or concerns of the unique area, Bill 15, as it currently stands, wants a monologic management structure that can be centrally controlled by the minister.
I take you to the provincial Agriculture Land Commission website for a couple of history lessons. It relates to the Agriculture Land Commission in its “Highlights from the first 25 years of preserving foodlands.”
“Creating the agricultural land reserve, 1973 to 1976
“B.C.’s Land Commission Act came into effect April 18, 1973. A new commission, appointed by the provincial government and working in partnership with local governments, established a special land use zone to protect B.C.’s dwindling supply of agricultural land — thus, an agricultural land reserve. Reserve boundaries were based on the capability and suitability of land, its present use, local zoning and input from public hearings. ALR plans for 23 of B.C.’s 28 regional districts were completed by 1975. In total, they protect 5 percent of B.C. judged to be the most critical to the province’s food production.”
We then go on. There were amendments and changes.
“Creating a new role for cabinet, 1993
“The Agricultural Land Commission Act originally allowed direct appeals of ALC decisions to the provincial cabinet. Advocacy bodies, landowners, the Canadian Bar Association, politicians, academics, the media, members of the general public and numerous other groups and individuals criticized this process, arguing that these appeals circumvented administration fairness and due process and undermined the commission, which consisted of experienced people appointed by cabinet and staffed by professionals. Acknowledging these criticisms and recognizing the potential pitfalls of ministers reviewing complex decisions, the government of the day eliminated appeals to cabinet in 1993.
“The Agricultural Land Commission Act was amended in 1994 to strengthen the role of local governments and improve administrative procedures. The commission was also permitted to delegate approval of some applications to local governments on condition that agriculture plans and bylaws supportive of agriculture were in place. Requirements were also introduced to guarantee public input before exclusion applications were decided. The commission’s mandate was also broadened to include a more active role in local land use planning.”
“Putting key pieces together, 1995 to 1996
“Research and lessons from other jurisdictions showed that the protection of farmland was most effective when four independent, jurisdiction-wide programs were working in concert: creating a zone where agriculture had first priority, ensuring the tools existed for managing urban growth, allowing farmers to farm their land and providing supportive tax policies — in B.C., B.C. Assessment farm tax class.
“In 1995 and 1996, these elements finally came together in B.C., to ensure that the province’s supply of farmland would be protected in perpetuity.”
Now:
“Defining ’provincial interest’
“In July of 1997, the commission declined an application to exclude 136 acres of the Six Mile Ranch west of Kamloops from the ALR to permit several residential and resort-related uses. The commission took into account the land’s prime soils and excellent climate, rejecting the argument that the development’s benefits would offset negative impacts on agriculture. In its decision, however, the commission offered to consider a smaller-scale proposal that could provide more direct benefits to agriculture.
“During the fall of 1997, the Ministry of Agriculture and Food hired facilitator Murray Rankin to develop options for the project.”
The Chair: Member, could I just remind you to speak to the amendment?
D. Barnett: This is going to the amendment, to the importance of the amendment.
“In January 1998, cabinet declared the project to be in the ’provincial interest’ and commissioned David Perry to conduct hearings and prepare a report. At those hearings in Kamloops and Vancouver, Commissioner Perry heard more than 500 submissions, most in opposition. Commissioner Perry then recommended that cabinet approve the Six Mile application subject to the implementation of specific benefits to counteract the expected losses to agriculture. He further recommended that guidelines be developed to define ’provincial interest.’”
In those years, we then had the provincial interest put into consideration, and the Agricultural Land Commission acknowledged the need to clarify this section of the act and welcome the consultation and discussion. So the provincial interest came into consideration and made the act even stronger and showed that consultation through local citizens, local governments, is what should happen, and also that decision-making should be made locally by local people and not be centralized.
When I go back and I look at the history of the agricultural land reserve…. When the agricultural land reserve was first put into place, my friends were in business. They were all sitting in Kamloops at a cattlemen’s meeting when the minister of the day walked in and said, “Well, folks. See this map? This is now the agricultural land reserve,” with no input. To this day, those people have land that they cannot use.
It is time. If we’re going to make changes in the best interests of people, of the farmer, of the landowner, we need to have local input, and we need to have bills and policies and legislation and regulations that look after the farmer and the landowner first.
I support this amendment. Maybe my rationale doesn’t make complete sense, but we need to go back in history and learn our mistakes and learn what we did right. Today we have an opportunity to do it right, to do it in the best interests of the landowner — not the government, not a bureaucracy in a centralized place, but in the best interests of the landowner.
We cannot lose any more businesses, because that’s what agriculture is, whether it be a ranch, whether it be beef, whether it be lamb, whether it be chickens, whether it be potatoes, whether it be cannabis. Whatever it is, it needs to be in the best interests of the farmer. We have talked about the land, the land, the land. But what about the farmer?
I support this amendment, and I sincerely hope the other side of the House does too, to show the people of British Columbia that they really care about the human side of agriculture.
M. Bernier: It’s an honour to rise to speak to the amendment that we have here on the floor brought forward by the Agriculture critic, the member for Delta South, who as we all know, with not only his family history with the ALC but his personal history as a farmer, speaks quite eloquently about what we need to see in the province to support agriculture.
Now, this amendment that was brought forward…. You know, I think it’s timely, but it’s important in so many different ways. We look at what’s happening around the province right now, where decisions are being made that are impacting families and peoples’ lives that have lacked appropriate consultation or feedback before those decisions are being made.
This recommendation, this amendment that’s being brought forward in section 3, part 5 of the act, is really about making sure that if anything, if this passes, which of course…. I hope — I’m on the record as saying that — that this Bill 15 doesn’t pass. But at the very least, if it’s going to pass, I would like to see an amendment like this.
Amendments that go forward to say that if we’re going to be making decisions within the Agricultural Land Commission, if we’re going to be making local governments, regional districts, First Nations actually be the bearer of the administrative burden that the ALC is imposing on them, first and foremost, that they must do the work on behalf of a landowner, since a landowner is no longer, if this bill passes, allowed to apply…. The minister earlier today, in discussions, confirmed that.
Upon that confirmation, it’s important that when we have the downloading that’s taking place to the local governments, they at least, at the very least, have a say when panel members are being decided on and chosen — that those members, local government elected members, are from a region, whether it’s in rural B.C. or in a municipal area that has ALR land.
They know the land. They know the region. They’re elected bodies. At the very least, give them the opportunity to have a say on who the appointed person is. We’ll ask further questions, I assume, looking at the time tomorrow, on this for the minister to clarify a few more perspectives that she might have on the facts on how the people are chosen.
At the very least, consultation with local government, before a person is chosen, to make sure they, who are going to be doing the work, are comfortable with the person that the minister and the chair have chosen to be part of a decision-making panel or body that will affect that local government.
Nowhere in this bill, and the minister can correct me tomorrow if I’m wrong, does it give any decision-making authority to anybody but the ALC. So we’re going to have local governments, who are going to be doing the work on the ground, who will make a local decision on what they think is the best use, whether it’s for their zoning or for the best use of the land, based on the application and their knowledge of the land base that they have with them….
Again, the minister can correct me tomorrow if I’m wrong, but they do that work. They fill out the paper. They make a local decision. They pass it off to the ALC, who will make a final determination regardless. It could be contrary to what the local government chooses, with no real process for them.
Yes, the minister might say there’s going to be an appeal, and there’s all that. I think we’ve seen in the past, and maybe the minister will be able to show me tomorrow, how many of those appeals have actually been reversed.
An amendment like this, again, is important because when you look at regions…. I’ll speak to mine. I know a lot of members who have spoken spoke to their specific and personal knowledge of what takes place on the land base.
As a couple of colleagues before me have said, it feels like we’re in a bit of a time warp in the sense that we’re going back to the ’70s and reliving this whole idea that all land within a parameter must be good farmland if we draw it on a map. The map says it must be so.
I am sure the minister has seen…. If she hasn’t, I invite her, again, to our region to show her land that is within the ALR that…. There is no way on God’s green earth that it can be farmed. There are areas where the ALC has turned down applications to remove for opportunities to help the local farmer to stay on the land and to earn a little bit of extra money.
In a lot of cases, if it went to the local government for approval and not straight to the commission, which, if this passes, won’t be allowed anymore…. The local government has sent it through, and they’ve even agreed that there is no way this should be in the ALR. The commission, with usually very little explanation, will come back and say: “Well, the map shows it’s class 3 soil. You should be farming it. Your exclusion is denied.” We have, time and time again, seen that happen, which is why I think there’s so much frustration within the agricultural sector itself, where they get a little jaded about how this whole process works.
We know, as members, I think, on both sides of the House have said — I know ours have for sure — that all farmers, people in the province…. What they want to do is farm. They want to work on the land. They want to make a living, if possible, by farming. As the minister knows, in a lot of parts of the province, such as mine, it’s very difficult to see that happen some years. At the very least, let the local governments have more of a say. Then, to the amendment portion, at least allow them the opportunity to have a say on who that panel person, whether it’s one or two…. The minister was talking about that earlier today, and we’ll get a few more clarifications tomorrow.
This isn’t us asking for this just because we want to ask for it. We’re asking for this because we’re hearing people ask for it. I look at…. Even last week…. Parts of this, I believe, were acknowledged earlier in the House today.
At the Abbotsford Chamber of Commerce AGM, there was discussion, even there, about this bill. Obviously, it’s not an innocuous bill. It’s raising a lot of angst, tension, questions and, possibly, to the minister’s point, in some sectors, support. But it does require thorough discussion. The chamber of commerce even put a motion forward saying that, at the very least, support should be around with consultation with municipalities when decisions are being made.
This amendment is about, basically, just that. As decisions are being made by this minister, by the commission…. In the act, in section 5 in the act that the minister is trying to amend, it does say how the decision process will be made.
I think it’s important to even acknowledge, as we move forward, that we’re raising these concerns because we’re hearing about these concerns. We’re bringing concerns from local governments and from farmers and from people in the province that are raising them with us. It’s our job to bring them to this House because, at the very least, the minister needs to hear them. As we’re debating through this section, through this Bill 15 over the next couple of days, it’s important that we raise these concerns in the House.
Noting the hour, I reserve my place and move that the committee rise, report progress and ask leave to sit again.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 6:25 p.m.
The House resumed; Mr. Speaker in the chair.
Committee of the Whole (Section B), having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.
Committee of the Whole (Section A), having reported progress, was granted leave to sit again.
Committee of Supply (Section C), having reported resolutions, was granted leave to sit again.
Hon. M. Farnworth moved adjournment of the House.
Motion approved.
Mr. Speaker: This House stands adjourned until 1:30 tomorrow afternoon.
The House adjourned at 6:26 p.m.
PROCEEDINGS IN THE
DOUGLAS FIR ROOM
Committee of the Whole House
BILL 22 — FOREST AMENDMENT ACT, 2019
(continued)
The House in Committee of the Whole (Section A) on Bill 22; R. Kahlon in the chair.
The committee met at 1:36 p.m.
On section 3 (continued).
J. Rustad: Just before the votes and the break, I guess it was — we didn’t get a whole lot of time in beforehand — we were talking about the ownership structure on the companies and a potential change on that around a publicly traded company. One last thought I had with regards to corporate structures, of course, is where you have numbered accounts or whether you have numbered companies offshore, where it may not be apparent what the ownership structure is on a particular company. How is that dealt with within the structure of this bill?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Before the minister can make an approval on a disposition, you must have all the information that’s required in order to judge whether there’s market concentration going on. In order to make that approval, the company would have to provide all the necessary information.
Under dispositions as well as change in control, section 22 actually outlines the ability to request that kind of information from companies in order to make the decisions around dispositions and change of control approvals.
Sections 3 and 4 approved.
On section 5.
C. Oakes: I think this is an appropriate time to ask the minister. Of course, with the announcement of the closure of the Quest Wood division of Tolko, many in our community are wondering: what does this bill mean for the fibre that Tolko has in the Quesnel forest district?
Hon. D. Donaldson: With regards to how section 5 would apply to the situation the member described, where Tolko holds a forest licence, there’s no issue regarding that in relation to this bill. As it stands, they have the right to maintain the authority over that forest licence.
This Bill 22 does not address or speak to mill closures. It’s around the disposition and change in corporate control of tenure. If Tolko or any company, for instance, decided to sell tenure that was associated with something that they held, then that’s when Bill 22, as proposed, would have provisions for it. Regarding the volume and the forest licence that they hold right now, there’s no issue in regards to section 5 of Bill 22.
C. Oakes: Perhaps not just looking at section 5 but the context of the entire bill. Again, many people in the community are assuming that this particular Bill 22 is somehow related to that conversation in our communities around what happens with Tolko and the wood. There are conversations around the First Nations side. There are questions about community forests. There’s lots of interest in our community. Of course, we’re currently going through the apportionment discussion in our community.
I think just, again, to clarify and put on the record, what does this bill, specifically Bill 22…? How will that work in relation to a mill closure, such as Tolko, in a community?
Hon. D. Donaldson: I’ll make it clear. The whole bill does not address mill closures. It addresses the disposition or corporate change in control around forest tenure. In the case of a mill closure, it doesn’t speak to that. The actual tenure…. If there’s a disposition of tenure or a change in corporate control of tenure, then that’s when the provisions of these proposed amendments would apply.
J. Rustad: Woodlot licences are mentioned in here. Woodlots are, obviously, generally speaking, a very small amount of volume. I’m just curious. The provisions that are discussed in here, with regards to whether…. If a woodlot is transferred from one individual to another….
Are the provisions in here around if a woodlot is transferred to, say, a CEO of a major corporation that has tenure? How is that involved? I’m just curious as to why woodlots are sort of wrapped up in this.
Hon. D. Donaldson: First of all, to make clear, it’s not CEOs we’re concerned with in this bill; it’s corporations and the disposition or change in corporate control.
As far as woodlots go, the requirement for the transfer of woodlot licences has not changed under this bill, other than in situations where the transfer occurs to an affiliated corporation, and a notice to government must be issued. That’s the only change that’s contemplated in this proposed legislation.
J. Rustad: I thank the minister for that answer. That’s good to hear.
With regards to timber sale…. Obviously, through B.C. Timber Sales, there’s a lot of volume that is put out there and sold for harvesting. There are times that a company may have the right…. B.C. Timber Sales may want to sell that or transfer that, or it may be bought out. How do B.C. Timber Sales volume or blocks get wrapped up, or do they get wrapped up with regards to this bill?
Hon. D. Donaldson: The provisions regarding B.C. Timber Sales under this proposed act have not changed from what is already in place.
The BCTS, as I’m sure the member is aware, is a cutting authority, not a tenure. This Bill 22 is focused on tenures as they relate to dispositions or change of corporate control.
J. Rustad: Thanks to the minister for that answer.
One more question, I think, on this section, particularly in part (g), where it talks about this time period, whether it’s the longer of either “(i) a period specified by the minister in giving the approval” or “(ii) a prescribed period, if any.” I’m assuming that time period, obviously, will be set in regulation, but I’m just wondering what time period the minister is considering with regard to that particular passage.
Hon. D. Donaldson: This provision under section 5 — it is 54(2)(f), I believe, and there’s (g). This is the time after approval is given to a disposition by the minister that the terms of the disposition of the business transaction have to be completed. Essentially, this clause gives us the ability to protect the minister’s decision from being stale-dated if things take too long. But we don’t anticipate regulating it and putting a firm timeline on it, because every disposition is different. We want to be able to customize how long a specific disposition can take after giving approval for the companies to enact it.
J. Rustad: I thank the minister for that. I understand that with “a period specified by the minister in giving the approval.” I’m just wondering, particularly where it says “a prescribed period, if any….” If I understand the minister right, he’s not planning to have a prescribed period? This is more just what the minister, then, would specify?
Hon. D. Donaldson: This particular clause allows us to prescribe a default date for the enactment of the disposition. It also gives the ability — this is what I think the member was referring to — to alter that prescribed period in case circumstances arise where the company wasn’t able to complete the arrangements that were approved under the disposition.
J. Rustad: I understand that, and the flexibility there is a good thing. I suppose two questions arise from that. The first is what time frame the minister may be looking at in terms of doing these deals. Is it going to be dependent on when a corporation would come and say, “This is how long we think it’s going to take to finish the transfer, the disposition,” and how that would relate, particularly, to the prescribed time?
The second question around it would be: if, for some reason, a corporation can’t complete the disposition in that prescribed time, does it give the flexibility to the minister to be able to revisit and extend the period of time?
Hon. D. Donaldson: The second question, the answer to the second part about the flexibility, is yes. The answer to the first part, and overall, is that this section, this clause, is not about how long it takes the ministry and the minister to decide on a disposition. It’s how long it takes the company to complete the business transaction after the disposition is approved.
That’s what this section is about. It’s not about the government. It’s about how long it takes the company to complete it after it’s approved by government. The flexibility is built in, as I said. If the company is running up against unforeseen circumstances, then this gives the ability to the minister to create a different prescribed period.
J. Rustad: This isn’t a critical point or anything. I’m just trying to get clarity in terms of this. I understand entirely the prescribed period by the minister — obviously, through the discussions with the company and the transfer. I’m just wondering why “(ii) a prescribed period, if any,” is added in there.
Hon. D. Donaldson: This section provides the flexibility where, after the bill is enacted and we’re able to go through a few of these dispositions once they come to us, we’ll have a better idea of how long it takes companies to implement….
[The bells were rung.]
Hold that thought.
The Chair: Members, we’ll take a brief recess.
The committee recessed from 1:58 p.m. to 2:10 p.m.
[R. Kahlon in the chair.]
Hon. D. Donaldson: I’ll finish off, perhaps, in even more of a succinct manner on the question the member had. Given that this is new legislation and given that we don’t have a history of the disposition and the proceedings that’ll happen around dispositions based on this legislation, we’re not prescribing a period under this clause.
We want to establish a reasonable average first before a period is prescribed. Then as well, once we have that experience and history, the clause does give us the ability to modify that period, based on specific circumstances, to customize it to the company’s circumstances.
Section 5 approved.
On section 6.
J. Rustad: Apologies to staff. We’re getting close to the end of session, you know. I’m sure we’re all looking forward to an opportunity to be at home and visit with family, but there is some important business we need to get through, so I will try my best to move on through this with maybe a little bit of humour thrown in there now and again.
On section 6, though, in particular. “On the request of the minister for the purpose of considering whether to approve a disposition, the holder of the agreement or the intended recipient of the agreement must provide to the minister (a) prescribed information, and (b) any information the minister considers necessary.” Can the minister provide an indication of the type of information the minister would be requesting?
Hon. D. Donaldson: The member asked, under section 54(2.1)(b), about other information the minister considers necessary and some examples of that. A couple of examples could include other agreements the intended recipient has.
Another example would be any related persons that the company is either affiliated with or holding companies, that kind of information that pertains to how we defined “related persons” back in, I think it was, section 1.
J. Rustad: If I’m hearing the minister correctly on this…. I just want to make sure I’m clear on this. When it asks about “prescribed information,” I’m assuming that that would be information that’ll be defined in regulation at some point. If the minister could just clarify that. I suppose, if that is the case, the regulation would be coming out sometime in the near future, I’m sure.
With regards to the additional information, the information the minister would be looking at is only with regards to the tenure and who may hold that tenure or affiliations that would hold the tenure. Is that what the minister has just said?
Hon. D. Donaldson: On the first part, the prescribed information, yes, it’ll be developed through regulation. As to when, well, we want to go through a couple of these dispositions in order to determine the exact kind of regulation that captures the information we’ll need. This is especially true in that we don’t want to prescribe information that isn’t necessary and creates more administrative requirements for companies. So that’s the first part.
In the second part, around other information that the minister may consider is necessary, we need enough information to make a proper record so it’s defensible as we make our disposition decision. Primarily, it would be related to making decisions around market considerations, but it could also pertain to the public interest considerations. But again, it’s ensuring that we have the ability to create the record with enough information in order for us to defend our disposition decision.
J. Rustad: On the surface, that’s fine in terms of it, but I’m just wondering if the minister could perhaps provide just a reference or some examples of what that information may include. Obviously, there’s a tremendous amount of information out that is associated with companies, all the transactions, dealings, whether it’s through contracts that they have with other companies in terms of the flow of fibre and other things. It can get quite detailed, or it can be quite straightforward. So I’m just wondering to what extent that level of information is going to be collected.
Hon. D. Donaldson: Again, overall, this section is intended to provide and ensure we have enough information to determine if the disposition is going to impact market competitiveness, market concentration in B.C.
Again, I’ll refer back to my answer earlier when the member asked for examples. They’re agreements the companies hold. That could be the intended recipient of this disposition, affiliates that are associated with that company, holding companies. We just want to understand the relationship that the intended recipient of the disposition has. For example, do they have any other controlling interests in companies that hold tenures in B.C.? That’s the kind of information we’d be looking for in order to determine our market concentration considerations.
J. Rustad: In terms of controlling interest…. If a company has an agreement, in terms of whether it’s to purchase volume, is that considered a controlling interest in that volume? Company B would have the timber rights, the ongoing harvesting, but company A has an agreement to purchase that volume, which is available at whatever the market set price would be. Is that considered control, and would that, then, be information that would be required to be delivered?
Hon. D. Donaldson: I believe the question was in regard to, potentially, fibre supply agreements that the intended recipient of the disposition agreement might have control over. These are contracts, and we can’t decide at this point whether these contracts will impact the disposition approval that’s outlined in this bill because we don’t have any information on these kinds of fibre supply agreements, the details around these contracts.
We want to know about them in order to make the determination around the approval of the disposition, and this will allow us to access that information in order to determine if there is any impact on concentration. At this point, we’re not able to collect that kind of information.
J. Rustad: The question here goes beyond the section, but it’s related, of course, to the information that is being collected.
I think I heard the minister say that the ministry would like to know if there are fibre supply agreements. A third party owns the volume and is selling the volume to a particular company. That’s information that the ministry would want to know. For that purpose, I’m assuming that volume would be, then, added into whatever the company’s volume is in terms of the calculation, whether it meets the threshold. Is that correct?
Once again, I’m looking to see just how far removed this information-gathering might be in order to be able to assess whether or not you’ve got market concentration and how much information is actually going to be collected.
Hon. D. Donaldson: Again, we can’t say all fibre supply agreements do control the volume. It depends on the nature of the agreement — the terms, the conditions and, especially, the length. So we can’t say right now whether the volume under a fibre supply agreement, when a disposition application is being considered, will be added into the overall considerations about market concentration and market considerations. It has to be on a case-by-case basis, depending on, again, the nature of the terms and the conditions and the length of the fibre supply agreement.
At this point, we simply aren’t able to assess that because we don’t have the ability to collect that information. Under the proposed legislation, we will have the ability to collect that information as it pertains to fibre supply agreements and assess whether the terms and the nature of those agreements actually result in market considerations.
J. Rustad: Once again, this is leading into questions that are in other sections, with regard to the information. Obviously, this is how it’s determined whether or not the minister may want to put conditions in place as information is collected. For example, if you’ve got…. I don’t want to use hypothetical situations. Obviously, the minister probably won’t want to respond with a hypothetical situation, but….
You’ve got a mill that has a capacity of two million cubic metres. It only has 250,000 cubic metres under permit, but on an ongoing basis, it is buying 1.75 million metres. It does that on an ongoing basis, whether it’s through Timber Sales, whether it’s through a purchase of woodlots, whether it’s through a purchase from First Nations or community forests or anything else. The nature of those agreements could vary. They could be one-time agreements. They could be ongoing agreements.
For example, a community forest has a relationship with a mill, such as in Burns Lake, where they’ve got an agreement that is renewed, but it’s ongoing. There is a relationship that’s built in there, even though it is at arm’s length. I guess the question becomes…. This is why I’m asking about the information collected and how far down this goes. You could be in a situation where a company doesn’t come anywhere close to being over the threshold in terms of concentration but through all of its acquisitions, on a one-time or ongoing basis, may be over a target.
That’s why I’m wondering about how detailed and how far this information goes out. Obviously, if two companies are looking at making a deal, they would need to know what is in, what is not, and what type of information the minister is going to be looking at before they can sit down and actually even start thinking about whether or not they can put together a deal.
Hon. D. Donaldson: This section does relate to other sections as well — section 19, the questions that the member is posing. We’re primarily interested in, when it comes to approval of dispositions as proposed under this act, tenure holdings. But we also want to understand the fibre supply agreements.
Primarily, again this is around, as the member put it, the concentration threshold. We need to know details around the length and the terms. We need to know that, and the companies are the ones that are in position to provide that, because we don’t have that information right now.
The member was asking: “Well, how would the companies know how much information they need to provide in the initial application under the disposition approval process?” I think they’d have a pretty good idea of the fact that one-time agreements under BCTS or purchased from woodlots doesn’t exhibit having control over a volume that would play into a concentration consideration. But they would know through their agreements, when they’re longer term, that they would potentially apply.
For exactly the reasons that the member outlined, we need to know these agreements and the details around them in order to make the determination.
J. Rustad: Once again, the question probably could easily come under another section, but just to follow up with what the minister has said here with this. One time, in terms of purchases, wouldn’t necessarily contribute towards market concentration, but ongoing agreements could. What length of time would be considered ongoing? Is that a two-year agreement, a five-year agreement, in terms of potential purchase of volume and that volume may be considered under control?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Right now we have no access to the kind of information around the nature of these fibre agreements. That makes it difficult to answer the question posed by the member around what factors around the length of time of the agreements would be considered appropriate around how we judge concentration and market concentration. One of the intentions of the bill is for government to gather this kind of information in order to make decisions around disposition and change of control — disposition, in this case.
To re-emphasize, the length of time these fibre supply agreements run is only one of the factors. Other factors, which we have no access to information-wise at this point, that could impact the concentration tests are: are these fibre supply agreements renewable? Are there market-based prices in them? Do both parties have the ability to cancel these agreements? How quickly can they cancel them? Are they renewable? I mentioned renewable already once.
That’s the kind of information that we need to have access to and gather in order to make the determination around the disposition.
C. Oakes: One of the comments that we are getting back in our communities is the understanding that there is significant information available to the minister of the integrated forest manufacturer supply chain that we currently have.
We’re incredibly proud of the development of the forest sector in British Columbia. It’s been an investment of billions of dollars to ensure that we do have an integrated sector, from logging, sawmills, pulp, MDF, OSB, paper, engineered wood products, other manufacturing, bioenergy and bioproducts.
We understand the concentration test that the minister has discussed. How is the minister also applying the integrated sector analysis to understand and utilize that as part of your decision-making process that this bill now empowers you to have?
Hon. D. Donaldson: What the proposed legislation is focused on is tenure and the control of volume that that tenure represents, because tenure is the publicly held asset, the publicly held natural resource. The intention of the legislation is not about impairing or restricting actions of the sector in their ability to move logs or products between themselves in a vertically integrated manner. It’s around the tenure and the control of the volume.
C. Oakes: I recognize that. But with the new fibre zones that are now a part of this bill, again, there is concern. I understand the tenure nature of this conversation, but tenure is part of the discussion of an integrated forest sector, which we also have. What steps will the minister be utilizing to ensure that there is a clear understanding — while I recognize it’s around tenure — of what all of those pieces related to that tenure mean from an integrated forest management supply chain?
Hon. D. Donaldson: I took a little time there to make sure that we get what I believe is the answer to the question that was being asked. If it isn’t, I’m sure the member will clarify.
The proposed bill is not about moving fibre between fibre distribution zones. That’s not the focus. It’s the control of fibre within a fibre distribution zone.
J. Rustad: I think the question comes up in another section with that, although the information is here. My understanding from the briefing that we had on this bill, prior to second reading, was that the concentration of tenure was not only within a fibre zone but also looked at the adjacent fibre zone in terms of what the potential impact is. I’m just wondering if the minister could clarify that, because it seemed to run counter to the minister’s previous comments.
Hon. D. Donaldson: I believe this will answer the member’s question. There could be an adjacency test in acquiring new tenure, but what we were referring to in the previous answer was the flow of logs in existing tenures or fibre distribution zones.
The legislation doesn’t speak to the way logs are being moved within or between fibre distribution zones, but if a company were acquiring new tenure through a disposition, there could be factors in an adjacency test that could impact on whether that disposition is approved.
C. Oakes: How is the minister gathering the information or the intent of Bill 22? We have two pulp mills in Quesnel, and chips are incredibly viable to keep that sector vibrant in our community. There have been some decisions that have been made or discussions. For example, I can’t help but think of the section 11 draft agreement and the fact that those kinds of decisions that the government is making are going to have significant impact on our community’s pulp mills. They employ a lot of people in our community.
I will say that often when we’re talking about public interest…. We have a fully integrated forest sector. In fact, Quesnel is one of the most integrated manufacture forest sectors, I would suggest, in North America. Every element of the fibre and how it feeds in has a purpose.
When we are only focusing on one aspect — such as the tenure piece, which I understand what this is…. How is the minister taking into context, for example, the fact that chips are required to make sure that pulp mills are kept vibrant and whole in communities such as Quesnel, when some of the companies have a high level of concentration, both in this fibre zone and other fibre zones?
Hon. D. Donaldson: We’re on section 6. I know we’ve been quite lenient in the breadth of the questions, but what we’re considering here in committee stage is a clause-by-clause of Bill 22. This bill is in regard to the disposition and the change in corporate control over forest tenure.
As far as the gathering of information, which was the first part of the member’s question, section 19 of the bill is about getting info on the forest sector as a whole that will not only give the ability to make better policy in government decisions but also to create data so that specific decisions can be made in regard to the disposition and changing control proposals specific to this bill.
J. Rustad: I want to thank the minister for the latitude in terms of the questions and how they fit in. I appreciate that, both for myself and for my colleagues. One last question I had — at least at this point, I think — on section 6….
The minister has talked a fair length with regards to the collection of the data in terms of trying to gather information to get a better sense of what may or may not be needed around this. It really leaves me with a question. I wonder how industry looks at this as well.
Of course, you don’t know what you don’t know, but the minister has not really been able to provide context of any kinds of details or how far that information could go. I’m assuming, if that be the case, then what would end up happening is the minister would look at information. It might lead to wanting to ask for more information, which might lead to asking and wanting more information, because it’s not a list of: “Here’s the information I need.” The minister has said that as we go through a couple of cases that come forward, it’ll help to define what that information may be.
Once again, I’m asking this question from my own perspective in terms of my interest. But I can also imagine that, as a company, they want to know what it is exactly the minister’s trying to dig to in terms of the information so that (a) they can make sure they can provide that information, but (b) if they’re going to be considering some sort of agreement down the road, they want to know what it’s going to encompass, how far it’s going to reach, what kind of components are going to be in there.
I’d like to provide the minister with an opportunity to maybe provide as much clarity as he can — and maybe he can’t — just in terms of that extent of information that will be looked at and whether it could lead to multiple requests for information depending on what information actually becomes available.
Hon. D. Donaldson: One of the beneficial aspects of Bill 22 is that it’s going to create another avenue for having a great dialogue between companies that are interested in dispositions or have plans around change of control and the government, which is the primary caretaker of the publicly held asset, which is tenure.
What I would say in regards to the member’s question — and it would be the same that we would say to companies who are considering these kind of actions — is: “Come ask us. Come have a conversation with us. Come ask us what we feel we need information-wise to make those kinds of decisions around dispositions or change in corporate control.”
This is what is set up in a dialogue. Companies can come to us right off the bat. We can have a discussion, and then they can formulate their information submissions from that point.
Section 6 approved.
On section 7.
J. Rustad: There’ll be a series of questions on section 7. I actually want to start with one little question. It’s not at the beginning of 7, but it’s going in. It’s relating to the component of public interest.
There was a discussion from my colleague from Prince George–Valemount with the minister as we started this conversation around public interest. It’s interesting, because I think the question that the colleague from Prince George–Valemount was asking was around what public interest is. How is that defined? What’s the component of public interest? There’ll be a series of questions that will come here in section 7.
I want to start by making a reference, actually, to what the Supreme Court of Canada observed with regards to public interest. Because there is no definition of public interest, the Supreme Court of Canada’s perspective is…. They have observed that the term is “capable of almost infinite extension.”
That raises a pretty big concern, obviously, because as companies start to consider whether or not there is an opportunity to acquire tenure or to distribute, whatever the case may be to enter into these kinds of agreements, they have to meet this test, and this test isn’t defined. Even the Supreme Court of Canada can’t define what a public interest may be.
To that extent, I’m curious if the minister can perhaps provide this House with some limitations or perspective on just what may or may not be included in “public interest.”
[R. Glumac in the chair.]
Hon. D. Donaldson: I can’t comment on the reading from a Supreme Court ruling that the member had, because I’m not sure what case it comes from.
At the risk of going against what we said we weren’t going to do yesterday, in that I answered this question yesterday about public interest — so already asked, already answered — in this specific circumstance, I’ll repeat what I said yesterday. Public interest is about looking beyond the private interests of people involved in the transaction. This means a government may consider how the allocation of harvesting rights resulting from the transaction would benefit the people of B.C. This includes social-economic benefits, First Nations concerns and other matters. These are public interests in specific circumstances.
As I said yesterday, and I’ll repeat again today, in the Oil and Gas Activities Act that was brought in under the former government, introduced in 2008, “public interest” is in the terminology. In fact, it says to “ensure that applications that are approved are in the public interest,” without defining it further. So this has already been set out in legislation without the definition that the member appears to be asking about.
However, I will add some new information. This is information that I presented to industry representatives, industry CEOs. That is, there is no precise formula, as I’ve already outlined, around public interest. But what would our expectations be when it comes to companies and whether the disposition or change in control relates to public interest. That would be, again, First Nations, communities and labour.
For instance, the kinds of questions that we would want to see the companies entertain and have addressed is: have you asked area First Nations their perspective on the proposed disposition? And what would they say? Would it be supportive, neutral or negative? Or would they be caught completely unaware of the intended disposition or change in corporate control?
The same goes for mayors and area directors. What is their take on the proposed disposition or change in corporate control? How would they assess your corporate social responsibility and commitment to social licence? Those same questions that would be posed to local government would be the kinds of questions that we’d expect companies to pose to labour and the workers that they have.
There’s no precise formula. Those are some of the kinds of information that we’d expect companies to come to us with. Again, much of the other parts of the answer about public interest was covered yesterday.
J. Rustad: As I mentioned yesterday, this was one of the topics that was raised that I did want to be able to explore further, but I didn’t want to interrupt my colleagues’ questions or line of questions. I want to thank, once again, the minister for the ability to do that, to start off, the other day.
The reason for the additional question with regards to public interest — and the reason, of course, for the reference to the Supreme Court decision — is there may be no way for a company, an entity that is in control of fibre to actually be able to achieve a goal. Because of the infinite nature of public interest and meeting public interest, they could come back and come back, and it could go on almost definitely.
Now, obviously, that’s not the intent, I would imagine, of the ministry and of the minister in terms of deals. But as you can imagine, for shareholders and for companies operating and for the workers, this is a process that obviously could get hung up. Hence why I’m asking the question around the public interest.
The other side, of course, of public interest is community interest. For example, is that mayor and council’s interest? What about recreation groups? What about other interests within a community that also have in interest in what’s happening? And First Nations? The Chief and council may be different from an association of First Nations together, like a tribal council. So there could be a variety, a number of concerns brought forward that represent, potentially, community interest.
That’s why I’m trying to get some sense of what meeting community interests might be. There could be so many varied components come in that it could be very challenging, particularly in an area such as the Prince George supply area, where you’ve got many different communities. You’ve got a dozen or more First Nations, as well as dozens upon dozens of other interest groups within an area that would be potentially impacted.
I was wondering…. I do recall what the minister has said, both yesterday and what he has just said now. But given the magnitude of the challenge of what public interest may mean, if the minister could provide some sort of guidelines, I guess, in terms of some limitations so that companies have a sense of what that may mean beyond the engagement to conversation that would happen upon entering into a potential discussion agreement with both a purchaser and a purchasee and the ministry.
Hon. D. Donaldson: In section 7, we are addressing public interest, so I’m happy to entertain the question. I’ll say this. The companies know best the First Nations in their operating areas. They know best the communities in their operating areas. They know best the labour in their operating areas. So they’re in the best position to know what would get approval under a public interest test.
It’s up to the companies, and we’re allowing them to come in with the proposal, rather than prescribing, and obviously, we’re open to dialogue right away. But the more work companies do under First Nations communities and labour in the situation I described in the last answer — the more robust work that they do — then the less back-and-forth there will have to be and the more expedited decision process around approval of the disposition or change in control will occur.
J. Rustad: I appreciate the minister’s response. I’ll just give the examples. The interests of Quesnel may be different from the interests of Williams Lake. The interests of Fort St. James may be different from the interests of Vanderhoof. Both are valid communities. Both have valid interests. Both have valid concerns. It may not be possible to be able to meet the community interests that those communities bring forward, let alone the groups within those communities.
For example, in the Prince George supply area, with all of the First Nations and the First Nations’ interests, they rarely see eye to eye on all issues. There are issues that they do agree on and move forward on. But for a company that operates in a large supply area like that…. Even in a supply area like Quesnel and Williams Lake, where there may be fewer First Nations, they may have some very different views between the Tsilhqot’in and the northern Secwépemc Nations.
I guess the challenge becomes…. Companies, obviously, will need to go out and work with communities and do this, but if they can’t — and, quite frankly, it might be impossible to meet the interests of each of those groups that are of interest — how will they know where they have met community interest? Or perhaps an even more important question: how will the minister be able to determine that they’ve met a community interest where there are these divisions of interests within an area? Is it going to be purely a subjective process by the minister and the ministry, or are there going to be some sort of rules or guidelines that are going to help set the stage for both companies and the ministry in terms of how these decisions will be made?
Hon. D. Donaldson: What we’re talking about here is when, under the proposed legislation, the proposals that come from companies around dispositions…. What we want to see is that they’ve showed us that they’ve considered how they’ve tried to balance the competing interests. I would give the member the accuracy of his statement around how it’s often difficult to…. I think he said it’s impossible to meet all public interests in the example that he gave.
What we’re asking is for companies to demonstrate how they’ve considered balancing those competing interests when they bring in their proposal. Again, the overall intent of the legislation is making sure there’s competition when we’re considering the fibre basket that’s under consideration of the disposition. That’s for diversity and also to ensure that market-based pricing is accurate as well.
Again, it’s specific to each case. We want to see how the balancing of the competing public interests has been considered under the proposal.
J. Rustad: I thank the minister for that. I want to just do one follow-up on that. Like I say, there are many other questions on section 7, but just to follow up to what the minister has just said.
Specifically, the minister, I believe, just said he’s looking to see what proposal comes forward from a company. Perhaps the minister could clarify, then, that there will be no guidance from the ministry whatsoever with regards to what a company may need to be considering or doing in order to meet community interests. Rather, it’s completely up to the company to go out, try to put something together and bring it to the minister to say: “Have we done enough, or do we need to do more?”
Is that the intent of what’s happening with the bill?
Hon. D. Donaldson: I just read into the record some of the factors — it’s not a formula — that would be helpful for companies to explore, ideally before they give written notice of a disposition.
I’ll go back again to what I said earlier. These companies that have been operating in areas for a long time know the crux of the matter when it comes to public interest. They know best what the factors are when it comes to First Nations, when it comes to communities, when it comes to labour. This is what we would expect — that companies have that kind of knowledge.
Ideally, I would say that before the written notice of disposition is put to us, the companies have turned their minds to what they know public interest in their areas entails because of their experience, and then we’ll be able to go back and forth after that. It’s incorrect that we haven’t given advice. We’ve outlined some of the areas that we’d be interested in knowing about, and we’re looking forward to the dialogue that would ensue after that. It could be anywhere from…. Perhaps enough — knowing that the balancing has been done, that approval could not require a lot of back and forth.
If there are gaps that crop up, then it might require a bit more work. It’s all about the principle of making sure there’s competition and that competition results in diversity and results in pricing that’s legitimate. That’s what the intention of this legislation is.
With that, I would propose a short recess.
The Chair: The committee will recess for five minutes.
The committee recessed from 3:22 p.m. to 3:31 p.m.
[R. Glumac in the chair.]
C. Oakes: Thank you for this opportunity to ask some questions that, again, are being raised in our community.
The minister talked about the factor that the company understands the relationship in a community, both with First Nations and local governments — which, I agree, is incredibly important when you look at that relationship and that social licence piece.
What happens in the context of a company looking at a disposition where there may be a government-to-government agreement that is ongoing and that, perhaps, a company may not know about? How does that play into the minister’s decision? Is there a responsibility of the minister to have that conversation with companies, recognizing the sensitivities of agreements from government to government?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Without specific examples of what the member is referring to as government-to-government relationships between the government and a First Nation and how that might impact a decision around disposition, it’s hard to give a specific answer, but I believe I understand the intention of the question.
What I can say is that it’s up to the government to act, in these transactions, in good faith. We’re not talking about an intention to shift government responsibilities onto tenure holders. We will have a government-to-government relationship with First Nations, but this is about assessing the transaction that a company is bringing to us. Again, it’s incumbent upon government to act in good faith in these negotiations.
J. Rustad: Associated with the public interest under that particular section there’s “the marketing of fibre in British Columbia.” I’d ask the minister just to confirm, on the marketing of fibre in British Columbia, what all is constituted within the marketing of fibre.
Hon. D. Donaldson: This goes back to the definitions in section 1 that we covered: “marketing of fibre” means “(a) the acquisition and disposition of rights to harvest timber in British Columbia, and (b) the buying and selling, within British Columbia, of timber or wood residue.”
J. Rustad: I appreciate that. The reason for asking the question around that is that I’m just thinking about the myriad of other products that are potentially created, whether it’s pellets or electrons or pulp or waste left in the woods, etc. There’s a wide range of products that are part of fibre within British Columbia. I do remember the conversation we had with regard to wood, wood residue — those components.
In terms of the control of fibre and the concentration of tenure, does it include the wide range of potential products that aren’t just directly the log harvested or the residue coming in from the woods, or is this specific to just those components that are the initial components taken out of the forest? I mean that in terms of the concentration of market and market share.
Hon. D. Donaldson: As we discussed yesterday, we were talking about consideration of control of fibre, not of products. To fill out the definition that I talked about in the last answer, “timber” means trees, whether standing, fallen, living, dead, limbed, bucked or peeled. “Wood residue” means wood chips, slabs, edgings, sawdust, shavings and hog fuel.
J. Rustad: Just looking at subsection 54.01(3). “Without limiting subsection (2), the minister may attach as a condition to an approval under section 54.” I’ve got a number of questions around this, but I’m curious about that particular statement that the minister may attach a condition.
Previously, we had talked about, in terms of meeting community interest, companies coming forward with a proposal or in a conversation, back and forth, in terms of meeting what community interest is. What exactly, then, would the role of the minister’s condition to approval be if the company has already gone through that process?
Hon. D. Donaldson: The best way to answer the question is…. This section doesn’t…. It’s nothing about a precondition. Through the discussions between the government and the proposal coming from a company…. If it’s determined that in order for the approval of the disposition to happen that the company has to give up another tenure that they might have because of concentration thresholds, then that would be the condition of getting to approval.
That’s all this section is talking about. There could be a condition to get approval about giving up another part of tenure in order to meet the concentration threshold, and a certain date or period of time that the company has to do that within.
J. Rustad: I thank the minister for that response. I’ve just got a question that arises from that. If the ministry is putting conditions that there may be a surrender of tenure or a transfer of tenure required in order for a deal to go forward, would that constitute the requirement for compensation for that tenure that the minister would, then, be asking to be transferred?
Hon. D. Donaldson: The answer is no. What this entails is the company having the ability to recoup the value, based on the market price. They’re selling in this particular scenario, and it’s not always this scenario. It’s just that this is what this clause gives the ability to do in order to reach approval based on concentration. It’s not even prescriptive about us prescribing or telling the company what they have to sell. It’s just that a certain amount of volume might have to be divested. The company can do that through selling and recouping the value at the market price.
J. Rustad: I find it interesting, in terms of the answer, that a company…. I don’t want to do hypothetical situations, of course, but I’m thinking about what the minister has just responded.
If a company goes out, and it can’t determine what public interest may be…. It comes and says it’d like to do this deal, and it’s talked back and forth. There is an agreement with the ministry or with others, and the company then comes forward and says: “Okay, we’re putting forward this proposal.” The ministry then attaches — or has the ability, through this section, if I heard the minister correctly, to attach — a condition that may force the company to dispose of one or more of its tenures or portions thereof, and no one is interested in buying it, or the communities or the First Nations or others may say: “Well, we shouldn’t have to buy that.”
How would the company then be compensated for the tenure that the ministry is forcing the company to divest of, if the company were to proceed with the agreement to acquire or to amalgamate into additional tenure?
Hon. D. Donaldson: To be clear, this is a company…. Again, a hypothetical situation, but when a company comes with a request to acquire additional tenure, we’re not forcing that company to acquire the tenure. We’re not forcing the company to give up tenure. This is their proposal.
The public interest consideration is not what we’re talking about here. We’re talking about whether the proposal that the company is putting to us would result in the company becoming over the market concentration threshold. That’s what we’re talking about here. It’s up to the company whether they want to pursue the acquiring of additional tenure, but we’re not forcing them to give up tenure. That’s up to them.
J. Rustad: Thank you to the minister for that. So if I’m reading this section right, then, they come with a proposal, and the minister may set conditions on that proposal. Those conditions aren’t mandatory for a proposal to proceed. However, there is a….
We’ll get into this in a later section, so maybe I won’t bother raising this right now. There’s the condition of the potential of a minister suspending a licence should a deal go forward, but I’ll leave that for another section or another conversation.
In terms of the conditions talked about in this section, which the minister may consider, it also says: “…one or more specified agreements be disposed of.” With regards to these conditions or considerations that the minister may have, is it specifically to the tenure that is being acquired, or might it also potentially consider existing tenure or the package of tenure that an acquiring company may hold? In other words, as a condition of a tenure…. If they’ve got a certain amount of tenure and they’re purchasing more, could the minister require some volume from an existing tenure, as opposed to the purchasing tenure, as a condition of the tenure?
What I’m thinking about specifically…. As you know, there are various tenures that cover off very large areas. There’s wood and various components, and it may make more sense to meet community interests with wood from a different side or from a different area to be divested of, as opposed to volume that’s being acquired to be divested of. I’m just wondering whether or not the requirements from the minister must be solely on the tenure in question of a transfer or whether it could be a suggestion or condition from the minister to impact on any of the package of tenures that may be held by a specific company that’s looking to acquire.
Hon. D. Donaldson: The answer to that scenario is yes. It could be, if all the factors point to being over the market concentration threshold and it makes sense to the company to give up other tenures that they already hold, then that could be the scenario.
J. Rustad: I recognize a company could put forward the proposal, but in terms of that the minister may attach conditions to a particular proposal coming forward, is it in the minister’s power to be able to require a company to consider divesting of its interests, other than that of being purchased?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Further, in 54.02, under this section, it describes how the government, the minister, can’t approve a disposition if it turns out that the company is over the market concentration threshold.
What this allows is the ability to impose a condition around the disposing of other tenures so that they can get approval, which there wasn’t the ability to do in previous legislation. So we’re creating a condition that will actually help get to approval, and it’s up to the company to present the proposal in this case about what they might divest of and what they might decide to sell.
J. Rustad: Sorry. That was a bit of a confusing statement there right at the end. Whether it’s 54.01(2) or 54.01(3), where it talks about the minister having power to attach conditions to the approval of a particular deal, the question to the minister is: does the minister have the power to put a condition on a sale that may look at the disposition of tenures, other than that being acquired, as a potential distribution or sale or whatever the case may be?
The intent of what I’m trying to drive at here is if company A is buying company B or volume from company B, obviously the volume from company B is the volume in question. Does the minister have the ability to set conditions on other volume that company A may hold, other than the acquiring of volume from company B?
Hon. D. Donaldson: I just want to make clear: we’re not forcing the company to divest itself to sell tenure. But the answer to the member’s question is yes. As a way to get approval, the condition of the sale could involve the divestment of existing tenure that the company holds.
J. Rustad: I guess the question becomes with this…. There are some companies in the province that have market concentrations above the level that is laid out in the order-in-council that has already been put forward, associated with this bill. If a company that is already over a threshold desires to acquire tenure, is it possible that the company would continue to be able to expand their concentration of fibre? Or is the intent of this bill and the intent of the ministry’s direction to have a company try, if they’re in a process of acquiring — may want them to actually try — to reduce their concentration, even though it’s through an acquisition?
Hon. D. Donaldson: This is getting into very specific theoretical situations, so without knowing all the factors involved, it’s difficult to give a very precise answer. But what I can say is it depends on where the company seeking to increase tenure is acquiring that tenure through the disposition. If it’s in a fibre distribution zone that’s already overconcentrated with the company holding the tenure that’s trying to increase its tenure by the disposition, then that wouldn’t be approved under the proposed legislation. Again, beyond that, it really depends on getting a bit more information from the actual specific company that’s intending to create or receive a disposition.
J. Rustad: That’s helpful. Maybe just for a little bit of additional clarity, this bill will not allow any additional concentration of fibre, regardless of conditions that may be laid out in terms of a potential transfer. Is that what I’m hearing the minister say?
Hon. D. Donaldson: The answer is no, to the question that we’re not going to allow the additional concentration of fibre. There could be exceptions. Again, the general rule of thumb is that in a fibre distribution zone where we’ve already seen overconcentration, the intention of the bill is not to increase that concentration.
However, there could be offsetting factors that allow for additional acquisition of tenure, but that will depend on specific circumstances. That’s where the end of the hypothetical comes at this point. The actual specific circumstances will have to be presented in the proposal.
J. Rustad: I appreciate the minister entertaining that question. It is a hypothetical question, but as the minister knows, there are a limited number of players, particularly in certain supply areas. Eliminating those players that are already potentially in an overconcentration from the rationalization that is going to be coming from them in the forest sector may create a negative in terms of a disincentive to actually even be able to do the rationalization. It could ultimately end up having a negative consequence of companies not wanting to go through with the rationalization that’s needed but instead sitting on tenure or other measures that they may take simply because there are few players that may actually be out in the market to purchase.
You may end up in a situation where you see some closures or some potential impact and volume not being transferred, but that’s why I’m asking the question around the concentration. If you’re taking certain players out of the market in terms of potentially acquiring tenure through this, that obviously limits what may happen. And as we know, and as COFI has said and the minister has recognized, and certainly we have recognized in the opposition as well, there is going to be some rationalization as AACs are coming down. As I said, that was the purpose for asking the question, and I appreciate the minister entertaining that particular scenario.
The minister, in previous answers, whether it’s around the timeline or others in the previous sections, talked a little bit about needing to see the first couple that come through the system and being able to refine the sort of information that was going to be needed and looking at that.
I’m curious how many transfers or potential acquisitions and these types of activities that may be happening the minister anticipates may be coming forward, certainly in a relatively short period of time. I know once again that’s a speculative answer. The minister may not be able to respond with that, but because of the earlier answers, say, in the first couple coming through, to be able to refine it, with the concerns I have with this bill, I wonder if any will come through.
I’m just wondering if the minister has gone through, if there’s been any analysis from within the ministry to look at the potential number or potential volume of tenure that may have Bill 22 being applicable to those sort of transfers or issues in the coming months or period of time that they may be looked at.
Another reason, of course, for looking at this is…. I know the minister has met with a number of mayors and councils, particularly in my riding, but in other ridings, and this is a part of conversations that have happened. I’m just curious what the minister may be anticipating in terms of the number that may be coming through.
Hon. D. Donaldson: The member is right. I can’t get into gazing into a crystal ball. If I was good at that, I probably wouldn’t be in the position I am today. Even though I really appreciate being a representative as an MLA, I’d probably have a lot of other different styles of opportunities if I could predict the future.
The intent of the legislation is to be prepared for when companies want to acquire additional tenure through disposition or change of corporate control. By proposing this legislation and getting through this committee stage and to royal assent, we will be better prepared for when that happens. I’m going to go back a little bit to the last answer and the preface that the member gave to this question. Again, the intent of the bill is to address overconcentration of tenure because it’s bad for competition.
The member posed some scenarios where perhaps companies won’t have the opportunity to sell tenure or there might not be an ability to sell it. I mean, we have, and I have…. I’m sure the member’s aware of this. There are companies and First Nations who don’t have adequate tenure at this time that come into this building and my office and to my staff almost every day interested in tenure.
We know the demand is out there, and that’s partly why we see the high demand for tenure and the high demand for logs. There’s a pent-up demand out there, so I don’t anticipate that it’s going to be difficult for companies who are interested in divesting themselves of tenure to find willing buyers.
J. Rustad: I do recognize…. Even in the short time I was minister and certainly as MLA, I’m continually having meetings in my riding as well as with others that are interested in acquiring tenure. So there is certainly demand out there. Of course, there are other issues associated with that, as the minister knows. There are lots of people with the desire to purchase but not necessarily with the resources to be able to acquire tenure.
In terms of this bill, I’m just wondering: what would be the measure of success, as we go through this? Like I say, there are many other questions in other sections, but I’m thinking about this specifically in this section, because these are the conditions attached to the ministerial approval of dispositions. If there is a situation where there isn’t volume that is being transferred or there are no deals being done — this kind of thing — would the minister then be in a situation where there’s a review mechanism for this bill or within government? Or is this something that you know is going ahead and will be in place regardless of what may be happening out in the market?
Hon. D. Donaldson: I know the member tried to relate it to section 7. I think measure of success is really not a committee stage question, so I’m going to entertain it at a very high level. The measure of success would be: does the proposal serve the interests of the people of B.C. in the disposition of the tenure?
J. Rustad: That’s fine in terms of that. I think we understand the positioning on that.
I’m just wondering now. Under 54.02, subsection (2) — and (3) and (4), of course, but particularly subsection (2) — where it talks about the disposition and “in any case, it would not be in the public interest for the intended recipient to acquire….” Could the minister provide some clarity with regards to this section?
Hon. D. Donaldson: This section, 54.02, provides more clarity to the framework that was put in place with the existing legislation in 2004, and specifically, this provides clear and more usable rules regarding concentration in the forestry sector. Forest licence, tree farm licence and pulpwood agreement dispositions will require the minister to refuse or attach conditions to the approval if the minister considers that the disposition of the agreement would result in the intended recipient holding or otherwise controlling rights to harvest Crown timber in an amount that is detrimental to competition in the marketing of fibre in B.C.
J. Rustad: The reason I asked is it’s just related to an earlier question, which was around if a company is already in a situation where it has got significant market concentration, whether or not they would have a potential opportunity to purchase volume within a particular area and whether or not that market concentration may end up going up under certain circumstances. This particular section, as the minister just described it, seems to contradict that to some extent. So I’m just wondering if the minister can provide a little bit of clarity between those two positions.
Hon. D. Donaldson: The interpretation of this section is the approval — if the minister considers the disposition of the agreement would result in the concentration being detrimental. So “considers” means the minister has to weigh the specific circumstances around the intended and the proposed disposition. So it really depends on the factors.
J. Rustad: Hon. Chair, with your permission, I’m just going to read something using technology, if that is permissible. It’s just a quote. No, I can’t use it? Okay, I won’t use it.
The Chair: Yeah. Unfortunately, those are the rules we have to stick with for now.
J. Rustad: Well, in the past, the Chair has had the latitude, but I respect the decision of the Chair. That’s fine.
Industry has expressed concern, obviously, over this bill. Susan Yurkovich, who is the current CEO of COFI, was speaking just on, I think, May 14. She said the challenge with this particular bill — I’m paraphrasing because I can’t read the exact quote — is that they just don’t know. It creates a tremendous amount of uncertainty with regards to industry and the rationalization of things that are going forward.
It’s unfortunate, as I know the minister has good intents with what’s going on with this section and with the bill in general. But the clarity around public interest is an unknown. The potential concentration, although there is a formula that may or may not be put forward as part of conversations, creates a real potential challenge, I think, for industry as it goes forward.
I suppose it may work out, as it goes through this, but my concern — and certainly the concern I’ve heard — is that we’ll see a situation where potential deals will not go forward because companies or individuals are worried about being able to capture value, worried about what may fall within the purview of the minister and the requirements associated with this, and ultimately be in a situation where they decide not to move forward with the deal.
Now, obviously, they can back out at any time of the deal. They could put something forward, the minister could put conditions on it, and if they don’t like it, they can back out. But there’s a tremendous amount of work that goes in, obviously, in terms of all of that.
The challenge, I think, and what I’m concerned about — maybe just one last question on this section — is if a mill closes, and there’s obviously volume attached to the mill, because they may have concerns with this section of the bill or the bill in general. They decide they want to just keep harvesting their volume and selling their volume on the open market, within the overall supply area that they’re in. Is that a desirable outcome of this bill? Or would it be better in the public interest if that volume was acquired by a company that had a processing facility and wanted to utilize that facility for the purposes of creating those processing jobs locally?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Bill 22 speaks to proposals to acquire new tenure. It doesn’t set conditions. It doesn’t speak, in any way, to activities on existing tenure held by companies.
I just want to say, in the preface to the question, that we’re, as a government, willing to work with industry when they’re proposing dispositions to get to approval of those dispositions so they meet the public interest and market concentration considerations.
Again, I’m going to propose a brief recess at this point if it’s agreeable and the Chair agrees.
The Chair: All right. We will recess the committee for five minutes.
The committee recessed from 4:28 p.m. to 4:39 p.m.
[R. Glumac in the chair.]
The Chair: No further questions on section 7?
Section 7 approved on division.
Sections 8 and 9 approved.
On section 10.
J. Rustad: It’s interesting. Section 10 talks about potential bankruptcy or other types of issues where a trustee may be applied. This is about dispositions exempt from certain requirements. So in a situation where a company has gone bankrupt and there is a trustee appointed — there is a disposition of assets required — are the same rules in place for that disposition as they would be for any other disposition from a company that would still be ongoing?
Hon. D. Donaldson: This particular section and clause exempts the disposition requirements from a bankruptcy. For instance, it exempts the disposition requirements of the representative, which could be a trustee; it could be the bank, for instance. But if, then, that representative turns and intends to sell the tenure, then the requirements under this bill would apply to that disposition.
J. Rustad: If I heard the minister correctly — if there’s a bankruptcy and there is a disposition or transfer to a trustee or a bank, some organization — that’s fine. It doesn’t trigger the provisions. But when that trustee or bank then comes to liquidating the assets, the full force of the bill would come into play on that liquidation should there be a desire to sell that to an individual or a company that would be above that market threshold in terms of concentration.
I guess the question becomes, in terms of that…. Obviously, tenure is an asset. It’s on the books. For a trustee, in terms of on a bankruptcy, to pay back debts is to get a fair market value for the asset that is being sold. Did you see it as a potential conflict or issue between the laws associated with covering that and, particularly, the issue of disposition resulting in enforcement of a security interest and the rules associated with this act?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Just to clarify, tenure is not an attachable asset. So under, for instance, the Securities Act, you cannot realize security as chattel — the security being, for instance, tenure. Tenure still belongs to the Crown. What the tenure does to the person holding the tenure is that it confers a right to occupy and remove timber, but it’s not an attachable asset when it comes to the situation that the member described.
Section 10 approved.
On section 11.
J. Rustad: I was just looking through this. In terms of those time periods, again, that are in there, I wonder if the minister could just provide a little bit of explanation around that.
Hon. D. Donaldson: Could you clarify which time periods you’re referring to in this section?
J. Rustad: “A disposition approved by the Lieutenant Governor in Council under subsection (1) (b) or (1.01) must be completed within the longer of the following periods after approval is given.”
Hon. D. Donaldson: This section is simply to clarify about the time period for the approval of disposition and who sets that time period. If it’s by regulation, it’s the minister, and if it’s not, then it’s the approval of the Lieutenant-Governor who will set the time period. It’s clarification of who’s responsible for the time period and under what circumstances, and it’s provision so that the minister is not necessarily having to go back to the Lieutenant-Governor under every time period consideration.
J. Rustad: Just for clarity, we spoke earlier about time periods. If there is a need for a change in the time period, there is the flexibility in here to be able to do that?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Yeah. Same as the ground we covered before. It depends on the circumstances. Therefore, that’s why it’s not set right now in regulation.
Sections 11 and 12 approved.
On section 13.
J. Rustad: In this section, it talks about outstanding liabilities and liabilities in general. I’m just wondering if the minister could perhaps provide a little bit of explanation, with some terms of the scope of those liabilities. I’ll get into a second reason around that in a minute.
Hon. D. Donaldson: The member asked about the scope of what’s meant by outstanding liability. The best example would be a silviculture liability, but there also could be a stumpage liability or a road deactivation liability.
J. Rustad: That’s good. That’s what I had thought it was associated with around this. I guess the question is: as a tenure transfers, if there is a swap or if there is an acquisition, do all of the historic liabilities associated with that tenure get transferred as well? For example, if somebody had been harvesting 15 years ago, the stand wasn’t quite free-to-grow. There is potentially a silviculture liability associated with that. Is that all transferred as part of a licence or a tenure that gets transferred?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Yes. That’s correct.
J. Rustad: That’s good to know. I guess the question would be, around this…. Obviously, if there are conditions put on a particular transfer or a particular purchase — conditions around an agreement — part of that would have to be reflective of liabilities that would be outstanding as well. So if there are conditions associated that are placed by the minister on a potential disposition, would those conditions also include a description and requirement of potential liabilities?
Hon. D. Donaldson: There are a couple of things going on here. The tenure holder intending to divest themselves in a disposition has to meet the outstanding liabilities first. Otherwise, that tenure transfer or swap, as the member typified it, would not be approved. That’s separate from the conditions that might be put on afterwards, depending on the proposal that comes along. But first the tenure holder who wishes to put their tenure up under a disposition has to meet the outstanding liabilities.
J. Rustad: I thank the minister for that. It has left me a little bit confused. If a company wants to sell its tenure or sell a portion of its tenure and there are potential outstanding liabilities associated with roads, with planting, free-to-grow status — these types of things — is the minister saying that all of those potential liabilities have to be addressed before a sale can go forward? Or is he saying that those liabilities have to be addressed as part of what a disposition would be and as part of the agreement?
[D. Routley in the chair.]
The Chair: Minister.
Hon. D. Donaldson: Hello there, Chair, and welcome. Welcome to the end of the day.
Just a little further clarification on the previous answer: yes, if there are outstanding liabilities that are financial to the province, they must be paid, or arrangements to make the payment must be completed before the transfer is approved. If there are liabilities associated with obligations under FRPA — silviculture obligations, for instance — they can be transferred, and those obligations are then the responsibility of the new tenure holder.
J. Rustad: It goes back to the original question, I guess, which was: if there is a tenure that is being disposed of and there’s a condition that is applied by the minister, will potential liabilities be associated with that condition? For example, if volume is required to be distributed or sold as part of an acquisition, that’s a condition. Are there liabilities associated with that, or can there be liabilities associated with it as part of the conditions that the minister applies?
For example, let’s say it’s 200,000 metres. I’m not using this debate to say a hypothetical scenario. But if there are 200,000 metres with $100,000, picking a number, of liabilities associated with it, and 10 percent of that is required to be disposed of through different means as a requirement for the ministry, would 10 percent of the liabilities go with that as a proportion? Or how would the liabilities work under potential conditions that the minister would put on a disposition?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Going back, if there’s a financial liability owing to the Crown, unless that’s paid or arrangements are made, then tenure transfer isn’t possible. I believe what the member is getting at is the situation where, in order to get approval under the disposition agreement, there’s a condition that the proponent has to divest themselves of a certain amount of tenure. If there’s a liability — for instance, a silviculture liability associated with that tenure that they’re divesting…. I think the member’s question was: “Well, what if it’s just a portion of the tenure that they hold?”
The answer to that is that even if…. I think the member used a 10 percent example. The tenure that is divested is unencumbered by silviculture obligations, for instance. The tenure holder divesting themselves of that portion of their tenure keeps 100 percent of the silviculture outstanding liability. So it doesn’t matter the size of the portion of the tenure that’s divested; 100 percent of the liability on silviculture is kept with the original tenure holder.
J. Rustad: I just wanted some clarity. The original tenure holder…. So we’re not talking about the person who sold the entire tenure, but we’re talking about the person or the entity that would acquire the tenure and then have the requirement to divest a portion of it as part of a condition. Just for clarity, can I get that?
Hon. D. Donaldson: In a situation where a proponent wants to acquire further tenure but the approval is conditional upon that proponent divesting themselves of other tenure, the usual circumstance that we anticipated would be a separate tenure that they might have to subdivide. And of course, they could sell part of that subdivision of that tenure to another interested body in order to meet the market concentration test, for instance, but they would still retain all the outstanding liabilities associated with the silviculture obligations on that tenure.
J. Rustad: I think that clarifies the situation. So thank you to the minister.
I’m just curious in terms of the change of control and the notice. The notice has to be given within 30 days of a change of control. I’m just curious about that in the sense that…. It says at the beginning: “A corporation that holds an agreement must give written notice to the minister of the following events within 30 days…a change of control of the corporation.” If there is a change of control of the corporation, then it requires review, from terms of this particular bill. Why would the notice have to be given 30 days after that has happened, as opposed to in advance of it happening so that there could be potential conditions applied?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Are we on section 13 still?
J. Rustad: Yes, we are. Oh, sorry. No. I jumped a page. That’s section 15. My apologies.
Section 13 approved.
On section 14.
J. Rustad: I think this was answered in an earlier question when we were dealing with section 7. But the curious thing is that in here it says the suspension of rights if conditions of disposition are not met. So for a company, if there’s a disposition, if there’s a purchase and there’s a condition put on and — for whatever reason — it was not met, the minister may suspend the rights under the agreement. So the question is: is that the rights to the tenure that is being purchased or distributed, or could that potentially apply to any of the tenders that are held by a company that is acquiring the asset?
Hon. D. Donaldson: This is an answer to a question that I believe was the intent of the inquiry. So if a proponent was approved in a disposition but then did not behave or follow the conditions that were applied, then the rights could be suspended on the tenure that had been applied for and the tenure on which the conditions existed, not the other tenures that the proponent might hold previously.
J. Rustad: One of the conditions that we had talked about in the previous section could be to dispose of a portion of a tenure other than that which is being acquired. So that’s why I asked the question. If the company has acquired a tenure and has not met a condition, for whatever reason, on a tenure that is otherwise not being acquired, whether the minister has a right to suspend that tenure.
Hon. D. Donaldson: No.
J. Rustad: That’s okay. That poses an interesting problem, I suppose, but not one that we’re going to solve here today.
In terms of section 14 and the suspension of rights, if an agreement has gone forward, the minister has approved with conditions and, for whatever reason, the condition was not met, the tenure is suspended. I’m assuming, at that point, the sale may actually not go forward. Obviously there’s something that went wrong as part of that transaction. So the tenure may go back to the original owner if the deal fell apart for whatever reason and the conditions couldn’t be met. That suspension on the tenure…. When would that suspension get lifted?
Hon. D. Donaldson: We’re talking about the acquisition of new tenure in a disposition, and until the conditions are met that were in the approval, then the rights to access and harvest will be suspended on that new tenure.
J. Rustad: Perhaps I wasn’t clear with the question. The question to the minister was…. So the deal didn’t go through for whatever reason, or maybe the deal went through, but because the conditions couldn’t be met for whatever reason, there’s a reversal of the deal. Tenure ends back up in the original owner’s hands. At what point is the suspension lifted off of that tenure?
Hon. D. Donaldson: As we discussed before, the conditions that can be applied are quite narrow, and they often — more often than not or almost always — deal with the overconcentration of tenure. So the condition might require the proponent to divest themselves of another piece of tenure that they have, or subdivide it and divest themselves of that part, in order to meet the concentration test.
If that condition is not met, then the ability to benefit from the tenure that they’ve acquired stays in suspension until they meet the condition that was put in place for the approval. Now the original tenure holder that the proponent acquired that tenure from has been paid for that tenure in the disposition agreement, and that’s a done deal.
Section 14 approved.
On section 15.
J. Rustad: There’ll be a few questions under 15 around the changes to corporate control. I just want to clarify that if a subsidiary of a company or a division of a company closes, is it the change of the structure of the company that triggers the potential review, or is it the change of the ownership of the tenure? I’m thinking, in particular, of the situation, for example, that we just saw with Tolko, with the division closing in Quesnel. The tenure was held corporately by the overall company. I just want clarity on that.
Hon. D. Donaldson: Yes. Generally speaking, if you close down a division, it’s a change in structure that doesn’t affect the controlling mind. So in most cases, that’s not going to change the effective director about the ownership of the tenure.
J. Rustad: Just carrying on with the review of the change of control of the amalgamation and, once again, the request for information with regards to this. That information would only be requested if there was an amalgamation or some other thing that caused the potential change of tenure? Or would that information be requested if there’s even a corporate structure change, such as a division closing?
Hon. D. Donaldson: We’re not interested in the internal reorganization of the structure of a company. What we need to know is if the change has resulted in the change of control of the controlling mind of the company. That’s as straightforward as I can be. It’s not about the nameplates on the doors. It’s about who is the controlling mind, and if that has changed, then we need to know that.
J. Rustad: I’m moving on to 54.65. I think we’ve covered this, but just to be on the safe side…. It says here that the minister may take action, under the next section, “against a corporation that holds an agreement if (a) control of the corporation changes.” Once again, if it’s the control of the corporation that changes, but it doesn’t change the concentration or the units, is that what would trigger an action? Or does it actually have to be more than just the control of the corporation — that it has to actually be a change in the tenure situation or concentration situation within an area?
Hon. D. Donaldson: The control of the corporation could change, and it could change in a manner that didn’t trigger administrative action. An example of that would be if one company bought another company that had tenure in B.C., but the company buying that company does not have tenure in B.C. Then that wouldn’t trigger administrative action necessarily.
However, we’d have to also be provided with information about whether that company buying the company that has tenure in B.C., if there’s a controlling mind of that company that does have tenure in B.C. That’s why we need to be provided with the information thoroughly in order to decide whether administrative action needs to be taken or not.
J. Rustad: Thank you to the minister for that.
The reason why I asked that is in 54.65, under (vi), it says: “The minister considers that, as a result of the change of control or amalgamation, it is not in the public interest for the corporation to continue to hold the agreement or to exercise the rights under the agreement.” My concern there is if there is a change in corporate structure, corporate control, even though there may not be a change in the relative concentration in any particular supply area, the bill provides the minister with an opportunity to look at that as to whether or not that’s in the public interest.
The question is: how would that provision be applied to the circumstance of a change of control of a corporation?
Hon. D. Donaldson: For continuity and clarity, because we had the public interest considerations in the section that dealt with dispositions, it’s important to have it in this section as well. That’s just a reflection that tenure is a public resource to be managed for the benefits of the residents of B.C. That’s why the “public interest” terminology is used in the section that the member has highlighted.
J. Rustad: I appreciate that clarity. The question, though, directly, is: in a situation where there’s a corporate change, a change of ownership in a corporation, and there is no change in tenure, does section (vi) apply? Will the minister, potentially, review whether or not it’s in the public interest for that corporation to have changed ownership?
Hon. D. Donaldson: This section allows for that.
J. Rustad: That’s an interesting scenario, then, I guess. If company X, which has a significant concentration of volume in a particular supply area, is bought out by some international company, some public interest test could be applied to that actual purchase, even though there is no change in concentration or amount of tenure that is held. I think that’s what the minister just said, so I just want to confirm that.
Hon. D. Donaldson: Yes, that’s correct, the summary that the member provided. However, it must be put on record that in that situation, the reasonableness of applying the public interest consideration would have to be made apparent by the minister. Of course, if that’s disagreed with by the company acquiring corporate control, then that’s reviewable under a judicial review.
J. Rustad: Moving on from that piece, then, to the next piece, which is: “In the circumstances referred to in section 54.65….” This is just the circumstance we just talked about, as well as other circumstances, of course. It says in (a) that the minister has the ability to “…without notice, immediately suspend the rights under the applicable agreement referred to.”
I guess the question is…. Under the scenario where a company is being bought out by an interest that doesn’t have tenure in B.C., but there’s a concentration, the minister could look at the change from the perspective of public interest around that and, if I’m reading this right, has the ability to suspend rights for harvesting of tenure without notice. Is that correct?
Hon. D. Donaldson: This section applies regardless of whether it’s the controlling mind issue — controlling mind issue is regarding concentration of tenure — or the public interest considerations. Yes, there’s the ability to immediately suspend, as outlined in section 15 under 54.66(1)(a), and then following, (1)(b). If that happens, then the corporation must be provided an opportunity to be heard before anything else happens after that suspension.
I just want to emphasize…. What I answered last time is that in regard to the public interest test when it comes to changing corporate control, there will be the condition of having to defend the reasonableness of that decision. Again, once we’re into 54.66, notice can be given to immediately suspend, and then there’s an opportunity to be heard.
J. Rustad: Following down, under (b), “after giving the corporation an opportunity to be heard, do one or more of the following…,” the minister could “impose other requirements on the corporation.” There’s continual suspension, etc., that is defined in there. Can the minister provide some explanation as to what other requirements may be required of a corporation?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Under subsection 54.66(1)(b)(iii), that is where the ability of the company is to address the concerns around why their rights were suspended. In this hearing, they can make a proposal to address those concerns. In subsection (iv), the member questioned about: “impose other requirements on the corporation.” That’s the ability to provide some flexibility. If that weren’t in there…. If the company didn’t come forward with a proposal that’s acceptable, the only other option would be to cancel the amalgamation or the change in control associated with the tenure.
Subsection (iv) allows the minister to impose other requirements that would potentially allow us to approve the change of control related to the tenure.
C. Oakes: To the minister: thank you for the opportunity. We talk about imposing other requirements on the corporation. When we were in the briefing, one of the things that was discussed was the threshold measurement of effective directors and who is controlling it. In discussion of what we’ve talked about as to what the public interest is, could the minister decide that what is in the public interest is to change the nature of who, effectively, sits as directors on the corporation? Could that be a determining factor?
For example, I believe that in the briefing there was some discussion about Indigenous representation. We did talk about consultation and Indigenous consultation. Could that be, from a corporation perspective, a requirement and a value statement that has been mentioned by the government — of looking at having more Indigenous representation on boards?
Hon. D. Donaldson: In answer to the member’s question, this is not about directing corporations about who should be on their board membership. In fact, it would be unlawful for us to have a requirement about who’s on a board. That would run contrary to the Business Corporations Act or the Societies Act, for instance.
J. Rustad: With 54.66(2), it says: “The minister must reinstate any rights suspended under subsection (1) (a) if the minister does not confirm or vary the suspension after providing an opportunity to be heard….” I’m assuming that’s referring to if, after a licence has been suspended, there’s some condition or something that has been put forward, and the minister has reinstated the right to harvest. Is there compensation associated with the suspension and reinstatement because of the loss of opportunity, whether that’s lost time or lost volume?
Hon. D. Donaldson: There wouldn’t be any compensation associated with reinstating the rights suspended as laid out in this section.
J. Rustad: Obviously, there could be a period of time that could be pretty significant in terms of financial impact to a corporation from a suspension, depending, of course, on the time frame associated with that. But I’ll leave that one for the time being.
Proposal by the corporation following administrative action — that’s 54.67. As we go forward and look through that, it says, “The minister must accept a proposal made under subsection (2) if,” and under (b), it says: “the proposed disposition will address, to the satisfaction of the minister, those circumstances.” Could the minister provide some clarity around this?
Hon. D. Donaldson: This section requires the minister to accept the proposal and make it a requirement if the proposal addresses, to the satisfaction of the minister, the concerns identified by the minister. So if the concerns are met, then the proposal is accepted.
J. Rustad: Just to confirm, continuing on under 54.69, where it talks about suspending the rights. Once again, these would be the rights only under the volume that is being acquired or that has been changed. What I’m trying to get at with this is the potential to suspend other components of a corporation, other tenure of a corporation. I may be reading that wrong, but I just want to get some clarity on it.
Hon. D. Donaldson: This refers only to the tenure under consideration with the change in corporate control.
J. Rustad: The next section, where it talks about: “The minister may cancel an agreement….” I’m assuming that is of the same circumstances?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Yes.
Section 15 approved on division.
Sections 16 to 18 inclusive approved.
On section 19.
Hon. D. Donaldson: Perhaps, first, I move the amendment to section 19 standing in my name in the orders of the day.
[SECTION 19, in the proposed section 136 (2), by adding the underlined text as shown:
(2) This section applies to the following persons, unless exempted by regulation:
(a) the holder of an agreement under this Act;
(b) a person who harvests timber;
(c) a person who buys or sells timber;
(d) an operator of a timber processing facility;
(e) a party to a fibre supply arrangement;
(f) a prescribed person.]
The Chair: Is there any debate on the amendment?
J. Rustad: I just want to have a quick look. No, there’ll be no questions on the amendment.
Amendment approved.
On section 19 as amended.
J. Rustad: So this particular section…. There’ll be a number of questions that’ll come up, once again, in terms of records and information. Just a general question: as the ministry collects this information, who has access to this information and for what purpose can it be used?
Hon. D. Donaldson: The answers to the access to the information that’s collected and how it can be used, which were, I believe, the two specifics of the question, are actually addressed fully in section 20. So if the member has any other questions on section 19 that don’t relate to access or how the information that is collected could be used, then I’d be happy to entertain it under section 19. But in order to answer the exact questions he has, in the most fulsome manner, it’d be under section 20.
J. Rustad: We’ll get to that, then, under 20, and I thank the minister for that. It’s pretty pertinent, obviously, to 19 — collecting the information. But like you say, if that’s what the minister wants, we’ll talk about 20. I think it makes sense to do that.
Let’s get into the issues associated particularly with section 19. In particular, under (2), it talks about “a person who harvests timber.” It gets down to (3) and talks about the volume harvested, the nature of harvesting, transportation by any means, construction, etc.
All of the details in this section are pretty significant in terms of the records that need to be kept. And if my reading of this is right, it’s not just by the holder of tenure. Basically, any contractor or anybody involved in doing work in the forest sector is required to collect these records and make this information available. Is that the intent of this section, from the minister?
Hon. D. Donaldson: The intent here is that we need robust information to properly manage a publicly held resource, and that’s the tenure. We don’t have the ability to collect the information to fulfil that robustness. Now, under the existing act, we had “a person who harvests timber, who buys or sells timber,” etc., or “who operates a timber processing facility must keep accurate records.” But then there were exceptions — that the existing act only really applied to those who hold existing agreements.
The scenario that the member brought up of a contractor having to collect information is not what we’re interested in. It’s the holder of the agreement, the person who has the right to cut the tree, not the contractor who’s cutting the tree.
This section lays out the number of different types of persons that we want to be able to collect information from in order to create that robust database and to make sure that our policy decisions are in the best interests of the public when it comes to forestry activities.
In section 136(2), it’s “(a) the holder of an agreement under this Act; (b) a person who harvests timber; (c) a person who buys or sells timber” — that’s important for us to get that data — “(d) an operator of a timber processing facility; (e) a party to a fibre supply arrangement.” It’s not the person who’s actually cutting the tree down.
J. Rustad: Sorry. I’m a little confused on this. It says: “a person who harvests timber.” I get that. You know, a person who harvests the timber is usually the person who’s operating a piece of machinery or a power saw or something to cut down timber.
Once again, if I could just ask for clarity if this is the person that owns or that has the tenure that this is referring to, or is this anybody who’s operating under somebody who owns a tenure in terms of the harvesting and the processing and all the components associated that have been laid out here?
Hon. D. Donaldson: I just want to point out, first off, that under the existing act, the wording is “a person who harvests timber” under 136(1). So that wording doesn’t change under 136.(2)(b) in the proposed legislation. However, in the context of the Forest Act, that is in regards to the person who actually holds the tenure.
J. Rustad: Okay. This has got me confused even more here now. So maybe I’ll try one more time for clarity on this.
Company A has got, you know, one million cubic metres of tenure and hires a number of contractors to go out and harvest the tenure. Are the contractors and the people harvesting the tenure required to do reporting, or is it the person that owns that volume or that has the rights to that volume that is required to do this reporting and information? And if it is just that person, why have you got listed “a person who harvests,” etc., and then right down to transporting and trucking, etc., associated with it?
Hon. D. Donaldson: What I can say is that this was previous wording from the Forest Act that was brought in, in 2004. Our intention hasn’t changed. It’s included in the new proposed wording. The intention is to collect the data from the tenure holders.
The Chair: Minister.
J. Rustad: Thank you.
The Chair: Member, pardon me.
J. Rustad: That’s okay. It’s a couple times now I’ve been called minister, but it’s just fine. It’s late in the afternoon, and I appreciate the recognition.
The reporting out to the Crown…. I’m assuming that’s the reason for collecting these records — that it’s going to Crown. Reporting out to the Crown, then, would be through the licence holder. I think that’s what the minister has just said. However, in order to go through all of those types of information…. Obviously, contractors would have to report to the licence holder and collect the information as it’s going. I’m not quite sure how else that information could be collected, with the exception of maybe hiring people to run around and monitor everything and keep records of everything that’s going on.
Just for clarity once again, is that what the intention of the act is here?
Hon. D. Donaldson: Yeah, it’ll continue to operate the way it has. That’s the intention. The reporting out to the Crown is through the licence holder, and how they acquire that data could be from the operators that they hire. The intent is to continue as it is now — that the reporting out to the Crown is through the licence holder.
J. Rustad: This section pretty much details every sort of operation that is involved with the harvesting, processing and silviculture, etc., of forest operations. It’s a pretty significant amount of information, of course, that is being required here — and for accurate recordkeeping. I’m just curious. What’s the intent of the ministry in terms of actually monitoring and compliance of all this information that’s required to be kept?
Hon. D. Donaldson: This data, not to the robustness that is referred to in this new proposed act…. But similar data is already collected. As far as the questions around how it’s used and who has access, again, that’ll be in section 20.
J. Rustad: My question wasn’t around how it was used but more whether or not there were going to be compliance officers or other individuals that would be ensuring that the information being collected is accurate and complete.
Hon. D. Donaldson: There’s already inspection provision in the existing act, and we’re keeping that. As well, our pricing section already has an auditing function, and that’s going to remain as well.
J. Rustad: With respect to timber harvesting, volume harvested and, particularly, the cost of each of the following are laid out in this section, including transportation, timber harvesting, etc. So I’m assuming — maybe I shouldn’t assume, but I’d maybe ask for clarity — that this would basically cover the cost of any contractor, subcontractor or otherwise that would be involved in the operations within a particular harvesting. As the minister knows, there is some competition and confidentiality around that, and we’ll get to that disclosure of that information in section 20.
The requirement on here, does this require of corporations or others any sorts of agreements or components that would need to be signed as part of those contracts and providing that information and having the right to be able to provide that information to the Crown?
Hon. D. Donaldson: The collection of this data is no different from what happens already in collecting data, and the confidentiality aspect, again, will be covered in section 20.
With that, noting the hour, I move that the committee rise and report progress and ask leave to sit again.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 6:17 p.m.
PROCEEDINGS IN THE
BIRCH ROOM
Committee of Supply
ESTIMATES: MINISTRY OF
ATTORNEY
GENERAL
(continued)
The House in Committee of Supply (Section C); S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.
The committee met at 1:36 p.m.
On Vote 15: ministry operations, $490,716,000 (continued).
T. Redies: Just before the break, we were being treated to, I guess, what would be best classed as a diatribe from the Attorney General with respect to the actions of the previous government and ICBC. In fact, I don’t believe the Attorney General actually answered my question. It was, again: what reasons was the Attorney General given, from ICBC, as to why ICBC was not hitting its forecasts and was sustaining much higher losses than what they had indicated they would?
Hon. D. Eby: Yes, it does sound like a diatribe, absolutely, when I talk about the previous government’s work on this file, and I would say with good reason.
I’ll do my best to answer the member’s question, although it may start to sound familiar to her. The reasons for ICBC being in the financial shape it’s in….
In 2013, the rate required for ICBC was…. The increase to the rate that was required that year, in the submission to the Utilities Commission, was 11.5 percent. The request for the rate increase from government was 4.9 percent. What was approved was 5.2 percent.
In order to facilitate that, government issued an OIC to exclude something called the lost cost variance. The lost cost variance is the difference between the previous year’s projections and the actuals. What they did was suppress that. It was the first year of something called the rate-smoothing framework, and the revenue gap was $190 million that year.
In 2014, the indicated rate was 5.2 percent, and that was the rate that was approved. Then in 2015, the indicated rate was 11.2 percent, and the rate approved was 5.5 percent. Again, there was an OIC to exclude the 2015 lost cost variance to facilitate that. The revenue gap that year was $147 million.
In 2016-17, the indicated rate was 15.5 percent. The rate approved was 4.9 percent. To facilitate that, there was an OIC facilitating an income transfer from optional, the $300 million. The revenue gap there — $298 million.
The first year that we had authority and responsibility for ICBC, in July, the indicated rate was 20 percent. The rate approved, under the rate-smoothing framework, was 6.4 percent. We announced something called RAAP, which is our reforms to ICBC to get this mess under control. The revenue gap was $415 million.
In 2019-20, the indicated rate is 6.3 percent. We’re awaiting a decision from the Utilities Commission about the 6.3 percent rate increase. In other words, this is the first year in a long time when government is actually applying for the rate that’s indicated and necessary to meet revenue.
Why is it that ICBC is losing so much money? Why is it that the forecasts are getting worse and not better? There are a number of factors, many of which were contained in a report that the previous government commissioned and then cut the pages out of before they released it to the public.
The first is there were rising injury claims. When you look at the rate of crash injuries, you see that for 2017-18, there were 406 injuries per 1,000 crashes. That was up 23 percent from 2001-2002. Much of the growth in injuries has been driven by an increase in minor injuries. This class of injuries, increasingly, has involved, as well, legal representation, which also adds an increase in settlement time and associated costs.
There’s a rising number of crashes. From 2006-07 to 2014-15, there was a general decline in crashes. That started reversing in late 2014, and the crash rate began to accelerate. It’s not immediately obvious why it is that the crash rate has increased, although it’s something that’s been noted North America–wide. Distracted driving certainly shares some of the blame, as well as increasing congestion in British Columbia as a likely factor.
There’s a rising cost of minor injuries. So along with a rising number of crashes and injury claims rates, the cost of minor injury claims, in particular, are also rising. The average cost per person per total injury claim settlements has increased 44 percent since 2007-2008. The average cost per person for minor injury claims settlements has increased 89 percent since 2007-2008. The average cost of a minor injury claim settlement has almost doubled in the last ten years, while the average cost per person per total injury claims for minor and non-minor injuries has grown less over the same period.
There’s an emergence of older, large, complex claims. There was a significant unexpected spike in the number of large, complex bodily injury claims — these are claims worth over $200,000 — in 2017-18. Claims from as far back as 2010 that originally presented as minor injuries are now emerging as more complex costly claims. In many cases, these injuries took longer to heal, and the lengthy legal process resulted in full information on the size of the claims only recently provided to ICBC.
Claims that remain open longer cost more on average than claims that resolve sooner. ICBC expects this number of large, complex claims to continue to grow. This is an indicator. In the 2017-18 outlook, there were 2,873 large claims. That’s up 163 percent from 2006-2007. The average claim cost is $478,000, up 7 percent from 2006-2007.
Basic rates not covering growing costs. I went through the record of why we’re in that situation. Basic rates were not increased to the level required to address the rates, and simultaneously, actions were not taken to address the underlying issues.
Lower investment returns are also a factor. The members will know that insurance companies use investment earnings to help offset rising claims costs and mitigate rate increases. While investment earnings did strengthen from 2012 to 2015, returns weakened after that for multiple years and have set a record low in 2017-18. ICBC is doing work to improve our investment returns through a revised investment strategy.
Capital reserves deterioration. You heard about the revenue gap between the indicated rate and the rate that was approved by the Utilities Commission. It was subsidized by the use of ICBC capital reserves, and also the previous government took $1 billion out of ICBC’s capital reserves.
As of March 31, 2017, ICBC had about $17.5 billion in assets, including over $15 billion in investments. However, the reduction in the capital reserves, which is well documented…. The members can find it in the budget and fiscal plan, the three-year fiscal plan for ICBC. Page 63 shows the remarkable decline in optional and basic capital levels.
We have a number of reforms in place to address all of those issues, except for the issues of the past, which we can’t address. But we have policy reforms, legislative reforms and the biggest overhaul of car insurance in a generation underway right now. We’re quite proud of that.
T. Redies: Thank you for that lengthy answer, Attorney General, detailing the issues with ICBC, which I believe, actually before the break, you were saying were obvious trends that the previous government should have seen.
I guess my question, really, is not so much about the trends. It’s really about the lack of accuracy in the forecasts of ICBC. That was my question. My question was: why…? What were the reasons…?
If these trends were so obvious and so well-known and ICBC has such a robust process for determining its forecast and working with internal actuary and external actuary, what reasons did ICBC give the Attorney General for missing the forecasts in such a big way? What did they miss? What did everybody miss?
Hon. D. Eby: I outlined to the member the remarkable trends that have not been mitigating, as one would expect, but instead have been accelerating. It’s everything from the number of collisions — we set a record last year for the number of collisions — the number of injuries per crash, the number of claims and the cost of claims per crash, the level of legal representation, the length of resolution of claims where people are legally represented and the decline in investment revenue.
The member, I understand, doesn’t want to take my word for what happened under the previous government, but maybe she’d listen to the Fraser Institute. “Previous B.C. governments failed to act when it came to difficult decisions at ICBC, and that inaction has led, in large part, to the current financial crisis, which has been years in the making,” says a senior Fraser Institute fellow. “Faced with exploding costs, the previous B.C. government had a choice: contain the costs, take the unpopular decision to increase rates substantially or enact large-scale reform of the basic auto insurance system in the province. In the end, the government chose to do nothing.”
It sounds very similar to what I said about the previous government, but maybe from the Fraser Institute, the member will accept it.
In terms of the forecasts and the gap between the forecasts and where we are, these are worsening trends. I went through all those trends — which are setting records, frankly. Hopefully, that explains why we’re taking the actions that we are.
I had the opportunity to read a remarkable op-ed from the opposition where they criticize the government for taking these actions that were years overdue, that were recommended in reports that they commissioned — and then cut the pages out, of course, but that they commissioned. Maybe the member will understand now a little bit about why we’re taking those necessary and long-overdue actions.
T. Redies: What I find actually quite remarkable is the Attorney General, who’s had this file now for two years, continues to blame the actions of the previous government. Frankly, as a former CEO, if I had six or seven quarters of missed forecasts and I turned around and blamed the previous CEO for those forecasts, I don’t think it would have been a happy meeting in the boardroom. I find this quite astounding, that the minister can’t even take responsibility for the fact that ICBC has missed several forecasts in a big way through this process.
Maybe just to clarify. I get that the trends were worsening. Is the Attorney General saying that ICBC misforecast those trends and that’s why the financials are so much worse than what was forecast?
Hon. D. Eby: I don’t know how much more clear I can be that I am really unhappy with the forecasting. I commissioned a third-party business firm to come in and do a review. I commissioned an independent actuary to come in and review the work of the third-party business firm. I’m profoundly unhappy that the forecasts are getting worse. Simultaneously, I also understand why they are getting worse. It’s all the trends that I listed for the member.
I guess it depends on whether the member is here or whether she’s on the radio, in terms of whether she agrees with what government is doing. She told CBC: “The current government has made a number of steps that I think are in the right direction.” I appreciate that. In terms of what her government did: “We left it for the Attorney General to deal with, as we were going out of office.”
Well, that’s exactly what we’re doing. I think that an overhaul of the insurance system in 18 months, a generational overhaul of how rates are set, an entire reworking of how claims are adjudicated…. About 80 percent of claims will be going to the civil resolution tribunal instead of the B.C. Supreme Court. A huge amount of work in 18 months.
I’m incredibly proud of the work of the Ministry of Attorney General team that’s been working on this, ICBC providing the support to turn this thing around. It’s been a huge challenge. And I accept the member’s criticism that it would have been nice if the forecasts were closer in terms of government budget forecasting. I have taken multiple steps to try to improve that.
It’s hard for me to say that ICBC should have predicted the worst year ever for accidents in 2017, a massive increase in the number of large and complex claims, when no disclosure was provided by plaintiff counsel in the window waiting for trial, until the 80-day rule before trial, when suddenly everything shows up. I don’t know how you forecast for that.
They built in contingencies. The reviews found that contingencies just simply were not enough. So they are identifying those trends and trying to build them in.
The good news is that we’re projecting about $1 billion in savings. I agree with the member as well. Here’s the challenge. Will it be $1 billion in savings? We’re facing some significant headwinds. We have legal challenges from the trial lawyers, not on one front but on two separate fronts, alleging that the reforms are unconstitutional. We don’t believe so, but they do.
We have remarkable behaviour from plaintiffs’ counsel that we haven’t seen before, in terms of expert report expenses, the cost to adjudicate claims, settlement demands as they see the end of the old system and the transition to the new system.
We continue to have issues around road safety despite increasing driver penalty points, introducing intersection cameras, which I understand the members on the other side oppose, in terms of measuring the speed of cars that go through intersections — big signs saying: “Don’t speed through these intersections.” They don’t like it. That’s okay.
We’re trying to get the accident rate down in the province, so we’re taking steps on multiple fronts to address this issue. I wish only that the work had begun many years ago, because we wouldn’t be standing here talking about how many billions of dollars ICBC had lost. We’d be talking about a sustainable Crown corporation, as they enjoy in Manitoba and Saskatchewan. Quebec has a sustainable auto insurance program. But here we are.
T. Redies: Thank you, Attorney General, for that answer. I would say, with respect to the CBC interview, that I did say it was good that steps were being taken. I don’t think I said the subsequent statement that the Attorney General mentioned, but we’ll leave it at that.
I think where we’re going here is, again, not so much to the trends. I think those are established, and obviously there are some very worrying trends. Our concern is, again, with the forecast and the robustness of the process around the forecast because, of course, the budget of the government this fiscal year is heavily, heavily dependent on ICBC more or less breaking even.
I guess maybe my question would be…. In the six-month mark, ICBC announced that it lost $584 million, which was about 85 percent of what it had forecast it would lose in the entire year. At that point, can the Attorney General explain how the process was changed around forecasting, if at all? I think that’s where we’re trying to get to. What, specifically, has changed so that the Attorney General, the Finance Minister and the rest of government — and the taxpayers, frankly — can feel some degree of confidence in the go-forward forecast?
If the Attorney General could just explain to us what was being done previously and what is being done now to ensure a more robust forecast that is reliable.
[The bells were rung.]
The Chair: Division has now been called in the main chamber, so this committee will be in recess.
The committee recessed from 1:58 p.m. to 2:10 p.m.
[S. Chandra Herbert in the chair.]
Hon. D. Eby: The member has asked what measures have been taken. We’ve been here for two years. What on earth have we been doing? It’s a good question, so let’s just go through what was already taking place.
ICBC’s internal actuaries prepare the forecast. Those are then reviewed by a third-party actuarial firm that’s retained by ICBC. The Auditor General, on an annual basis, reviews these forecasts and the forecasting process. Then the whole package goes to the B.C. Utilities Commission for public scrutiny and review, and scrutiny by the B.C. Utilities Commission, which then retains yet another external actuary to review those forecasts yet again. So that’s three separate layers of actuaries, plus the Auditor General and the B.C. Utilities Commission public process. That’s what’s happening right now.
What has changed in terms of the forecast? First of all, the future forecasts all include the significantly worsening trends that we’ve seen over the last year or two and going back to 2006. They include the significantly worse trends year over year. In addition, although this is not the intention, the cap on pain and suffering awards for minor injuries will improve the prediction of costs for ICBC because there is a top limit on what could possibly be awarded, and we won’t see escalation in awards or settlements related to that that we’ve seen year over year across categories.
So the new trends are included. There’s increased predictability because the damages awards are increasingly predictable and stabilized. That’s what’s been going on in the forecasting side.
I’ll say this. The forecasting is one piece. But the forecast of a very bad situation…. I want to say that…. I want our forecasts to be better. We’re working with ICBC to get them better. We bring in external people to get them better. But in 2012, there was a government review of ICBC, and part of the review looked at forecasting. It said: “Look. Volatility is part of the insurance system, and swings of 5 percent are reasonable.” As part of that, they found that the actual results for ICBC had been within that 5 percent margin over the previous ten years, 2002 to 2012, and that was reasonable.
Well, a 5 percent swing on $14 billion in liabilities is about $700 million. So even though my hope would be that we would be better than 95 percent accurate, accepting the standard of the previous government of 5 percent is a $700 million swing in either direction. Just to give some indication about some of the challenges in relation to forecasting, especially when trends are worsening the way that they are. I thought that might provide some context in relation to forecasts.
The final note, that a forecast of a bad result that swings 5 percent either way is still $1 billion or half a billion dollars…. It’s not good news. That’s why we’re addressing the underlying issues that lead to these terrible forecasts.
I just want to thank the private insurers of Canada — the Insurance Bureau of Canada — for writing to me and saying that they commend our government on the speed and direction we’re taking in this area: “The initiatives identified to date will help improve the long-term viability of auto insurance in the province, particularly as it relates to the basic product.” “These changes are long overdue, and pricing auto insurance based on driver risk in an effective way to incent better behaviour on the roads.” I am very appreciate to get that pat on the back from both the Fraser Institute and the private insurers.
T. Redies: That’s actually a very interesting answer — the 5 percent swing of $700 million. Is the Finance Minister aware that ICBC could have that big a swing, and has that been part of that budget exercise? Because we could be talking…. I guess on that basis, instead of a more or less break-even perspective, we could be looking at a $700 million loss this year.
Hon. D. Eby: I think I recall that I went through, with the member, that Ministry of Finance staff are involved throughout this process to stay right up to date. Each quarter, ICBC looks at where we are in relation to the forecast and where we’re going and looks at whether it needs to revise the forecast. That is information that’s immediately conveyed to the Ministry of Finance. I’m not sure how many different ways to say that.
I’ll say that the 5 percent standard that was acceptable to the previous government — something they accepted as reasonable — is not something I accept as the go-forward. I would like our forecast to be as accurate as possible, and we’re working with ICBC on that. There are a number of different measures that I outlined for the member that we’ve taken to try to improve that. I hope that’s been helpful for her.
T. Redies: Just one final question on the forecast, because what we were actually trying to understand was what had changed in the process around the forecast to give the Attorney General, the Finance Minister, government and taxpayers confidence that ICBC will meet its forecast of more or less breaking even this year.
I believe the minister said that they have the internal actuary, the third-party actuary. The AG reviews it. The BCUC reviews it, and they also retain another actuary. But other than the changes in the product reform, etc., there has been no change to the process around forecasts. Am I right on that, or has there been additional process added to provide some better assurance that these forecasts are going to be met?
Hon. D. Eby: That’s not correct. We’ve taken a significant amount of variability out of the forecast with the cap on pain and suffering awards for minor injuries, an area that was escalating far in excess of inflation. There have been significant changes that lead to improved predictability.
Please don’t take this as me saying that I am not nervous about this situation. I am nervous about this situation. The reason I am nervous is we have put in significant reforms in an 18-month period. Two major reforms are under challenge at the B.C. Supreme Court right now. The expenses related to litigation have gone through the roof since we announced the product reform that limits the amount of money that ICBC spends on legal expenses and overhead related to B.C. Supreme Court.
I won’t spend a lot of time talking about what the motives might be and why that might be happening, but I certainly can speculate that one of the reasons is that the system is changing dramatically for a group of lawyers that worked in the old system and are working hard on the remaining cases that they have under the old system to get the best results they can for their clients, which is their job.
That means, because it is very difficult to predict, that there are issues and challenges with our costs for ICBC. ICBC is facing increased expenses relating to expert reports. They’re facing increased demands for settlement, well above and beyond even just the previous year’s demands, which were over the previous years before that. I went through some of the numbers, the double-digit increases that we’re seeing. The whole scheme is subject to a court challenge.
If the member wants me to stand up and say, “Hey, no problem. We’ve solved this forecast problem,” we have not. There are big challenges in predicting insurance outcomes. Major private insurers face this challenge. As the previous government noted in their review, a 5 percent swing is reasonable. That means $700 million either way in a normal year, and this is not normal. We have done dramatic changes in a very short period of time.
I think we’ve set ICBC on a good road. The private insurers think we’ve set ICBC on a good road. The Fraser Institute thinks we’ve set ICBC on a good road. But that doesn’t mean that there aren’t challenges ahead in terms of where we’re going, in terms of providing stability for ICBC.
S. Bond: Well, the reason that we’re here asking questions about the Attorney General’s approach to managing this file is because the stakes are pretty high. He’s talked about a $700 million swing. We’re here because this government’s budget assumes that the Attorney General and ICBC will be successful in doing what would be a fairly miraculous turnaround.
Let’s look at the last two years. I know that the minister has taken a lot of time this afternoon to read from a variety of reports, but let’s just look at forecasting — what ICBC is saying and the government has actually based their budget on. The Finance Minister told us that it was all about prudence, making sure there was enough prudence in the budget. There’s not enough prudence in the budget if ICBC does not hit this target.
Let’s be clear. ICBC is now forecasting that it will more or less break even — this after losing $2½ billion in two years while forecasting they would lose $900 million. That’s a pretty big miss. It’s not just now about ICBC. It’s actually about the government’s budget.
I’m wondering if the minister can give us a sense…. Today he has, actually, very carefully laid out a map that has pointed out, almost tacitly, that they’re not likely going to hit that target. He talked about headwinds and all kinds of words that would allow people to assume that maybe the target isn’t as sure as, at least, the Finance Minister was about…. You know, her budget is based on it.
Could the minister tell us, first of all, what the probability is that he believes ICBC will have in actually meeting the forecast in the next fiscal year? Secondly, has the minister actually asked the very, very hard questions about whether or not there should be consequences at ICBC, whether the executive team will be able to deliver on the commitments that have been made by this government? The sustainability of this government’s budget depends on the ability to deliver on this forecast. The track record over the last two years has been stunningly varied. In fact, they haven’t delivered.
Has the minister had a conversation with the Finance Minister about the basis for her budget, and were there difficult conversations about whether or not the team at ICBC can deliver on this forecast?
Hon. D. Eby: I’ve gone through, in some detail, the work that has been done, externally through external reviewers, external actuaries, looking at ICBC’s forecasting model and working with ICBC — the exhaustive process that the internal review goes through.
In a word, yes. The Finance Minister is well aware of the challenge that ICBC presents. I wonder how many times ICBC was mentioned throughout the budget documents as presenting a challenge and a threat to the government’s budget. Yet despite being handed a file where the previous government did everything they could to prevent the public from knowing how disastrous the financial situation was at ICBC and what reforms were needed, to the point of literally removing pages from a third-party report, and despite walking into a 15-month fiscal period with a $1 billion loss, the Finance Minister returned a balanced budget. Then she did it again. And she’s doing it again.
To say that the Finance Minister hasn’t delivered, despite the remarkable, as I say, headwinds, challenges, problems at ICBC, left for us from the previous administration…. I don’t think that’s a fair characterization of what happened.
And yes, I have had many difficult conversations with the Finance Minister, with my colleagues in government and with ICBC about this situation, to the point of bringing in third parties to review what they’re doing so that I can have confidence that they’re doing everything they can to make sure that the forecasts are as accurate as they can be in this environment and that at the same time, they’re not just focusing on the forecasts but addressing the underlying concerns leading to these hundreds of millions of dollars in losses and, I’ll note, the half a billion dollars in losses under the previous administration — just the gap between the rate that it should have been and the rate that the previous government set.
We’re doing the work. We’re addressing the underlying issues. We’re making changes that improve predictability. We’re making changes that address fair settlements for people. We’re making changes that address them being able to access the services they need to get better if they’re in a collision. These are big, big changes. Importantly, we’re also linking insurance rates to driver behaviour in a way that has never been done before in British Columbia.
It’s a challenging time. It’s an important time. There’s a lot of pressure on to get ICBC back on track, but we’re getting there.
S. Bond: Well, thank you very much to the Attorney General, again, for the walk down memory lane. I am asking a question about the past two years and the significant miss in forecasts. And they matter. The budget of British Columbia’s government is based on what would be a miraculous turnaround at ICBC.
The question I asked the Attorney General was, first of all: what is the probability…? Again, we’re just hearing a long laundry list of the reasons why the forecasts might be missed, including the potential for a $700 million swing. There is not enough prudence in this government’s budget to actually face that kind of a swing.
The question, once again, to the Attorney, is: what is the probability that ICBC will actually meet that forecast, and has he built in consequences for the executive team at ICBC should there be another gigantic miss?
Hon. D. Eby: The member’s question assumes that the problems at ICBC have been related to the executive team at ICBC, yet the evidence points in the direct opposite direction.
It points to a political problem, political interference with ICBC that led to a gap between the rate that was required, which the government was told was required, and the rate that the government asked the Utilities Commission for, under the rate-smoothing framework — and multiple OICs transferring cash, excluding certain types of losses to get to that number — resulting in hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of millions of dollars of losses.
In addition, reports were commissioned by the previous government that said that all of these things were going to happen, which actually did happen, and the previous government not only didn’t take any action, but they cut the pages out of the report.
The member’s asking: do I have confidence in our executive team at ICBC? I absolutely do. We have a new executive team at ICBC. We have a new board at ICBC. They are doing a huge amount of work to turn this thing around, and I’m incredibly grateful for the time and energy they’re putting in to turn this thing around.
The Ministry of Attorney General oversight external to ICBC: checking their numbers, making sure that we can rely on what’s happening, hiring third-party business firms to come in and review what ICBC’s doing so that we can have confidence from insurance experts that they’ve retained to assist us.
I can tell the member that the reason why we’re in this situation of vulnerability around the ICBC losses…. She calls it a trip down memory lane — 24 months ago, a trip down memory lane. The history of the corporation under the previous government is one that led us here. She may not agree with that. But their friends at the Fraser Institute agree with that assessment. Their friends at the private insurers agree with that assessment. Everybody who has looked at ICBC agrees with that assessment.
Our government, in 18 months, has taken massive steps. Eighty percent of claims will no longer be going to B.C. Supreme Court. Instead, they’ll be going to the civil resolution tribunal. We put a limit in place on pain and suffering awards.
Why did the previous government not do this? The obvious, obvious answer is that it’s hard work politically. There are lots of people invested in the current system who are really angry with these changes. I get it. It’s difficult work politically, but it’s important if you believe in the Crown corporation, and I do. It can make money for British Columbians. It can provide affordable insurance for British Columbians.
When I look across the country at other provinces and the struggles they’re having with their private insurers — in Alberta, Ontario, Newfoundland, New Brunswick, with record increases, crisis, not writing policies for people — I’m very glad that we have a public insurer, and I think it’s worth saving.
S. Bond: Well, thank you very much for those…. I won’t describe how I feel about those comments. But I can assure you that I disagree with them.
We should be clear about what happened over the past two years under this Attorney General’s watch. The forecasts that were missed were enormous, in terms of ICBC’s forecasts. Let’s just remind the minister, for the record, that when you look at the projections, there was a wide miss.
The question I asked the minister…. The ironic part of that answer was the minister has spent the last half-hour listing all the reasons why the forecast targets might be missed. It’s hard to attribute confidence to the minister’s comments about hitting the forecast target when he has actually read into the record a litany of reasons why…. He is, in essence, giving us the list of reasons…. When the target is missed, he’ll certainly have been on the record projecting why that will have happened.
My last question before my colleague asks another series of questions. Can the minister explain how his team analyzed the projections of $1 billion savings against the initiatives that he has put in place? As I’ve suggested, it is a $1 billion turnaround. We’d like to know….
The minister had the temerity to talk about political interference. Well, let’s talk about political leadership. Let’s ask what this Attorney General has specifically done to look at the $1 billion turnaround built into this government’s budget. Line by line, perhaps he can explain what kind of analysis has been done on his part.
Hon. D. Eby: The estimate of benefits from the product reform was prepared, first, by ICBC internal actuaries and then, again, by an external expert, Ernst and Young.
Ernst and Young conducted a closed claim study to supplement ICBC’s costing analysis. The closed claim study reviewed a large population, more than 1,000 closed claims, and was used as a supplement to EY’s costing analysis itself to assess the reasonability of Ernst and Young’s independent estimates and to confirm certain assumptions, such as the minor injury mapping of costs. The claim count reduction due to product reform was also selected from the results of the closed claim study.
The anticipated savings from product reform have been included in the 2019 revenue requirements application to the B.C. Utilities Commission. The B.C. Utilities Commission, as part of this application, does a review by external actuaries. I’ll note that without these savings that are projected, ICBC’s 2019 basic insurance rate increase application of 6.3 percent would have actually been almost 40 percent.
As part of ICBC’s revenue requirements application proceedings in front of the B.C. Utilities Commission, the actuarial estimates of future claims costs, including the benefits from product reform, are reviewed by the B.C. Utilities Commission actuaries as well as external actuaries. B.C. Utilities’ final commission regarding the 2019 revenue requirements application is pending right now. The members, I imagine, will be watching that with interest.
I note that the estimates were also reviewed. In addition to Ernst and Young doing their own independent costing plus the closed case study, ICBC’s internal process was reviewed by their appointed external actuary as well.
T. Redies: I’d now like to turn to the, dare I say, explosion in the number of ICBC executives and senior staff that are being paid more than $100,000 since 2016. There’s been a significant increase. In 2016, there were two people making more than $300,000. In 2018, there were six. In 2016, there were nine people making between $200,000 and $300,000. In 2018, there were 26. Quite remarkably, in 2016, there were 359 people making between $100,000 and $200,000 in ICBC. By 2018, that number was 643.
Could the Attorney General explain what is happening there? That seems to be a significant increase in a number of higher-paid staff in the organization at a time when the organization is experiencing significant financial distress.
Hon. D. Eby: I’m happy to provide the member with the numbers. The last year the previous government was responsible for ICBC, there were seven $300,000-plus earners; in 2018-19, four. There were 36 $200,000-plus earners in the last year of the previous government; there are now 21. There were 158 $150,000-plus earners in 2016-17; now there are 93. In 2016-17, there were 1,036 $100,000-plus earners; now there are 564. The total earners over $75,000 in 2016-17, 2,512; in 2018-19, 1,780.
That’s not totally fair. You can look at either year of our government, and there have been decreases across all categories except for one. There’s been an increase of 5 percent from our 2017-18 year of the total earners over $75,000, but across every other category — $100,000-plus, $150,000-plus, $200,000-plus, $300,000-plus — there are decreases.
I do want to note and I want to thank the hard-working folks at ICBC, because I understand the realities of a public insurer versus a private insurer. At Liberty Mutual, if you were the CEO, you’d get $17 million. If you were just the CEO, you’d get $17 million. If you were at AIG and you were the CEO, you’d get $20.9 million. If you’re at Intact and you’re the CEO, you get $6.8 million. If you’re at Manulife and you’re the CEO, you get $15.3 million in a year. And if you’re at Economical, their target is $3 million for their CEO. I want to point out that that is more than the entire executive team at ICBC.
I know that there’s a big focus on executive compensation overall as a cost of the corporation. As a proportion of all costs at ICBC, it’s 0.04 percent.
T. Redies: Well, I guess…. I don’t know. We’re taking these numbers from the schedules to ICBC’s annual financial statements. I’m not sure where the minister is getting his numbers from, but that’s where we got our numbers from.
Perhaps I’ll give you an example. We have an individual — I’ll pull out this individual’s name — a carpenter who was making $259,182 in 2016-17. They are now making $331,950, an increase of $72,768, or 28 percent.
Can the Attorney General provide some clarity as to why that person would get a 28 percent increase when, as we’ve been talking about, the company is in significant financial distress?
Hon. D. Eby: The reason the member doesn’t have the 2018-19 compensation numbers is because they haven’t been released yet. That’s the point of estimates. It’s what we’re going through.
A decrease of three from 2016-17 in $300,000-plus earners; a decrease of 15 in the $200,000-plus earners; a decrease of more than 60 in the $150,000-plus earners; a decrease of almost 500 in $100,000-plus earners; a decrease of about 700 total earners over $75,000, comparing 2016-17 to 2018-19.
I understand the member wants me to talk about Mr. Carpenter, or maybe Ms. Carpenter. I don’t know who that is. I didn’t bring individual employee records, nor would it be appropriate for me to talk about individual employee compensation at ICBC. But what I can say is that it’s certainly something that we are monitoring and tracking.
You’re seeing a decrease in executive compensation. In fact, executive compensation is at its lowest level…. We have a small executive team. Executive compensation is flat. I think it’s at its lowest level. I’ll have to have a look at my chart. But we’re headed in the right direction, and certainly, we’re doing much better than the private companies that the opposition is so enamoured with.
M. Morris: Just a different flavour here. I’m asking a question on behalf of the Progressive Heavy Collision Association and the truck dealerships that we have throughout the province, specifically up in Prince George. They’re complaining that they’ve gone about three or four years now without a rate increase. They’ve had some substantial increases to the cost of supplies, equipment and whatnot that they use here, so they’re significantly underfunded when it comes to an ICBC claim.
They have written before to ICBC. They haven’t got a response from it yet. On average, their costs have gone up about 7½ percent per year over the last four years, and they’re just wondering whether the minister can comment on whether or not they can look at a rate increase down the road here to help them out. Some of them are saying they’re going to have to pull out of the ICBC program.
Hon. D. Eby: I thank the member for raising this issue. ICBC’s material damage suppliers are a key partner for us and for ICBC. We’re incredibly grateful, especially to the highly specialized tradespeople who know this heavy-duty repair work, the big rig repair, and the specialized skills that they bring and, by bringing those skills to the work that they do, ensuring that ICBC can remain providing a high-quality service to customers that are insuring heavy-duty vehicles. So I wanted to thank the member’s constituents for raising this important issue.
ICBC has confirmed that they have received the letter. The reason why they haven’t received a response yet is that ICBC is seriously considering the issues that they’ve raised in the letters. ICBC, the member may know, is doing a review of all service agreements and fees that are provided to various service providers, including material damage suppliers. That work is underway.
On the consumer side — pleasure vehicles, and so on, regular cars and trucks — there’s a tiering discussion that’s going on with material damage suppliers. These heavy-duty repair shops would not be part of that. They’re a separate category, and ICBC is looking at that separately.
They’re taking the letter and the correspondence seriously because these are important partners for us, and your constituents should be expecting a formal reply from ICBC, with thanks, again, for them bringing this to our attention and you raising it in estimates.
J. Yap: I appreciate the minister, in our discussions to date, going through some of the changes that have happened — historic changes, massive steps, was how he described it — to turn things around. So even with these historic changes, why is ICBC still continuing to forecast continuing underwriting losses?
I will just quickly summarize what is being planned in the three-year service plan. For 2019-20, underwriting loss of $505 million; for 2020-21, $527 million; for 2021-22, $517 million. ICBC is projecting to cover these, of course, from investment income, but the underlying business of the insurance company is still forecasting, through underwriting operations, continuing losses. Can the minister explain why this is the case and if he feels this is a sustainable way for the corporation to operate?
Hon. D. Eby: It’s easy to forget, but in the basic model of ICBC, the intention is to break even. That means taking into account income from all sources, including rates, investment income and other income streams for ICBC, against all expenses for ICBC, including claims payouts, vendor contracts, staff costs, operational costs, and so on. That why the member sees that ICBC is working toward a break-even model.
Our goal is to be less reliant on rate increases to cover those gaps. Increasing and improving our income in investment returns is a key part of that strategy. It’s actually a key part of insurance business strategy generally. It’s a key part of the model, which is a not insignificant reason why, public or private….
When you look across the country, it’s all public except in Manitoba and Saskatchewan, but public included, when you look at British Columbia. When you look at insurers across the country, one of the reasons why they’re struggling is the low-interest-rate environment. A key part of their business model is based on investment income, when they take the premiums from folks but they don’t have to pay out for multiple years as the claims work their way through the various systems in each of the provinces.
The reason why the member sees an apparent loss in these years in the core business, as he describes it, of writing insurance policies — and then that’s made up through investment income — is that that’s actually how, ideally, things work. Investment income that ICBC receives by holding insurance premiums helps offset the need for rate increases for drivers.
J. Yap: ICBC is forecasting investment income, which the minister acknowledges is needed to balance the books at ICBC, to rise 48 percent to $804 million in 2021-2022 from the current level of $544 million for 2018-19. That’s the 48 percent rise in investment income.
With the state of the investment markets…. There’s been a bull market for the last ten years, approximately. Commentators say that we’re due for a downturn, especially with the headwinds in the global economy, with the trade war seeming to continue between the U.S. and China and other economic threats. So a downturn is very possible in the investment markets. Does the minister see this forecast of rising investment returns as realistic?
Hon. D. Eby: Every quarter ICBC is revisiting and revising their forecasts as they see trends evolving, whether something happens in the international market, the United States does something, the trade war between China and the United States…. All these macrofactors in the economy can influence investment returns. Interest rates might go up; they might go down.
ICBC has to revisit these assumptions that they make every quarter going forward. What they do is use prudent and reasonable assumptions about where investment income is going, what kind of compound returns they’re going to be seeing on their investments on a go-forward basis. That’s what these numbers are based on.
If, as the member says, we see an international trade war that depresses economic returns, or we see declining interest rates continue — whatever it is — then ICBC needs to revise that, and the member will see that in the updates coming forward from ICBC.
I definitely agree with the member. Trying to look three years out and predict where investments are going to be can be challenging, but ICBC has a mixed portfolio that includes long-term bonds and things like that that have more predictable rates of return. So there is some ability to predict these things accurately, and there are also unpredictable aspects in relation to what’s happening in investment markets around the world.
I agree with the member. That’s why ICBC is revisiting these things as they go forward. It is challenging as you go to the outer years — absolutely. And investment income is one part. I just finished a good conversation with his colleagues about accident rates, trends, liabilities. As you get to the outer years as well, they’re quite difficult to predict.
J. Yap: Earlier in our estimates debates, the minister, I recall, made a reference to a change or a shift in the way that ICBC is managing its investments. I may have heard the minister say a new strategy, a new investment advisor. Can the minister advise what this new investment strategy and new advisor look like?
Hon. D. Eby: ICBC’s board and executive have just completed a one-year review of their investment strategy. They have made a conscious decision to take on additional risk in the investment portfolio in the hopes of seeing better returns.
The general approach of ICBC’s investments to date has been extremely conservative, investing in high-yield bonds. The advice that they received and the decision taken by the board and executive was to take on an additional level of risk in order to improve returns. This does, of course, come with some additional risk of lower returns, as anyone would know from their own personal finances. It’s a similar idea.
The ICBC board has an external advisor assisting them with this process and went through that process. There has been a shift in the mix of assets that ICBC is holding as part of the investment fund.
J. Yap: Last summer ICBC announced rate design changes that will take effect on September 1, including the new requirement that drivers list all potential operators of their vehicles. This includes friends, co-workers and neighbours, for whom 25 percent of the vehicle premium would be based. ICBC defended the creation of this new requirement by stating that it is common industry practice across North America and beyond. What other jurisdictions use this practice?
Hon. D. Eby: What I can do is get a list to the member.
I can tell him that when I turned 16 in Ontario, my parents weren’t especially pleased. They had to tell their car insurance company that I was driving the family car, and their insurance went up quite dramatically as a result. At least in Ontario, you have to do that. At least you did in the late ’80s, early ’90s in Ontario. I don’t know what the situation is there now.
[N. Simons in the chair.]
I can tell the member I got a letter from the Insurance Bureau of Canada dated September 10, 2018, where they wrote to the government saying: “The government also recently announced rate design changes to better align auto insurance premiums with driver risk to make rates fairer for B.C. drivers.” Those are the changes the member was asking about. The IBC goes on to say: “This change mirrors the way auto insurance is priced in other provinces and, as stated when announcing these changes, goes a long way in levelling the playing field between good drivers and bad drivers.”
Now, I don’t want to overreach in terms of the IBC saying that this mirrors other provinces. They did point out…. They raised a concern about the $50 unlisted driver charge. And it wasn’t just the IBC that raised that concern. We heard from British Columbians the concern about it. So we got rid of that. It only applies if you lend out your car to someone who’s not listed and who’s not part of your household. If you lend out your car to someone and they get in a crash, then you’re going to have to pay an additional 50 bucks the next time you go in. Because you’ve loaned your car out to somebody who was involved in a collision, you’ll have to get that unlisted driver protection.
I don’t want to overreach in terms of what the IBC was saying, but certainly, it was their understanding in September of 2018 that this approach mirrors other jurisdictions. I’ll get a list of those jurisdictions as best as I can for the member.
J. Yap: I appreciate the minister endeavouring to answer the question, but we actually understand from the insurance bureau that, in fact, this change as proposed in rate design is unique in North America. But I look forward to the minister confirming that.
The $50 fee which he referred to for unlisted driver protection. Did I hear the minister say that that is now off the table? Could he confirm that?
Hon. D. Eby: Yes, that’s correct. We issued a release a couple of weeks ago to say that that was no longer going to be a fee for British Columbians, that we looked at it and have eliminated it. However, if you loan your car to someone outside your household and they get in an accident, their insurance will go up because they’ve been involved in a collision, but you will also be asked to buy the unlisted driver protection, which is $50. But you get one free crash, essentially, lending your car out to someone who’s not a member of your household.
M. Lee: Well, it’s a long way back to last Thursday afternoon, but I just want to pick up the discussion where we last left it with the Attorney General. There are a couple of things to check in on. One was that there was a request in terms of historical complex claims, information relating to any changes in approach, the assumptions, qualifications respecting that. I just ask the Attorney General: is that material yet available?
Hon. D. Eby: This may answer the member’s question. He’s right. Thursday feels like a lifetime ago. So I apologize. I don’t remember exactly the question that he asked, but I think that the staff who are here do, and they’ve prepared a note for me that I’ll just read into the record for him. Hopefully, it addresses his concern.
A large loss is an injury claim over $200,000, with an average amount of $500,000. These are all tort claims made by the not-at-fault party. Large losses can include catastrophic injury such as paraplegia and amputation, brain injuries, losses to higher-wage earners or roles in certain industries like health care and construction, where high physical functioning is required, and to those with prior claims and/or medical histories.
Large losses were relatively stable through 2012-13 to 2016-17. They were growing about 15 percent a year through this period and averaged about 120 claims per month. In 2016-17, ICBC started to recognize some early signs of older claims starting to emerge as large losses, although large-loss increases were still within historical norms. These are claims that initially looked minor when first reported, sometimes many years before, but settled at higher large-loss amounts.
A predictive model for large losses was created, and a deep file review conducted. As a result, in 2017-18, it was determined that large losses had grown from the previous year by 80 percent. Small swings in the number of large losses can have a profound financial impact. Ten large losses equals $5 million at the $500,000 per claim level. ICBC is now seeing about 250 large losses a month.
The circumstances that led to this included higher crash rates starting in about 2014-15, leading to more claims; more bodily injuries reported per claim; more claims being represented by counsel; ICBC slow to add new claims staff through this period to respond to growing claims levels, resulting in more claims being open longer — claims open longer results in more expensive claims; the increased use of expert reports to build claim amounts higher; asking for higher amounts for future care and wage loss; and presenting differently than initially reported.
ICBC undertook a comprehensive plan to respond, including more staff and better analytics in order to catch up on this growing number of large loss claims for 2018-19. ICBC also added a provision to its financials, assuming even more large losses would be identified. ICBC assumed the continued emergence of large loss through 2018-19 and experienced a first quarter with predictable results. In quarter 2, ICBC started to see claims close at a lower rate and higher demands from plaintiff counsel, with even higher use of medical experts. This trend became more established in Q3, resulting in an even higher loss than originally anticipated.
I hope that assists the member. If not, I’d be glad for his clarifying questions.
M. Lee: I know this time last year we were talking about prior year adjustments and looking at the variation on that. I understand that in the previous year of 2017-2018, there was the largest…. I think it was a $400 million adjustment.
Has there been any variation on that adjustment since then?
Hon. D. Eby: There is going to be a prior year adjustment. ICBC is going through their internal processes for approving it. It must be released, by law, by the end of August of this year. As soon as we’re able to release that number and ICBC has the approvals internally to release it, we will.
ICBC does prior year adjustments every year. This year is no exception. I can tell the member that of the projections for ’18-19, there’s $1 billion set aside for prior year adjustments, primarily related to large claims.
M. Lee: Also, in the last session, on that Thursday, we were talking about the August 31, 2018, ICBC Litigation Review report, which I think was released by the Attorney General in January of 2019. What we confirmed is that this was before what the Attorney General referred to as the reformed policy around settlement offers at ICBC. The report itself said: “ICBC is not responsible in any observable, systematic way for making inappropriate offers or inappropriately pressing cases to trial and thus unnecessarily generating legal costs.” I think it was one of the conclusions of that report.
Since then, I’d like to ask the Attorney General what the reform policy is around settlement offers at ICBC. What has changed?
Hon. D. Eby: ICBC noted that since March 2017, the value of settlement demands by plaintiff counsel has increased by 30 percent, and the average cost of closed litigated injury claims rose by 19 percent, from $105,936 in the first nine months of fiscal 2017-18 to $125,619 in the first nine months of fiscal 2018-19. Obviously, this is an unsustainable trend. Simply because somebody demands 30 percent more than they demanded the previous quarter, it doesn’t mean, necessarily, that it should be paid out.
In order to ensure that ICBC was responding to this, and in order to get settlement payouts back in line with the 2016-17 trend lines, ICBC updated their guidelines to ensure a consistent approach, for adjusters, to evaluating injury claims. They’re continually updating these tools to support their adjusters to make consistent and fair offers.
ICBC has brought on a significant number of additional adjusters. The benefits of that are faster responses when people make claims. The challenge of that is that people have less experience as adjusters. So ICBC has also established settlement teams with senior adjusters. When more junior adjusters need to depart from the guidelines, they have the support of a senior adjuster working with them to determine a fair and appropriate settlement amount, customized to the needs of the individual claimant. For larger claims, ICBC has a more senior adjusting team that works on this as well.
The member is asking: “What is the changed approach, given these trend lines?” The first is a revised team structure within, to provide support to more junior adjusters. The second is updated guidelines, to ensure that the settlement offers are consistent with the trend lines from ’16-17. Finally, for more serious and catastrophic claims, there’s a senior adjuster review team.
M. Lee: Well, thank you for that response.
In terms of the number of new adjusters that were hired, how many was that?
Hon. D. Eby: ICBC has hired over 650 new front office full-time-equivalents over the last three years. This is adjusters, claims legal staff and material damage estimators. There were some fairly significant issues that people dealing with ICBC were finding.
First of all, they were having trouble getting adjusters to respond to them in a timely manner. Or they were seeing a changeover between adjusters, which resulted in them hiring legal counsel, which also increased the cost of administering the claims for ICBC. It provided a bad service experience, frankly, for people who were calling in. This is something that has been identified by ICBC as a factor that was driving costs. What we wanted to have was an immediate response for people when they called in to ICBC.
The second is: for material damage claims, there were insufficient staff to go and test the estimates that were being put forward by material damage suppliers to ensure that they were reflective of the actual cost of repairing the vehicle.
This is important because the previous government disassembled the claims centres for ICBC, where people would bring their vehicles in, and reduced them, changing over to a system where the autobody firms would provide their own estimates. Well, when you do that, you need to put money into going in and testing those estimates to make sure — as the vast majority of autobody repair material damage suppliers do — that the claims are fair and appropriate. There are, just like in all industries, challenges related to fraud that ICBC needs to detect and prevent.
That is what these folks are working on, and that is a very significant change over the last three years.
M. Lee: Just with the trend line going to 30 percent increase in terms of what was being sought. What’s been the change in guidelines in response by ICBC in terms of dealing with those sorts of claims?
Hon. D. Eby: There was a lot of conversation there about whether we could draw anything out from what’s happening right now.
I can tell the member that, broadly, the closures are slowing down — the closure of files — but also that severity is going down as well. It is way too soon to tell what the implications are going to be, because we’re about two months and a bit into this new approach to settlement at ICBC.
These are both expected, and they were anticipated outcomes of the changes — that claims would be more slow to close. One of the goals that ICBC had been pursuing earlier, which led to the increase in the settlement amounts, was closing files. If you close a file sooner, it reduces the overall cost of the file. However, there does come a point where that is uneconomic, where you’re paying too much to close a file. That’s what these guidelines are attempting to address.
Closures are slowing, but then mitigating that, severities — the amount paid out per file that is closing — are coming down as well. These are counterbalancing factors. Again, I want to underline that it is too early to tell what the overall result is going to be, because we’re just a couple of months into this.
M. Lee: With closures slowing down, that would suggest that there are less settlements being reached. Is there a number there that the Attorney General can share with me in terms of how settlements, percentage-wise, have changed over the last period of time — this fiscal year versus the previous?
Hon. D. Eby: I’m advised that a six- to nine-month period would be an actuarially sound basis on which to draw conclusions about what’s happening right now in the approach to settlement. That would be Q3, when ICBC will be doing a review of the outcomes of this approach.
That’s where we are right now. It’s simply too soon to make any definitive conclusions about what’s happening. These are just trends that were both predicted and are being observed.
M. Lee: Assuming that this new approach, of the timing of closing out claims, includes complex claims, what is the level of risk that ICBC assigns to the concern around what we started this discussion about — historic complex claims and how, if they build up over time, the ultimate dollar amount can be quite high? That’s the trend line that the Attorney General described as what broke through in 2016-2017. What’s the level of risk here that ICBC is working with in this changed approach?
Hon. D. Eby: The existing forecasts for ICBC do not incorporate any benefits from this strategy. I think that’s right. It’s just simply too early to know whether or not the anticipated outcomes of bending the curve back to 2016-17 trend lines for settlement amounts will be realized or not. The existing forecasts assume no benefit from this approach.
M. Lee: We talked last time, on page 18 of the service plan, about the “Net claims incurred” line. We look at the forecasts for 2018-2019 being $6.437 billion. I believe the figure I was given, when I asked the question about what the budgeted figure was, was $5.96 billion. We went through this last time, in what accounted for that $500 million difference.
To the Attorney General, I just wanted to go back this way, in confirming the suggestion that the new product reform was causing a lot of this increase in claim amounts being incurred. Is this trend continuing? Are there expectations that this trend may continue through the rest of this period? Secondly, is this also viewed by ICBC to be a transitional concern?
Hon. D. Eby: There are still significant inflationary pressures, despite the fact that we have brought in the cap in relation to minor injuries and the civil resolution tribunal process. I’ll just give the member some idea of those. First of all, built into the forecasts are erosion of the cap, which has been seen in other jurisdictions. The example that I often use is Alberta, where they failed to include TMJ, which is a jaw strain injury, in their minor injury cap, and suddenly they became the capital in North America for TMJ injuries, because it got you out of their minor injury cap and into the full tort system in Alberta.
That’s called erosion — where the claims that you would hope would have ended up under the minor injury cap, because they’re actually minor injuries, go into the full tort system, with additional costs. Here in B.C., that would mean going to the B.C. Supreme Court system, with all the attendant costs, instead of the civil resolution tribunal and outside of the minor injury cap on pain and suffering awards. That’s one example.
The mitigation measure for erosion is to monitor the cap, monitor the cases that are going forward and address, through statutory amendment or regulatory amendment, the minor injury definition in order to capture minor injuries that are developing and that are somehow evading the cap system in the CRT system.
Another is material damage claims. We’re seeing escalating autobody repair costs. So, you know, when somebody has a camera in their bumper versus if they just have a regular bumper, and someone rear-ends them, there’s significantly more cost to replace the bumper that has a camera in it versus one that doesn’t. The same thing for windshields where you have a lane-assist device that’s built into a windshield. The calibration for that and the expense of installing the windshield goes up as well. The expertise and equipment that’s required goes up as well.
These types of pressures on material damage costs are also placing pressures on the budget, and they are built in, in forecasts, as well. In addition, there are 40 percent of claims that are not captured under the minor injury cap. So 20 percent of those will be in the CRT and 20 percent of those in B.C. Supreme Court.
The member will have seen our amendment to the rules of court around expert reports as an attempt to mitigate some of the trends that we’re seeing in terms of the use of adversarial expert reports — out of the Ministry of Attorney General. In addition, there’s a larger review of court rules taking place to identify ways…. Jurisdictions like the United Kingdom have specialized motor vehicle rules for court in order to provide and facilitate this unique type of claim, so that’s something that we’re looking at as a possibility.
These pressures don’t go away just because these other changes have been made. Cars are getting more complex to repair. Road safety needs to be addressed. Rules of court need to be responsive to the realities on the ground. So that’s where we’re at currently.
The Chair: Members, if it’s all right with everyone, we’ll take a six-minute recess.
The committee recessed from 3:31 p.m. to 3:41 p.m.
[N. Simons in the chair.]
M. Lee: Just before the break, the Attorney General was mentioning about erosion of the minor injury cap — or definition, in effect. Can I ask whether there are other considerations ongoing as to further inclusions under the definition of minor injury?
Hon. D. Eby: No, there are not.
M. Lee: In the process of consultation around minor injury, there were a number of stakeholder groups that were in consultations. Was any level of support provided to…? Does the government provide any level of support to these stakeholder groups, particularly around brain injury or concussions? Many not-for-profit societies are in this province doing good work for those individuals who are injured by brain injuries or concussions.
Hon. D. Eby: There was no compensation for participating in the consultation, nor was there compensation related to anything that I’m aware of related to insurance reform.
There are a number of disability groups that receive various forms of government compensation — gaming grants, Rick Hansen Foundation. ICBC does have grants for some brain injury groups through RoadSafetyBC, where they provide support to people who have been brain-injured through accidents or through collisions. But there was nothing connected with those consultations, if I’ve understood the member’s question properly.
M. Lee: With respect to the stakeholder groups that the Attorney General just described for ICBC-related purposes: has there been any change in the level of funding that they receive?
Hon. D. Eby: I’m just learning about this myself. ICBC — not the insurance side but other parts of ICBC’s business — has a grant system for some organizations that would provide support to people who have been injured in collisions. They’re small grants. They’re paying a number like $500, $1,000, $5,000 — that kind of neighbourhood. There’s an application process for that. There’s been a fixed amount of money going to those grants. That amount hasn’t changed, to anyone’s knowledge here. If we find out that it has, I’ll let the member know. But there haven’t been any major changes to that program.
If there are organizations that have found there’s been a fluctuation in the amount of money available, it may be that more organizations have applied for those grants. But no one here is aware of any changes to that program. Of course, the people who are here are mostly from the insurance side, so we may have to endeavour to provide additional detail to the member about this granting program.
M. Lee: We, by way, of course…. We’re, through the B.C. Liberal caucus research team, doing various FOI requests. There was an FOI request for some material relating to minor injury. I’m sure the Attorney General and deputy minister are aware that there was a note that was prepared back in September of 2018 that outlined, for decision by the Attorney General, in respect of expanding the definition of “minor injury” to include concussion and, in effect, minor brain injuries.
Certainly, on the options to consider including concussions in the minor injury definition, erosion of the minor injury cap and related projected claim savings was certainly one part of it, and that’s what the Attorney General spoke to. But in terms of the concerns relating to this change, there were two points that were made.
One was that of being inconsistent with previous communications on the topic and risks of potentially alienating some stakeholders, including disability alliance groups who provided public support for product reform. Secondly, the other con was that it may unintentionally capture some concussion claims that have significantly impacted the injured person.
Just to speak to the first con…. I’m happy to hand this note over if you want to see it, just to refresh, but it’s exactly how I read it. How has the Attorney General thought through the process that went through with all these stakeholder groups, who certainly were given one impression? There have been communications by government, as well, when these product reform changes were being made that concussions would not be included in the minor injury definition. So what is the view of the Attorney General in terms of that level of consultation and the change that’s happened here via regulation last November?
Hon. D. Eby: I appreciate the member sending over the note. I recall the decision point, because it was a difficult one. The advice that we received from the medical community was that there are concussions that resolve within a four-month period. You should be able to identify within a four-month period whether or not they’re going to resolve and, therefore, be a minor injury. And there are concussions or brain injuries that are going to go beyond the four-month period that should no longer be considered a minor injury. So we included that in the definition.
I absolutely, in discussions with various disability stakeholder groups and in presenting them with various proposals for their feedback, had advised them — and I think I advised the member opposite, actually, in some discussions; whether on the record or not, I don’t remember — that it was not our intention to include concussions originally.
We received that advice, we looked at it, and I made a decision that we should be including concussions that resolve within four months as minor injuries. This means that someone who has a concussion from a collision that resolves within four months doesn’t get to go to B.C. Supreme Court.
There is a limit of $5,500 on the pain and suffering awards. There’s not a limit on compensation for lost wages, housekeeping, other therapies or necessary treatments, but there is a limit on the award made by the court in recognition that the person has certainly been injured by the collision. I hope that clarifies for the member that point, which is a very valid one.
The decision to include concussion was inconsistent with statements that I had made earlier to the member and to the disabilities community, because we received medical advice that it would be a mistake not to include that. The intent was to capture minor injuries within the definition. I believe that we’ve done that.
Now, I’ve also heard feedback from some brain-injury advocate groups that this, perhaps, sends a message to people that concussions are not serious or that they are more minor injuries and people maybe don’t need to treat them very seriously. That is obviously not the intent.
I’ve said that if there’s one big change that I could make to this whole process if we were starting again, I wouldn’t call these injuries “minor injuries,” because I think that for people who experience the injuries that fall within this category, they’re very serious. They potentially alter their lives for an extended period. There’s a long period of recovery — for physical injuries, a period of up to a year. Their experience of them is not minor.
I accept the critique of the brain-injury community for saying that a concussion that resolves within four months is a minor injury. In a statutory definition, we could have found another term — maybe “non-catastrophic injuries” or something like that. In any event, what is, is. It’s the “minor injury” definition, and here we are. It’s a dialogue back and forth with the brain-injury community and with other disability groups as we work our way through this difficult field.
M. Lee: I appreciate the response, in terms of working through that. The other aspect that is in that decision note is what the Attorney General just touched on, which is severity, and whether, inadvertently, individuals under this current framework who might suffer from a concussion might have more serious impacts.
Just because the Attorney General mentioned this, in terms of the medical advice and input that he and the ministry received in connection with this change, is it the case that…? I’ve certainly received — and there are, I’m sure, other letters — copies of letters that have gone to the Attorney General in psychological and concussion, brain injury–type situations, where of course they’re not simple. The Attorney General acknowledged that. They may be case-specific, but the actual symptoms and the complications may not occur until after what, in effect, would be that four-month period.
Has the Attorney General received advice in terms of constraining this level of injury to this framework as being a workable time period, in respect of seeing those symptoms reveal themselves in the first four months?
Hon. D. Eby: One of the things that’s not changed is limitation periods. It doesn’t matter whether you’re talking about a civil resolution tribunal or the B.C. Supreme Court.
If you have a head injury and the advice that you’re getting from your physician is…. You think that you’re on the mend, but your physician is saying, “Well, you know, things might get worse,” or so on, “and you might want to wait.” You don’t have to settle your claim. You can wait and see whether you’re recovering as expected, or not. It’s the exact same issue pre–April 1 under the old system as now under the new system. The possibility that someone would settle a claim with a head injury of some kind before they fully knew the ramifications of that injury or any other kind of injury is as much a possibility under the old system as under the new system.
I do want to note one important difference. For both psychological and concussion injuries under the “minor injury” definitions, these were treated differently, because the advice we received was that these are tricky. It’s a four-month period that’s captured under the definition for both of these types of injuries, as compared to a year for physical injuries. That’s based on the advice that we received and the unique nature of these types of injuries.
M. Lee: I’m reordering some of my questions here just because, thematically, we try and keep it together here.
In terms of the CRT…. I know that in terms of the initial website, there were avenues provided to claimants to get additional assistance if they were having a challenge navigating the on-line platform. Can the Attorney General share any data in terms of where there are exceptions made to navigating that on-line platform? For someone who suffers from a concussion or some other psychological or other mental capacity type of injury, that might give them some challenges. Have there been other avenues that the CRT has made available, either in person or on the phone, for that claimant to make their claim?
Hon. D. Eby: The CRT can accommodate any type of disability or language barrier that someone may be facing. Typically, this is done in one of two ways. Either the individual reaches out directly to the CRT to request assistance — either through a form that they’re completing with the CRT to indicate that they need that support or through an email to the CRT — or contacts the CRT by phone.
The second piece is that the CRT may identify that someone needs assistance proactively through materials that have been submitted. Then they reach out to the individual. They put a flag on the file so that all future contacts with that individual take place through the desired mechanism.
There are about 200 languages for which the CRT offers translation. When someone calls, they can have a translator on the phone in one of those languages within two minutes.
They have the usual means of communication — the teletype or other means of communication — available to support people that are hearing-impaired.
There are a number of different mechanisms. Certainly, if the member identifies any challenges that people are having dealing with the CRT because of some type of barrier…. I know that the CRT is very open to receiving that type of feedback directly. Also, you can feel free to forward it to our office, and we’ll get it off to the CRT. They are interested in ensuring access to people regardless of their personal circumstances.
M. Lee: Recognizing that it came into place on April 1, has there been a pattern established yet in terms of the length of time that it takes to get through the process? Are there time parameters at this point?
Hon. D. Eby: Well, I wouldn’t describe the current number of claims at the CRT as a tidal wave. There has been one accident benefit claim, with a damages fault claim, that was received on April 30 at the CRT. It’s in progress right now. I would say that claims currently take at least a month — N equals one — so take that with a grain of salt.
The CRT is really expecting very few claims for the first few months. This change was implemented on April 1. All collisions that take place after April 1 need to go through ICBC first, and then they go to the CRT.
In terms of the person having an assessment of what their injuries are, for example, what their claim is, first of all they have to have a dispute with ICBC — because the CRT is a dispute resolution mechanism — about whether or not it’s a minor injury, or the amount of the offer isn’t sufficient. That dispute has to arise through that process. The person has to provide all that information to ICBC. The dispute has to arise, and then they go to the civil resolution tribunal.
Long story short — one claim so far, not resolved, filed April 30.
M. Lee: I just wanted to go back over something we’ve canvassed before in either the bill stage or estimates. We’ve talked before in session that on average, injury claims opened by ICBC in 2016 were 110,000 and, in 2017, just over 95,000. So the average of those two years is 100,000. If that’s the number that we utilize for discussion purposes and the representation rate is 51 percent — I guess the question would be if that was the case, whether it’s 51 or 60 percent representation — then you’re looking at about 55,000 potential disputed claims in that two-year period.
To clarify, though, given the jurisdiction of the CRT…. It does have four distinct areas where it has jurisdiction — that is, determining whether an injury is a minor injury; part 7 accident benefits; liability determination, who’s at fault; and also in terms of all other related aspects, as long as the claim is ultimately under $50,000.
That would suggest that there may be separate applications for each issue. That may multiply disputed claims by four. Is that the way that the government has planned on capacity for the CRT?
Hon. D. Eby: The member is correct that there are multiple areas where disputes could arise. There could be a dispute about part 7 benefits or about fault in a collision or about whether it’s a minor injury definition or not. They don’t have to be separate parts, the claim. They could all be bundled together in the same claim.
Regardless, the member is right. There are different categories. If you had a part 7 claim, which means that maybe you were in a one-car collision with a moose, you wouldn’t be having, really, a fault adjudication. So maybe that’s a separate category of people, and that’s bringing people in that have disputes that wouldn’t otherwise have had a dispute. So maybe that means more people.
ICBC has looked at these categories of jurisdiction for the civil resolution tribunal, the number of claims, and their estimates are that about 25,000 claims should be falling, in this fiscal year, under the jurisdiction of the civil resolution tribunal, that will be disputed in some way. Those claims may be made up of more than one person, so there are actually 37,000 anticipated exposures. That’s what the insurance industry term is, which is that there’s a claim for multiple people in the same unifying claim. That’s the wrong word — that there’s a demand or that there’s a request for resolution from multiple people within the same claim.
That’s how you end up with 25,000 claims going to the CRT but 37,000 anticipated exposures. Those are the numbers that the CRT is working with in terms of staffing up around adjudicators.
M. Lee: What is the current staff complement now for the CRT?
Hon. D. Eby: I know the member’s time is precious in estimates; I remember being in opposition doing estimates. We’re working on that answer, and while staff are working on that answer, if he has another question, maybe we can efficiently double up here.
M. Lee: I appreciate that very much. Time is precious, at least as we get down near the end of this process.
Just in terms of the 37,000 exposures expected for this fiscal period, given what the Attorney General indicated in terms of the takeup to date, what is the trend in terms of expectation over the next three to six to nine to 12 months? Is it expected that that 37,000 exposures would be back-end-loaded? What does that trend line look like?
Hon. D. Eby: I have two answers at once. The modelling is that there will be about 10,000 claims in the civil resolution tribunal this fiscal year, despite the appearance of a very slow start of one claim. About 10,000 should be underway this fiscal year. Hopefully, there’s only one — that they’re all resolved informally. But I suspect that won’t be the case.
That 37,000 exposure number is over the full maturity of the collisions that take place this fiscal year. There might be a collision the day before the end of the fiscal year, and it’s going to take some time before there’s a dispute and it needs to go to a CRT for resolution. So we’re just trying to get the time period for maturity of that 37,000 exposure number.
In terms of the staffing at the CRT, dedicated to automobile collision disputes is 55….
Interjection.
Hon. D. Eby: Oh, I see.
All staff at the CRT…. These are the clerks who are reviewing materials as they come in, contacting people if they need support going through the system, mediators supporting people through to resolve their claim in advance of full adjudication, back-end technical support, and so on. There are 58, and there are 14 full-time adjudicators currently within the CRT. That seems both simultaneously too high, given that there is one claim, and way too low, given that there are 10,000 claims expected.
What the member is seeing here is the steady staffing up of the CRT for the anticipated demand, but we are still too early for that demand to be showing up and manifesting at the CRT. But as this goes on, obviously we’ll be seeing more and more members coming on the CRT.
That’s all CRT staff — 58 staff and 14 full-time members. They have jurisdiction over strata disputes and non-profit housing and so on, small claims under $5,000, which they’ve already been working on and which those staff would be working on right now.
M. Lee: Just going back to where we were before about the number of new adjusters that have been brought on, I wanted to ask about legal counsel in terms of how that splits up, both internal and external. Has that legal resource increased in terms of that level that deals with what has been an increase around claims and settlements?
Hon. D. Eby: The member heard me explaining the increase in the number of claims, represented claims and the number of claims per collision. That is reflected in the hiring of claims legal staff at ICBC, internally. In 2015, there were 179 claims legal staff. That’s lawyers and paralegals. In 2016-17, there were 199. In 2017-18, 269. In 2018-19, 305. The plan is for 2019-20, 345.
I will also note that those are the internal lawyers and paralegals to ICBC. ICBC has also secured the services of 76 law firms, which includes 627 lawyers and 392 paralegals, around the province. These external firms handle some claims where it’s efficient for the external firms to handle those claims on behalf of ICBC. So you can see there’s a very significant expense associated with disputed claims.
M. Lee: As the CRT comes on stream more and gets through their process in the way that they are framed, is there, on the forecast, an expectation that there will be a decrease in that legal requirement, in terms of internal or external?
Hon. D. Eby: The big pile of claims that soldier on under the old system will continue moving through the system. But as that book of claims gets resolved one way or the other, either through settlement or litigation, there will be a reduced need for counsel. The expectation is that we will see fewer and fewer defence counsel or lawyers and paralegals needed for ICBC on a go-forward basis, as the majority of claims go through the civil resolution tribunal process.
M. Lee: On that old book of claims, as you just termed it, with the longer process to get to resolution, either settlement or resolution itself, is ICBC, from their legal group, seeing more claims having to go to trial?
Hon. D. Eby: The overall picture here is that 0.2 percent of ICBC’s injury claims went to trial last year, and 99.8 percent settled without the need for a trial. That works out, in real numbers, to be somewhere between 150 to 200 claims going to trial last fiscal year out of about 120,000 open claims.
In terms of bending the curve back to the 2016-17 settlement trend lines, there is an expectation that there will be more cases potentially going to trial in the short term as a result of that approach to settlement. We don’t have any numbers on that, but that is the expectation — that in the short term, we will see more trials going ahead. However, that will still be just a fraction of a fraction of the overall book of open claims at ICBC.
M. Lee: Does the Attorney General have any concern, in terms of the impact that that will have on the court system and just in terms of the increased level of cases going through the courts?
Hon. D. Eby: Certainly, if the court needs additional resources, that’s part of the responsibility of the Ministry of Attorney General — to ensure that they have the resources necessary.
I’ll note that with the reforms that have been brought in, 80 percent of matters that would’ve previously gone to the B.C. Supreme Court registry are now going to the civil resolution tribunal. Our hope is that that will certainly free up significant resources within the superior court judiciary to be able to take on the matters that we expect them to take on and to be able to do so in a way that everybody hopes for, in terms of timeliness and access to justice.
There are a number of measures, in short, that the government has brought in to actually alleviate pressure on the registry and on the B.C. Supreme Court system through the reforms that the member is very familiar with.
M. Lee: Just to comment on that. I think, as we talk about this transition, it’s going to be that the book of claims that are under the old system, pre-CRT — the 150 to 200 claims that we’re speaking about — will likely add some challenge to court resources.
In terms of the earlier mention by the Attorney General of the review of procedural rules. There was, of course, the three-expert change, which went through some process, or some concern about the process, and then was paused.
What’s the expectation, in terms of involving judiciary and other members of the bar on rule changes to court? And what’s the process that the Attorney General is following, going forward, on the further review of changes to court rules?
Hon. D. Eby: In any changes to the court rules, there’s an obligation on the Attorney General, under the Supreme Court Act, to consult with the Chief Justice of the B.C. Supreme Court.
There is a rules committee that’s made up of members of the judiciary and members of the Ministry of Attorney General public service. I sit on it, although, admittedly, I’m not at every meeting. There are also senior counsel, representatives from the trial lawyers, CBA and Law Society on this committee. The committee looks at proposals around rules and provides feedback on those proposals.
There are a number of mechanisms, both direct consultation with the chief justice as well as the rules committee process, that any revisions to the rules go through.
The member will note that in relation to the rules proposal that was introduced recently related to experts and the use of adversarial experts, I issued a statement to clarify. I wanted to be clear that that proposal and the responsibility for that proposal came from my office and from me personally, as opposed to the rules committee initiating that process or somehow, either tacitly or overtly, approving that rule, although it was the subject of many discussions at rules committee and it was the subject of consultation, as is required under the Supreme Court Act.
M. Lee: I appreciate hearing from the Attorney General the clarification, including with the rules committee, on how that worked. Is it his expectation, as to what level of consultation will occur in terms of future considerations of changes to court rules, that the rules committee will be fully consulted? What level of involvement will they have in terms of what might be seen as a unilateral approach that the Attorney General may have been seen to have taken on the previous expert role proposal?
Hon. D. Eby: Just to clarify, it was not a unilateral decision. I consulted with the chief justice, as is required under the Supreme Court Act, and the matter was discussed at a number of rules committee meetings. Changes were, in fact, made based on those discussions. But I did want to clarify that at the end of the day, responsibility for the rule lies with me and my office.
The process that would be followed for any rules amendment would be that it would be going to the rules committee for discussion. The chief justice would certainly be consulted, as is legally required in British Columbia. So that process would take place. There are terms of reference for the rules committee in terms of how that happens, and we would be following that process.
M. Lee: Thank you for that clarification.
I just want to turn now to the website for the CRT. It has certainly been brought to my attention that…. The CRT, of course, is intended to be that neutral arbiter for disputes over minor injuries. But there are, presumably from a language use…. Just to draw the Attorney General’s attention to a couple of statements on the website.
One is around serious impairment. There’s the shorthanded way that it’s referred to on the website — that a serious impairment is where you’re substantially unable to work, go to school or care for yourself for more than 12 months after the accident. This is in contrast to the actual definition, which, as the Attorney General knows, is a physical or mental impairment that results in a substantial inability to perform essential tasks of employment, training or education.
I’d just ask if the Attorney General could comment on the way that the website has been positioned in this manner.
Hon. D. Eby: The CRT has autonomy over the material that they put on their website. I know that they did go through a process of reaching out to various stakeholders to get feedback on the content and the design of the website. I’m hopeful that if anyone has concerns about particular material that’s on the website, they would be bringing those to the attention of the CRT.
I know that the trial lawyers did have some concerns. Unfortunately, they didn’t provide them earlier to the CRT when they were invited to provide feedback. I do understand why. I mean, they don’t like the process. I understand why they don’t like it.
Fortunately and happily, they have ultimately provided their feedback to the CRT in terms of wording on the website that they had issues with. I think there was some kind of dialogue — I don’t know — and there were likely amendments. But again, this is a process that happens at the CRT and that the Ministry of Attorney General is not involved in.
M. Lee: Just one other point to make. I appreciate the Attorney General’s response.
Another example that I see in the “Frequently asked questions” section of the CRT’s website is a statement like: “You might get a faster resolution if you negotiate a settlement with the insurer.” That, taken out of context, would suggest that one should continue to go through that process as opposed to seeking your relief from the CRT.
Let me just go to another point. That is in terms of the care model on part 7 benefits, which, in effect, would result in an individual not necessarily getting the full amount paid for their treatment. Can the Attorney General please clarify the way this has been presented to British Columbians in the past versus the way it is currently, in terms of part 7 benefits going forward, that effectively has a specific amount designed for specific forms of treatments, which may result in an injured British Columbian not having full recovery of treatment?
Hon. D. Eby: I just want to clarify. I said it was in the B.C. Supreme Court Act, but actually my obligation to consult with the chief justice is contained in the Court Rules Act, which makes sense. Section 6 is the relevant section. I thank staff for bringing that to my attention. I wanted to put that correction on the record.
I wonder if the member could provide me with a little bit more context for the changes to part 7 benefits that he’s talking about. I’m not sure that I’m familiar with exactly which initiative he’s talking about that might reduce benefits to people under part 7. In fact, we’ve increased benefits to people under part 7, including lifetime benefits.
M. Lee: I certainly appreciate the overall increase that’s been spoken to. What I’m referring to is the specific amounts for designated treatments, like acupuncture, $88; chiropractic, $53; counselling, $120; physiotherapy, $79. These are examples of various forms of treatment that would be covered under part 7. But that may not cover the actual full amount that the physiotherapist, massage therapist or occupational therapist might charge, which means that the injured British Columbian would actually be out of pocket as a result.
Hon. D. Eby: I thank the member for the clarification. That assists a great deal.
Some of the categories of claims that the member mentioned were not previously covered under part 7 benefits. For example, acupuncture was previously zero dollars for treatment, and now it’s covered. The coverage levels, the per-appointment rates that are listed, were developed in consultation with the service providers of these various sectors, whether it’s physiotherapists, acupuncturists, counsellors, and so on. ICBC went out and said: “Okay. What’s market rate for these kinds of things?” They provided their feedback, and the rates were set in consultation with them.
In addition, those rates are tied CPI, so the idea is that they increase every year with inflation. And then also, there’s a five-year review of the fees to make sure that they’re still in sync with market rates. There might be a sudden shortage of physiotherapists or some other specialty in the rehabilitation world, and their fees suddenly go up dramatically as a result. There will be a review after five years to make sure that those amounts are still properly covered.
The reason for both the CPI and the five-year review and the engagement was that we recognized these rates had not increased since the ’90s, the rates that were being paid under part 7.
If you had a collision where either you were at fault or you ran into a moose or some other object that you couldn’t assign fault to and you were under the part 7 section, you weren’t getting adequate compensation for basics to get better, whether it was physiotherapy or acupuncture or counselling or anything else.
This is a very important piece, and it was a very important piece for the disability community, especially the lifetime benefit. Because if you ran into this moose that I used as an example and you were rendered quadriplegic, you had a $150,000 lifetime limit on the amount of part 7 benefits that you could access. We’ve doubled that to $300,000.
In some ways, maybe, that’s unfortunately still not where we would like it to be ultimately, but it’s what we were able to do. When you’re rendered quadriplegic, you’ve got to buy a chair, you’ve got to retrofit your house, you have to get a special van, and so on. You can eat through that money in a real hurry. Then, once you hit the end of that road, that’s it. So that $150,000 was grossly inadequate. We’re proud to have doubled it, and certainly, there was a lot of relief and happiness in the disability community when we announced that that was our intention, because they see an unfortunate number of people that fall into that category of exhausting those benefits.
The happy news, for the member, is that it’s just the opposite of his concern. Treatments that weren’t previously covered are now covered. They’re set at market rates, they’re tied to inflation, and they’re reviewed every five years to make sure that they’re relevant and connected to actual market rates for these services.
M. Lee: Perhaps I just have a different understanding. Certainly, I recognize, as the Attorney General is indicating, that there may be some treatments that were previously not covered. But for those that were covered — like physiotherapy or chiropractic care — as I understand it, under the previous system, ICBC would cover some costs related to those treatments under part 7 up front, and the rest would be at the end of the claim. In any event, the full amount used to be paid, whereas under this current fee schedule, this may result in not the full treatment cost being paid. That’s my concern, and that’s what I was inviting the Attorney General to comment on.
Hon. D. Eby: I think we’re honing in on exactly what the member’s concern is. I’ll try to paraphrase it, and see whether we’re headed in the right direction. The concern is that previously, if you were not at fault in a collision and you were reliant on part 7 benefits, you could claim the difference between what part 7 benefits were and what the charges were from your preferred physiotherapy service provider, acupuncture service provider or whatever as part of your tort claim, whereas now that’s no longer something that happens.
I can advise the member that in terms of the level of the part 7 benefits, they are market rates for those services. You are able to go to the market in British Columbia and access services at these rates right now. So there’s no British Columbian that will be in a situation, at these rates, where they’re not able to access services. Certainly, we’re monitoring that. If people have concerns about being able to access a certain type of service, I’m sure that we could have a look at that. The big gap, and the big reason for that concern, was when these rates hadn’t changed since the ’90s.
The amount of money for a physiotherapy appointment was somewhere in the $23 or $25 range, when you just can’t get service for that anywhere in the province, or even for double that. The gap has been closed. The rates are currently at market rates. Those rates were set in consultation with actual service providers offering services at those rates. They were, certainly…. When I was talking to an acupuncturist the other day, I was hearing from him how thrilled he was that acupuncture was being covered. He wasn’t complaining to me that the rates were inadequate. He was thrilled that acupuncture was being recognized.
I think we’re getting there, and I acknowledge the member’s concern. All in all, I’m for British Columbians — that they’re able to access these services across the province right now at these rates.
M. Lee: Just in terms of another area of expense reimbursement…. That is, the CRT limits claimants to $5,000 in total reimbursements for any medical reports or disbursements that they might need to prove their case. For those claimants who are able to afford more than $5,000, they may take the chance, of course, of incurring greater than $5,000 in costs in order to mount their proceeding through the CRT.
Is the Attorney General concerned at all that this creates, in effect, a two-tier legal system where those who are unable to afford won’t get the same level of ability to present their case through the CRT?
Hon. D. Eby: I’ll note that $5,000 in disbursements is 10 percent of a $50,000 claim. So it’s a fairly significant amount of disbursements to resolve a claim. I’ll also note that under the current system, where you’re incurring fees to advance your own claim, typically, the arrangement is….
The vast majority of people can’t afford to front the significantly expensive expert reports and so on. The law firm will arrange for them a private line of credit, on occasion funded by another law firm, at significant interest rates. So people end up, at the end of the multi-year claim process, with a significant debt related to disbursements, accruing interest, which is paid for out of their award.
I guess what I’m saying is…. The current system is not one that is particularly ideal in terms of maximizing the return to the injured party of the full amount to which they’re entitled, given the cost of disbursements and the structure around loans related to disbursements.
The limit is a limit. It’s $5,000 on disbursements. If a law firm wants to arrange a personal line of credit for someone to access this, just as they do under the current system, they can do that. But that person is taking a risk, as the member says, that they may not be able to recover. And $5,000 in disbursements to resolve a $50,000 claim should be a reasonable amount of money in order for someone to be able to do that. It’s 10 percent of the value of the claim.
M. Lee: I just wanted to now turn to the health care report for accidents after April 1. That’s under sections 28.1 and 42 of the Insurance (Vehicle) Act.
There is a particular requirement that the health care practitioner needs to provide a report to ICBC including information in respect of the nature of the injured person’s injuries and the diagnosis, condition, treatments and prognosis. This report needs to be provided in the form required or established by the corporation.
There are requirements, as I understand it, in terms of further guidance given to health practitioners, including non-physician health practitioners such as psychologists. It indicates that if the patient consents to the psychologist sending the approved form of report to ICBC, they are paid $340. If the patient does not consent, the psychologist does not send a report and is paid only $195. But ICBC will send a written demand for a report, and according to this guidance, it has the statutory power to demand the report. The form of report that psychologists are required to provide by ICBC includes any pre-accident history of substance abuse and any family history of mental health concerns or substance abuse.
I’ve certainly heard from psychologists and others who are struggling with this new framework and this requirement. I understand that as they deal with ICBC staff in terms of these reports and what comes across and what comes back…. If, for example, a psychologist or other mental health practitioner feels uncomfortable, under their ethical duties, filling out and providing portions of the report, it’s not a complete report, and it gets sent back, and they aren’t paid the fee. That sort of thing.
My question for the Attorney General is: what is the consideration that’s been given in terms of the ethical standards and the ethical difficulties that this puts on these health care practitioners who are being required to provide this report without their patients’ consent?
Hon. D. Eby: I can tell the member that we did consult with the Psychological Association on the forms specifically, but that’s all I can tell him right now. We’re just trying to get a little bit more detail about that. Certainly if the member has specific concerns about the form, he can feel free to forward them over, and we’ll have a look and see whether there are modifications that are required to address concerns. But we’re just trying to get a sense, from the staff who are involved, about what the extent of the consultation was.
It’s taking a little longer than I thought. I don’t know if he has another question he wants to ask while we’re putting that material together.
M. Lee: I appreciate that. One example of another question I would be asking is what the determination on relevance of…. To ICBC, what is the relevance of asking for or seeking this information for any family history of mental health concerns or substance abuse in respect of that individual claimant? Obviously, there’s a concern relating to this level of information being provided and being required — and whether it’s prejudicial, of course, to the rights of the individual claimant and then going from that, in terms of the use of information — to government or a government entity.
Let me just, actually, go to another question with the time that I have left on this topic area — and that is, when the product reform was coming forward by the government, there was a special order to BCUC , under a letter of direction dated February 13, 2018. That really directed…. I guess the actual order-in-council was on March 5, 2018. But the letter to the board of ICBC informed them of this directive that the capital and operational costs of the product reform being brought forward by ICBC, all of those costs, would be allocated to optional insurance.
As we know, BCUC has the jurisdiction over the basic level of insurance and does the rate review, in terms of premium rates, for basic insurance, whereby ICBC is required to provide detailed financial information in respect of that rate application. But that same level of authority in jurisdiction and line-of-sight transparency does not occur on the optional side of ICBC’s insurance business.
What was the rationale for, effectively, putting behind optional all of the costs of the product reform, such that BCUC does not have the ability to review that cost structure and financial forecast?
Hon. D. Eby: The transformation project of the previous government was done on the same basis, and I imagine that the philosophy behind it was the same. The idea is that the costs of the project shouldn’t be borne by basic policyholders, that it should be priced into the optional market where ICBC is in a competitive environment, competing with additional people.
The member should know that the B.C. Utilities Commission will be reviewing the outcomes of this project through the rate review process. That will be reviewed, so it’s not being exempted from review, but the costs of the implementation are on the optional side because the costs shouldn’t be borne by the basic policyholder.
M. Lee: What is the actual budgeted cost for the project transformation?
[S. Malcolmson in the chair.]
Hon. D. Eby: The capital cost for 2017-18 actuals was $3 million for the RAAP project. In ’17-18 for non-capital expenses, I guess, was $2 million. The outlook for ’18-19 on capital is $44 million and for non-capital expenses is $25 million.
To get the total spent to date in terms of the actuals last year and the outlook for ’18-19, you have to add those together, so $47 million in capital and $27 million in project expense. I’d advise the member that that will not conclude the program. There will be additional expenses in ’19-20 and ’20-21 going forward, as there’s depreciation, and so on, of capital that’s been purchased — but a pretty successful return on investment, given that it’s expected to return about $1 billion in savings this year and on a go-forward basis.
M. Lee: Well, just before we take a break, and the time being quite short here, this will be my last question on ICBC.
I know that members of this House…. The Attorney General has had submissions from, among others, the B.C. Police Association regarding concerns around their own safety, the safety of their officers, in terms of…. This is the licence plate confidentiality through the system. Could the Attorney General just make a comment in terms of what the status of any consideration might be of that request to keep their licence plates out of the system so that they’re not easily identifiable by others who might seek them out?
Hon. D. Eby: This is, obviously, a serious concern for law enforcement officers. There are officers that are at increased risk. The process for ICBC is that where a chief constable or a commander identifies an officer of being at risk, there is a process where they contact ICBC, provide the information for that officer to ICBC, and then ICBC can conceal the identity of that member’s plate. So if the goal is for ICBC to ensure that this is a risk-based assessment, the people best placed to conduct that risk-based assessment are the chief or commander of any particular detachment or police force, and they have that process in place right now.
M. Lee: Just one clarification on that. Is that…? Presumably, what the B.C. Police Association is looking for is a broader approach beyond just the special request approach. Is ICBC able to address that consideration just to ensure, of course, greater safety for our law enforcement officers in this province?
Hon. D. Eby: The proposal, as I understand it, is a significant broadening of that, but by default, police officers would have their licence plate concealed. It brings in concerns related to sheriffs, transit police, other people involved in law enforcement across the province. The challenge for ICBC is it creates a parallel system for licence plate registration and identification. They have currently been focusing on a risk-based approach where those officers that are particularly at risk as a result of the work that they’re doing — for example, in relation to organized crime, or otherwise — are identified by the chief or commander, and then their information is protected with an extra layer of protection.
The Chair: I recommend we take a five-minute break. We’ll return to work at ten after five.
The committee recessed from 5:04 p.m. to 5:10 p.m.
[S. Malcolmson in the chair.]
S. Bond: Good afternoon to the minister and his staff.
There is a significant prompt payment issue in B.C.’s construction sector. Today one of my colleagues introduced a private member’s bill, but of course, there’s never a guarantee that government will move those private members’ bills forward.
I know the Attorney is familiar with this issue. The construction association and, in fact, a large number of organizations wrote to the minister. There’s a significant issue. Prompt payment is a fundamental requirement of successful business operations. Obviously, all sectors and representatives of the B.C. construction industry are united in their agreement and have written a very constructive letter to the minister, seeking a partnership and an opportunity to work with the minister.
The Attorney General did respond to their request. However, it was almost a year ago. It was July of 2018. The Attorney General, at that time, said that ministry staff were working “to determine the appropriate entity to conduct a consultation. It is anticipated consultation will begin after the British Columbia Law Institute concludes,” etc. I’m wondering if the minister could provide me and the construction association, a large number of organizations that are very interested in seeing some progress on this file….
Hon. D. Eby: Yes, I am familiar with the prompt payment proposal. I can’t say I’m familiar with the private member’s bill that’s been put forward. I haven’t had a chance to look at it yet or to receive any feedback on it from staff. But I’m familiar with the concept, broadly, and the advocacy that’s been taking place around it recently in British Columbia.
Ontario, in 2017, introduced prompt payment legislation. The benefit that British Columbia can realize from this is monitoring the implementation in Ontario so that we don’t repeat any mistakes that they may have made — unintended consequences, and so on. We are watching Ontario carefully. I’ve advised the stakeholders that are interested in this legislation that that will be our approach in relation to prompt payment legislation.
I will also advise that, related to but separate from this issue, the B.C. Law Institute is providing a report to government, by the end of June, related to builder’s liens and the builder’s lien system. The member will know that builder’s liens were identified as being problematic and challenging for a number of reasons, not the least of which was that they were being used for alleged money laundering in British Columbia. There is a review underway by the B.C. Law Institute related to potential reform of builder’s liens, as well, which is related to the payment of builders, obviously.
That work is underway. As I say, we expect the report from the B.C. Law Institute at the end of June. We continue to monitor the situation in Ontario with their very new legislation around prompt payment to ensure that it is achieving the goals as intended.
S. Bond: Perhaps the minister could be a bit more definitive. In the letter that he sent back to the group that sent the request to him, he noted that the goal is to have prompt payment consultation conclude before the end of 2019.
Since that time, I know that other governments, as was noted in my colleague’s private member’s bill this morning, have continued to make progress, including Saskatchewan and other jurisdictions. Has the government actually begun consultation, and is the minister still expecting consultation on this issue to conclude before the end of 2019?
Hon. D. Eby: As I’ve indicated and as the member saw in the letter, it is our intention to continue to monitor the situation in Ontario, to engage on this issue. I can’t say that this is the biggest piece on our radar. What is the biggest piece on our radar on this issue is around builder’s liens and the B.C. Law Institute report that’s coming back to government.
I definitely appreciate the submissions, feedback and information that I’ve received from the various parties that are advocating for this change. They will be engaged with as part of the process that we’re looking at implementing by the end of 2019, as the member has said. But as I say, currently we’re looking at monitoring the situation in Ontario. We’ll definitely be engaging with these parties going forward, in relation to builder’s liens and a host of other issues, including prompt payment legislation.
S. Bond: I thank the minister for his time and for his answers. I would urge the government to make this a priority. What this does is that it places a financial burden on small businesses in British Columbia. It actually stops cash flow in the economy. It’s absolutely critical. The concern, especially from the B.C. Construction Association, is this would allow millions of dollars to flow into the economy and make sure that small contractors, who are actually the backbone of the industry, can pay their staff, pay their bills and manage their business.
It makes good sense. It’s obviously being looked at and implemented broadly across Canada. I want to thank the minister for his answers, but I do urge the minister to make this a priority. The letter to the minister arrived in July of 2018. We’ll soon be in July of 2019. I just want to bring this matter to the minister’s attention, and I appreciate his answers this afternoon.
J. Thornthwaite: I have a few questions to the minister about sexual assault policy and services that are available to victims or survivors of sexual assault. Just as a preamble for the minister, one in five of sexual assault cases substantiated by Canadian police end up in court, with only one in ten resulting in a conviction, according to Stats Canada. These numbers do not include the number of unreported cases or even the number of cases that police have not substantiated.
Research says that two-thirds of women sexual assault survivors do not have confidence in the Canadian justice system. That’s because, and I’ll quote what I’ve said in the House before: inappropriate questions, a complete disregard and lack of understanding for the immediate as well as the long-term effects of surviving — and a systemic tendency to blame the survivor — all lead to what advocates call “the second rape.” That’s our judicial system.
My question to the minister. Is there anything he is considering that forces police, lawyers and judges to get proper education on cases involving sexual assault victims?
Hon. D. Eby: We’re just going to get the head of the prosecution service up here to assist us with this question. If there’s something that the member wanted to ask while we’re waiting, to avoid any downtime — just noting the time and trying to get as many questions in as possible — I’m glad to take additional comments while we’re waiting for him to come up.
J. Thornthwaite: I’ve got another question. I’m not too sure whether or not the minister has to wait.
I’m sure the minister is familiar with the case, which was reported on May 15 of this year, of the RCMP officer that was in Kelowna, in the Okanagan. The videotape was released. He was interrogating this Indigenous teen and asked very inappropriate questions. I’m going to just quote a few. “Were you at all turned on during this at all, even a little bit?” the officer is quoted as saying in the video. One of the federal ministers called the incident disgusting and said it demonstrates the need for judicial training about sexual assault.
In Calgary, there was a case…. And there are lots of these. There was a judge that deemed that rough sex between a girl and three males was consensual. In actual fact, the girl was gang-raped, and he deemed it consensual.
I’ve spoken numerous times in the House about a case that was very close to me. One of my constituents, who was a youth, was actually convicted of aggravated sexual assault and forcible confinement. Because the perpetrator, the rapist, was a youth at the time, he was charged as a youth and ultimately ended up getting two weeks of a sentence. Advocates have said that’s shorter than what people get in environmental protests outside the Trans Mountain pipeline. This young boy is obviously a risk, and we know that when youth get away with one instance, there’s an increased chance of it happening again and again and again. In fact, research has indicated that that is the case.
The reason why I wanted to bring that up, and perhaps the minister does have…. I’ll nuance my question again. What is British Columbia doing to train and provide education for those who come into contact with sexual assault survivors?
Hon. D. Eby: There are a number of different actors in the justice system. The member has listed a number of incidents involving various actors — judges, lawyers, police officers, and so on. For our ministry, within the Ministry of Attorney General is the independent prosecution service of British Columbia. I’ll introduce Peter Juk, who is the ADM responsible for the independent prosecution service. He has advised that there is training of prosecutors that takes place in multiple ways.
Groups of prosecutors will attend training. There’s everything from lunch and learns to dedicated and discrete training events related to sexual assault issues, but the discrete training events would be a more dedicated training session. Their resource counsel are particularly expert in the areas of sexual assault law and working with victims of sexual assault. They offer training to counsel within the Crown counsel office.
The Solicitor General’s office is currently pulling together a trauma-informed practice curriculum, in partnership with the Ministry of Attorney General, for people who are in contact with those who have been involved in some type of trauma. Sexual assault is certainly included in that, and rape is included in that.
What I would do is a couple things. One is I’d advise that, certainly in terms of the prosecution service, there’s an active training program that includes sexual assault training within our ministry. But I would also advise that, in relation to police and overall victim-related programming to minimize trauma to victims going through the criminal justice system, the member will find the most satisfactory answers within the Ministry of Solicitor General. I understand those estimates are yet to come, so I would encourage her in that direction.
I’d also advise the member that in relation to the education of federal and provincial court judges, judges are responsible for — and guard their independence on this, quite necessarily, because they’re an independent branch — their own training and their own process. But certainly, my experience with our provincial court chief judge and associate chief judge is that they’re very open to meeting with folks and talking about these kinds of issues and open to improving practice at the provincial court level. So if the member is interested in an introduction to the Chief Judge of the Provincial Court, I would be happy to facilitate that.
It’s an independent branch, so I can’t guarantee a meeting. But I think, in my experience, the chief is very willing to meet with folks to talk about issues that they find important in terms of the justice system and the judicial branch of the justice system.
J. Thornthwaite: I will definitely take up the minister on the offer for a connection.
My question, then, expands on the original one. I’m sure the Attorney General is familiar with the federal Bill C-337 that has actually passed unanimously through the federal parliament but is stuck right now in the Senate, going nowhere. The implication is that Rona Ambrose, the MP who sponsored this bill, is assuming the reason why it’s held up is because it’s a bunch of old boys in the Senate that are protecting their friends and their other old boys.
I guess my question to the minister, then, is…. I’m glad that he’s looking into this, but would this trauma-informed curriculum and training be mandatory? What I’ve heard is that the people that go and attend these types of professional development things are, essentially, speaking to the converted already. The ones that really need the trauma-informed curriculum and the sensitivity training and a true understanding of what happens to sexual assault victims are the ones that aren’t actually showing up at these professional development sessions.
The minister had mentioned these exercises that are available. But my question, of course, is: does anybody actually have to take them?
Hon. D. Eby: The member will be familiar with the Crown counsel policy manual, which is available on line. It does have a sexual assault policy. All Crown counsel are required to adhere to the policy, to know the policy and be familiar with it. I would encourage the member to review it and to ensure that that meets with her expectations around minimum requirements for Crown counsel.
As I advised the member, there are resource counsel with particular expertise in this area that would be asked to take on particularly sensitive cases and to support counsel that are taking on these cases or are required to take on these cases through their work. There are resources within the ministry, as well as expectations around knowledge of Crown counsel and adherence to policy.
J. Thornthwaite: I’ll move on to another question. I just wanted to ensure that…. This issue is very, very important to me and many, many other people. Certainly I’ll be pursuing it and taking the minister up on his offer with regards to the individual that he recommended I contact.
My other question is related also to sexual assault victims and survivors. It’s about legal support services. There are now five Canadian jurisdictions — Nova Scotia, Alberta, Newfoundland, Ontario and Saskatchewan — that actually offer free legal advice. That is allowed to all survivors. It’s advice if the survivor chooses to continue on with a charge or not.
I’m wondering whether or not B.C. could provide access. What is B.C. doing to provide access to the legal knowledge that sexual assault survivors need to make informed decisions? In these five Canadian jurisdictions that I’m aware of, the service ranges between two and four hours where a survivor is able to actually talk to a lawyer. I’m wondering whether or not British Columbia has that or better for victims of sexual assault in British Columbia.
Hon. D. Eby: I’m happy to report to the member that we have a pilot in place at three locations in British Columbia, modelled on the Ontario initiative, in which the provincial prosecution service has partnered with Women Against Violence Against Women, WAVAW. They are working with local lawyers in the communities to provide support to victims of sexual assault through the process.
We’re very hopeful that that pilot proves to be successful in achieving the goals that we want, which are that victims feel supported throughout the process and that they have a more positive experience through what must be an incredibly traumatic and difficult process overall. To the extent that we can make it a more welcoming environment for victims of sexual assault, we’re trying to do that.
What I can do is provide additional information to the member about the timing on the pilot’s reporting out and that kind of thing. But we’re still in relatively early stages on that.
In addition, government is funding clinics across the province. These are not squarely focused at sexual assault or support for victims. These are much more broad. They are providing legal support to people who cannot afford a lawyer generally and legal support for people who may be in the criminal justice system or other aspects of the justice system — the family justice system or so on. We’ll be opening these clinics over the next year in eight locations across the province.
In addition, we’ve partnered with the First Nations justice council around wraparound services for Indigenous people across the province. There are three clinics that we’re hoping to open this year in partnership with them in First Nations communities.
As the member will know, Indigenous women and girls are particularly disproportionately victimized by violent crime, including sexual assault, rape and other types of violent crimes. It is our hope that providing these supports — wraparound services in Indigenous communities that include legal advice, certainly, but also additional services — we will be able to better support Indigenous women and girls in the justice system, as well as Indigenous communities as a whole in the province in their contacts with the justice system.
J. Thornthwaite: Thank you to the minister for that answer. Yes, I’m very familiar with WAVAW. In fact, WAVAW is credited with potentially saving the life of a very dear person in my life. They helped her survive the second rape of this survivor, who was abused again from the judicial system after she was violently sexually assaulted. So I am a fan of WAVAW.
I do know that WAVAW is the — I don’t know what you’d call them — contracted community-based victim services in Vancouver. But we do not have enough of these community-based victim services provincewide. According to the Ending Violence Association of B.C., only 64 of the community-based victim services are actually funded provincewide — 64.
There was a report a couple of months ago. The Victoria Sexual Assault Centre was pleading for funding. I asked the question, actually, to the Health Minister — whether or not, in fact, funding to keep that centre open was actually a Health issue or an Attorney General issue. I wasn’t too sure, exactly, where the money was coming from, so I asked the question. He said he was going to get back to me on that.
Apparently, the Victoria Sexual Assault Centre is quite well respected because all the services are there under one roof and, if anybody has to come and talk to a victim or a survivor, they actually come there, as opposed to her getting passed from one person to the next to the next. So I think that the Victoria Sexual Assault Centre is a good model, but we only have that one here in Victoria, and it was threatened with having to be shut down.
My last question, then, to the minister, is: are there any plans to bump up the funding to give services to these community-based victim services and expand them across the province from the 64 that are already funded?
Hon. D. Eby: I do apologize to the member that she’ll have a similar experience that she had in Health. The correct ministry for funding of victim services is the Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General.
I could read off the website the information that’s available there. It wouldn’t be particularly helpful to the member because she could do that herself to get the information about the budget for these programs and where they’re going and the specific question about Victoria. Fortunately, those estimates haven’t happened yet. I would encourage her to speak with the Solicitor General about that.
M. Lee: I had the opportunity to ask some questions to the Minister of Environment, in the context of his estimates, on the Professional Governance Act. The Attorney General, with the appointment of the superintendent, will be taking over that responsibility in terms of the further implementation of that act. Could I ask the Attorney General for an update on the status of that project?
Hon. D. Eby: In terms of the Professional Governance Act and the implementation, I can provide the member with some detailed information.
I’m going to read it into the record, rather than try to paraphrase.
“The Professional Governance Act is being implemented in phases, starting this summer. Phase 1, regulation, focuses on establishing the office and providing some statutory authority to the superintendent, which requires a merit-based nomination process for council elections, repealing ’advocacy’ from the five current professional statutes and bringing those five statutes and the Professional Governance Act under Ministry of Attorney General, which is taking place with oversight by the superintendent.”
I’ll note that this is beginning in June of 2019, so I can be a little more specific than just summer.
“Phase 2 of implementation” — this timing will be determined by the superintendent — “will bring the majority of the act into force — at a minimum, all sections required to enable the professional regulators to operate under the PGA and the full authority of the superintendent. It will bring the five professional regulators under the PGA” — I’m saying PGA; I mean Professional Governance Act when I say PGA — “and will repeal the current five professional statutes. Although phase 2 will not be delivered this fiscal year, it will be implemented within the time that Treasury Board has provided funding for the office, funding until fiscal year ’21-22.”
In addition, the final phase of implementation, phase 3, will bring in the remaining aspects of the act that aren’t implemented in phase 2. They may still be implemented within this three-year horizon, so the timing, of course, as I say, will be determined by the superintendent once the superintendent is in place.
That’s the full update in terms of the timeline of the implementation of the office.
M. Lee: In terms of the superintendent, has that appointment been made yet?
Hon. D. Eby: There has been no successful candidate announced yet. The successful candidate will start in June. I understand there is a final candidate, but that person hasn’t been announced yet.
M. Lee: I appreciate the responses. That’s helpful to get that update.
In terms of phase 2, with all of the governance that will need to transition in respect to the five professional organizations, that process will…. Just to clarify, how long will that process take under this plan?
Hon. D. Eby: The short answer is that the acts will be repealed next fall, is our expectation.
M. Lee: When that occurs, at that time, each of these organizations will be having to have their own governance processes align with the act. Is that correct?
Hon. D. Eby: As of the date of the repeal, they’ll then be under the authority of the new act and the superintendent.
M. Lee: Last year we had the opportunity around this time in the process, at the very end — this won’t be quite the end — just to talk about the implementation of UNDRIP and the view of the government. We confirmed with the Attorney General — and the Premier, in the Premier’s estimates, as well — that UNDRIP is viewed by this government through the lens of section 35. I wanted to ask the Attorney General whether there’s been any change in approach in respect of that position.
Hon. D. Eby: That’s correct. It’s certainly something that we view through the lens of the Canadian constitution, including section 35 related to Indigenous rights and title.
M. Lee: In speaking with my colleague, the member for Skeena, I guess in some of the recent interaction that he’s had with the minister through Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation, there has been some dialogue that’s in Hansard that generally suggests that there continues to be a focus around, in title-related matters, some relationship-building and unity-type language that’s being utilized. I think that’s raised, at least in my colleague’s mind, questions around the approach.
Would the Attorney General comment on the use of the terminology about unity and relationship-building? The title does vary in certain circumstances. If that’s the language that the Attorney General’s heard from other colleagues in his government, is there any comment on how that’s being framed?
Hon. D. Eby: Well, I would say that reconciliation and relationship-building is central to government’s approach to Indigenous peoples in British Columbia. It’s reflected in the approach of our ministry around the First Nations justice council and our work on the justice system, co-designing our justice strategy for Indigenous people and building relationships along the way that will hold us in good stead, regardless of who is in government.
It’s certainly a central part of this strategy, and certainly not prohibited by, limited by, either section 35 or UNDRIP. This is something that we hope will continue for many, many years as we all endeavour to do the work of reconciliation with Indigenous people.
M. Lee: I certainly understand and agree with the Attorney General on that point. There probably is just a bit of a lack of clarity that was happening there in the discussion. I’ll leave that to others to clarify. But I appreciate the first response from the Attorney General in terms of UNDRIP being interpreted through the lens of section 35.
Let me just turn quickly to a few other topics in the time that I have. In terms of legal aid, there was the interim announcement that the Attorney General had made with a go-forward plan. I’d like, as well, to ask the Attorney General at this point, in terms of the update around the framing of the negotiations to come, if perhaps he could first provide that update, and then I’ll have a subsequent question.
Hon. D. Eby: The member will likely know one of the core challenges that legal aid lawyers on the defence side have really faced is that, unlike many other actors in the justice system, whether it’s judges or Crown counsel or sheriffs or you name it, they didn’t have a unified organization that they were negotiating with government for in relation to compensation. For lack of a better term, really a bargaining unit, but it’s not. Even just an association — they didn’t have that.
The establishment of the Association of Legal Aid Lawyers represents a fairly significant shift in how legal aid lawyers organize themselves. Government is treating them as, in some ways, the voice for legal aid lawyers in our discussions and negotiations related to compensation for legal aid lawyers in the province.
For our initial response, as the member correctly noted, we reached an agreement with the Association of Legal Aid Lawyers delaying any service withdrawal actions until mid-November. The Association of Legal Aid Lawyers had proposed that their members would begin withdrawing services, stop accepting legal aid clients, and so on. We reached an agreement with them to delay that until mid-November.
That gives us time to negotiate with them a longer-term agreement in relation to compensation for legal aid lawyers as well as have important discussions about how legal aid is delivered in the province. That work and engagement with the Association of Legal Aid Lawyers on even just the negotiation framework and this long-term proposal for legal aid funding is underway right now.
Because it is the first time that legal aid lawyers have organized in this way, and the first time they’ve negotiated with government, the structures and how that goes forward is a challenge. There’s no framework for it, except for government’s negotiations with other similar, but different, groups. We’re working with them to avoid the possibility of a service withdrawal in mid-November and to find a fair arrangement for compensation for these lawyers.
That’s the update. That’s where we are right now. There is a great deal of work taking place on the Association of Legal Aid Lawyers side, as well as on the government side, to come up with a fair arrangement for everybody.
M. Lee: Just given where we’re at in terms of the discussion, can the Attorney General provide some indication as to the level of options that is being looked at under this negotiation? Obviously, increasing the tariff rate would be one.
Is keeping the current model, whether it’s more inside, perhaps government delivering legal aid, or this continued model that’s in place today…? Is there a different direction that the Attorney General is also considering in terms of looking at this?
Hon. D. Eby: It’s a difficult piece because we’re in bargaining right now, essentially, with the Association of Legal Aid Lawyers. So those discussions need to take place at the table with the Association of Legal Aid Lawyers. Government mandates in relation to negotiations are confidential, for obvious reasons — as are, I imagine, the mandates for the Association of Legal Aid Lawyers — so trying to find that unity of interest between our two entities and to resolve a couple of pieces.
One is improve access to justice for British Columbians, and the other is to provide fair compensation for people that have worked very long and very hard to provide that access to justice for British Columbians across the province, without a matching recognition, through an increase in their compensation for many, many years.
We’re headed on the right path, but in terms of the bargaining mandate for government and the bargaining mandate for the Association of Legal Aid Lawyers, those are necessarily confidential as part of that discussion back and forth between us.
M. Lee: Just switching to another topic. In the area of court challenges, could the Attorney General give an indication as to the overall cost that has been expended in respect of the multiple court challenges with other provinces and the federal government?
Hon. D. Eby: The practice of government under the previous administration and under our administration is that legal fees are privileged until the matter is concluded.
With that said, the member is interested in payments to counsel in relation to various actions, and I assume he’s referring to external counsel. Those payments are included in the annual public accounts, so you can track some of that.
It’s not until a matter is concluded that we release the total for legal fees, and we don’t have a total for all provincial actions related to other provinces or the federal government. There are many.
M. Lee: At the recent Justice Summit, there was a discussion in respect of use of data, whether it’s the Ministry of Attorney General or Solicitor General — the multiple players that we have in our legal system, including our court system, judiciary. What progress does the Attorney General see that can be made in respect of the use of data and measures across our justice system?
Hon. D. Eby: There are a number of initiatives underway. I’m glad the member was able to attend. I think he’s been at every Justice Summit so far. He’ll know that the recent discussion around metrics is one that’s been taking place for a while with the various actors in the justice system, including the judges, government, police and others — everybody collecting their own data in their own way. There’s great interest from the bench, from the bar and others in better data and better metrics about our court system.
Just this week an RFI for proposals from tech firms was issued by court services branch, Ministry of Attorney General, asking for feedback from technology firms that may be able to improve the experience in the justice system through technology, including data measurement. That just closed. I understand that more than 40 different responses were received under that RFI, for lack of a better term, that went out from justice services branch. It’s publicly available.
In addition, the Ministry of Attorney General is working with a centre for excellence at the University of Victoria called ACE, which is around access to justice and metrics in relation to access to justice. Also involved with this is Access Pro Bono British Columbia and the Ministry of Attorney General. We’re working with them on a fairly significant metrics program that they are looking at delivering in relation to access to justice.
So there are a number of moving pieces on this. The member would have seen at the Justice Summit some of the pinch points and some of the challenges around this.
One of the organizations that I think does a very good job of measuring metrics is our civil resolution tribunal. They’ve really built it into their entire system, and I know that the head of that tribunal, Shannon Salter, does regular presentations on the metrics that they collect and the information they have about their process.
From the tribunal side and the tribunal transformation project and measuring some of the outcomes there to the justice system side — our work with the University of Victoria, our work with technology firms and the judiciary, as the member saw through the Justice Summits — we’re trying to get to a better place of measuring outcomes from our justice system, although it is definitely a challenging field. I’ll acknowledge that.
M. Lee: I think we’ll use whatever remaining time just to touch a little more on money laundering. We had the discussion yesterday in respect of gaming area. The recommendations that come out of the German 1 report…. Yesterday the Attorney General gave an indication as to the budget that is within the Ministry of Attorney General in respect to that, including a secretariat being established.
Can the Attorney General comment on whether there are additional budgeted items within his ministry in respect of the initiatives that the government might be considering, in view of the German 2 report specifically?
Hon. D. Eby: The member’s question, I understand, is directed at the second German report. The biggest additional cost attached to that report is it led, in part, to a public inquiry into money laundering in British Columbia. Public inquiries responsibility — for public inquiry resources, and so on — falls within the Ministry of Attorney General. That is the biggest piece that came out of the second Peter German report, as well as Maureen Maloney’s report prepared for the Ministry of Finance.
As far as that second German report related to specific policy initiatives, we’ve had it for, I guess, somewhere around eight weeks now. The policy work on that report, as well as Maureen Maloney’s report, is underway. There aren’t currently any budgeted items in terms of this budget that relate to that report. These amounts were set before the report was received. So any impact or any request to Treasury Board or others that will come from proposals that are identified as a result of the report has not taken place yet. I can tell the member that currently, aside from the public inquiry, the answer is: nothing.
However, I don’t expect it to remain nothing. There were a number of issues that he identified that will impact different ministries, not the least of which is the PST program in the Ministry of Finance related to luxury automobiles. I know that Public Safety and Solicitor General is doing the policy work on the luxury car sales sector and the concerns that were raised about people alleged to be involved in organized crime being involved in the resale of luxury automobiles. Those are just a couple of examples.
In addition, today the Ministry of Advanced Education is writing to all public or private institutions, asking for their policies on accepting cash, because Dr. German identified that there were issues with students attempting to pay significant amounts in cash or in excessive tuition amounts — using the post-secondary institution as a type of bank. These issues are being worked on, and there may be costs associated with these kinds of things. But we’re just too soon into the process, having received it just about eight weeks ago.
M. Lee: Is there an expected cost for the public inquiry?
Hon. D. Eby: One of the benefits and, simultaneously, one of the challenges of a public inquiry, in terms of government plans around costs, is that the commission is entirely independent of government. It’s run by the commissioner. The costs of the inquiry will be defined by the decisions the commissioner takes and feels the commissioner needs to take in developing staff and accessing resources to get to the truth of the matter around the commissioner’s terms of reference.
To just give you an idea about the variation in costs of various public inquiries, the Davies Inquiry was $3.29 million. That was in relation to the death of Frank Paul. The Braidwood Inquiry was $5.29 million, in relation to the death of Robert Dziekanski at Vancouver Airport. The Oppal Inquiry, in relation to murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls, $9.89 million. So there’s a significant range there.
Our best estimate at this stage is $10.7 million. As I say, that’s just an estimate. It is government’s estimate. It is not necessarily the commissioner’s estimate. It is very dependent on where the commissioner’s lines of inquiry lead. What we’ve committed to is that the commissioner will have the resources the commissioner needs to do this important work for British Columbians.
M. Lee: I appreciate that response and that indication. Just in terms of the initial announcement on the inquiry, both the Premier and the Attorney General commented on the level of cooperation that they understand they will be receiving from the federal government. Is there a point person on the federal government side that will be liaising with the commission?
Hon. D. Eby: The contact that we’ve had has been Minister Blair, within the federal government. If the commission requires and finds that they’re meeting a wall, in terms of federal issues, I imagine that the commission will be in touch with the Ministry of Attorney General. I would be contacting Minister Blair and having those conversations at that point — or whoever is the minister at the federal level responsible for public safety, and failing that, the Minister of Justice.
These discussions have been taking place at a very high level. There is not currently, to my knowledge, anyone in the public service that has been appointed on the federal government side. The discussions have been taking place at the ministerial level.
M. Lee: That level of cooperation, presumably, in terms of the powers of the commissioner under the Public Inquiry Act…. Is it expected that for federal agencies involved with FINTRAC or the RCMP, they will be compellable in the same way that others would be, here in this province?
Hon. D. Eby: Really, it’s up to the commissioner, in terms of individuals or organizations the commissioner wishes to be in touch with or records that the commissioner feels the commissioner needs to complete this work. Where that work overlaps with federal jurisdiction or federal records or so on, the commitment that we have from the federal government is that they will be cooperating with the inquiry process.
We’ll have to wait and see, in terms of specific issues that the commissioner may run into in relation to federal jurisdiction bodies or individuals and what that cooperation necessitates in terms of a federal government response. I can’t say that I know the federal tools available as well. Certainly, it goes up to and includes a parallel federal public inquiry — although hopefully that’s not necessary — under which the commissioner could then be appointed, and then the commissioner could compel people to attend, using federal compulsion powers.
I’m just speculating here. Really, our hope is that the federal government makes any records or individuals available to the extent that they’re able to.
M. Lee: In the German 1 report, near the end of the report, there was some comment given…. Sorry, I think I’m probably mixing up the three reports at this juncture. Near the end of one of these three reports, there was a comment that’s provided about the concern around another vulnerable sector to money laundering, and that’s the marijuana sector.
I’d ask whether there has been any consideration of that as another sector of review, given where we are with the legalization of that industry and distribution of that product, both federally and provincially.
Hon. D. Eby: Yes, certainly I can say that the government has been alive to that concern from the beginning, around cannabis legalization. It has led to a rather challenging balance. On one hand, you want to get as many folks into the legalized system as possible to end the grey and black markets around cannabis. On the other hand, you want to have a very thorough process to make sure that organized crime does not infiltrate the cannabis trade in British Columbia on the legal side.
We’ve come to a place where there is a very thorough and extensive background check process for any individual that will be involved in a cannabis retailer in British Columbia. The federal government is handling the production side of things and the licensing side of things. In terms of retail in British Columbia, it has led to a challenge.
Some of the member’s colleagues came to these estimates and raised those concerns — around the length of time that it is taking to get licences approved, especially in more complex arrangements such as franchises or corporate structures that involve multiple individuals that have to have very extensive financial and background checks in order to be able to participate.
The analogy, and the closest match in British Columbia, is the gaming sector, where individuals who want to work in casinos or be service providers offering casino services, for example, go through extensive financial and background checks. We’re treating it like that, in terms of the background checks for individuals going into the cannabis sector. We’re very aware of the vulnerability.
Simultaneously, we’re aware of the cash-based illegal dispensaries that are operating right now because they can’t get banking services. We want to bring them into the legalized market, or we want to have a legalized market that displaces that. The Ministry of Solicitor General has a community enforcement team that’s been making visits to the illegal dispensaries as we transition over to a legalized market.
It is a challenging piece of work, and the balance that we’ve struck has been one that is inconvenient to licence applicants — they have to go through these extensive and lengthy background checks — but is protective of British Columbians to ensure that we’re keeping organized crime out of the legal cannabis trade in British Columbia.
M. Lee: Yesterday in estimates, we canvassed in the area of enforcement and what that looks like within the gaming sector. Obviously, there continue to be gaps, and various areas have been identified by these reports in terms of their reinforcement, particularly with federal agencies. What is the Attorney General’s current plan around that, in terms of gaining greater resources dedicated to enforcement?
Hon. D. Eby: The good news, I guess, is that on the gaming side, this is one of the few areas where there’s a dedicated policing team working on anti-money-laundering, financial crime, and so on. We have JIGIT, which is a policing team. I had the opportunity to go through, with the member and his colleagues, the support provided by the gaming policy and enforcement branch in their partnership with the police and the intelligence group that they’ve established. They meet every week, reviewing unusual cash transactions and suspicious transaction reports that are going to FINTRAC, looking for trends and looking for issues that need to be investigated.
On the gaming side, that’s pretty good. But the problem is that once you get outside of the casino, that’s where the enforcement really trails off. The big problem is that, as the member canvassed during the gaming portion of the estimates, we’ve seen a significant decline in large cash transactions at casinos. We know the money isn’t coming in, in the same way, to casinos. It’s going somewhere. How do we follow that money? How do we make sure we follow it through the enforcement side?
We heard the shocking news from Dr. German’s second report that, at least at the time of the report, there were no dedicated federal RCMP officers working on anti-money-laundering in British Columbia. So that policing capacity outside of casinos, at the federal level, is very attenuated and obviously problematic, given the scope and scale of the issue that we face here in British Columbia.
I’ve raised this issue in discussions with Minister Blair. He and his government have committed an additional 160-some-odd-million dollars in the federal budget. A couple caveats: that’s over five years, and it’s spread across all the provinces in Canada, so it starts to get pretty thin on the ground. But we’re engaged in regular conversations with him to pull as many of those resources to B.C. as possible.
It’s our hope to partner with the federal government. We’re currently developing a proposal in consultation with police, in partnership with the Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, around a dedicated policing team that can follow that money, because we feel that we can’t wait for the federal government on this. But we’re hopeful to have a good partnership with them on it and getting that up and running.
M. Lee: I thought we had seven minutes, but it turns out we have two. I have one more quick question. In the Maloney report, on page 48 or thereabouts, there’s a comment that when they look at jurisdictions around the world in which large sources of money laundering are coming into Canada, the United States and Mexico contribute, so to speak, $4.8 billion.
In Europe, it’s $4.3 billion, and East Asia, I think, is in the same sort of category with about $4 billion. The expectation is that…. Sorry. That’s not right. It’s $750 million, actually, from East Asia.
The comment that was made in the report is: “The results for eastern Asia seem surprisingly low, given the perception in B.C. that a lot of dirty money in the province flows from China.” That probably is an indication of the global…. The United States, Europe, Mexico — all of the drug cartels, the organized crime that we know has been dating for many, many years in this region and in this country.
Does the Attorney General believe that the German 1 report or German 2 report had the right focus in terms of where the money is coming from?
Hon. D. Eby: Well, I guess the big challenge is knowing where the money’s coming from, period. We know now what we didn’t know before: that Middle Eastern organized crime, that the largest cartel in Mexico — the Sinaloa cartel — and that Asian organized crime are active in British Columbia. I think that when we have blinders on for one particular group of people, they can act just that way. They can make us blind to areas of activity that we should be focusing on.
The proposals that are put forward aren’t for the Mexican cartel and aren’t for any international organized crime groups. They’re for everybody. The measures are disclosure on beneficial ownership of real estate, disclosure around beneficial ownership of companies and a ban on cash transactions where you can’t demonstrate where the cash came from, in excess of $10,000, at our casinos. These apply across the board, and they are equally effective regardless of which organized crime group you are coming from. I think that that is the necessary response for government.
Part of the challenge that the Maloney group and German’s group faced is that when someone’s trying to hide the source of the money, it makes it really difficult to know where it originated. There was an alleged loan fraud out of India associated with a property on Saltspring Island — a $90 million loan fraud out of India.
We need to be responsive to dirty money no matter where it comes from in the world, even if it’s generated here in British Columbia through the sale of fentanyl. That’s what our responses are aimed at.
M. Lee: Just to say thank you for the…. We could certainly go on. There are more questions to be asked, but I appreciate the cooperation of the Attorney General and his team in the days that we’ve had here.
Hon. D. Eby: I thank the member and his colleagues for their thoughtful questions and staff for their assistance throughout this process.
Vote 15: ministry operations, $490,716,000 — approved.
Vote 16: judiciary, $80,984,000 — approved.
Vote 17: Crown Proceeding Act, $24,500,000 — approved.
Vote 18: independent investigations office, $9,400,000 — approved.
Hon. D. Eby: I move that the committee rise and report resolution and completion of the Ministry of Attorney General and ask leave to sit again.
Motion approved.
The committee rose at 6:19 p.m.
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